Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Rebellion, 1921'

It is often suggested that the Serbian rebellion in Croatia in 1990-91 was orchestrated by Serbia, and, in particular, by its president Slobodan Milošević personally. Despite the popularity of this interpretation, however, the literature on the break-up of Yugoslavia is yet to offer a focused study of Serbia's role in the descent into conflict in Croatia. Many sources that have become available in recent years remain unused. Through a critical and cautious use of such sources, including extensive interviews with participants in the conflict and contemporary documentation, this thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature and to update our knowledge of this important aspect of the bloody disintegration of Yugoslavia. Honing in on Belgrade's relationships with Serb political and military/paramilitary leaders in Croatia, as well as Serbia's direct involvement in and attitude towards the road to war, it concludes that the existing focus on Milošević's Serbia has been misplaced. Serbia's stance towards Croatia was hardline, but Belgrade's influence over the Croatian Serbs was limited and its direct involvement in events minimal. Milošević did not have a grand plan to orchestrate violence in Croatia, and the leaders of the Serbian rebellion in Croatia were fundamentally independent and autonomous actors, who, far from being Milošević's puppets, were often in conflict with him. The interaction between Croat and Serb nationalists within Croatia provides a strong explanation for the descent into conflict there, including its rapid militarisation. A partial exception is provided by the region of Eastern Slavonia, where factors such as the late onset of the rebellion made the region much more amenable to Belgrade's influence, though principally after the war had already begun. The findings of this thesis point to a need for re-assessment of the role of Serbia in the break-up of Yugoslavia.

Imperial Japanese soldiers were notorious for following their superiors to certain death. Their enemies in the Pacific War perceived their obedience as blind, and derided them as “cattle”. Yet the Japanese Army was arguably one of the most disobedient armies in the world. Officers repeatedly staged coups d’états, violent insurrections and political assassinations, while their associates defied orders given by both the government and high command, launched independent military operations against other countries, and in two notorious cases conspired to assassinate foreign leaders. The purpose of this dissertation is to explain the culture of disobedience in the Japanese armed forces. It was a culture created by a series of seemingly innocent decisions, each reasonable in its own right, which led to a gradual weakening of the Japanese government’s control over its army and navy. The consequences were dire, as the armed forces dragged the government into more and more of China in the 1930s, and finally into the Pacific War. This dissertation sheds light on the underground culture of disobedience that became increasingly dominant in the Japanese armed forces, until it made the Pacific War possible. Using primary sources in five languages, it follows the Army’s culture of disobedience from its inception. By analyzing more than ten important incidents from 1860 to 1931, it shows how some basic “bugs” programmed into the Japanese system in the 1870s, born out of genuine attempts to cope with a chaotic and shifting reality, contributed to the development of military disobedience. The culture of disobedience became increasingly entrenched, making it difficult for the Japanese civilian and military leadership to cope with disobedient officers without paying a significant political price. However, every time the government failed to address the problem, it became more acute. Finally, disobedient military officers were able to significantly influence foreign policy, pushing Japan further towards international aggression, limitless expansion, and conflict with China, Britain and the United States.
History

Despite a recent global surge in the reception and translation of Korean women poets, there has been surprisingly little scholarship on this topic. This dissertation aims to expand the focus of Western scholarship beyond the Korean male canon by providing the first in-depth analysis of the works of Korean women poets in the 20th and 21st centuries. The poets I chose to examine for this study played a critical role in revolutionizing traditional verse patterns and in integrating global socio-political commentary into modern Korean poetry. In particular, by experimenting widely with forms from epic narrative, memoir in verse, and shamanic narration to epistolary verse and avant-garde styles, they opened up new possibilities for Korean women's lyric poetry. In addition, they challenged the traditional notion of lyric poetry as simply confessional, emotional, passive, or feminine. Their poetry went beyond the commonplace themes of nature, love, and longing, engaging with socio-political concerns such as racial, class, and gender discrimination, human rights issues, and the ramifications of the greatest calamities of the 20th century, including the Holocaust, the Korean War, and the Kwangju Uprising. Unlike the dominant scholarship that tends to highlight the victimization of women and their role as passive observers, this project shows Korean women poets as active chroniclers of public memory and vital participants in global politics and literature. The multifaceted and detailed reading of their work in this dissertation facilitates a more nuanced understanding of the complexity of 20th-and 21st-century women's lives in Korea.
East Asian Languages and Civilizations

Aristocrate andalou, eleveur de taureaux, esoteriste, fernando villalon est avant tout un poete. Cette etude a pour objet de mettre en evidence la coherence, l'originalite et la beaute des trois livres qu'il a publies : andalucia la baja (1926), la toriada (1928), romances del 800 (1929). Dans le premier, il offre une vision complete de la basse andalousie : histoire, paysages, types humains, chants, folklore. La toriada est a la fois un poeme a la gloire du taureau de la marisma, un hommage litteraire rendu a gongora l'annee du tricentenaire de sa mort et une reflexion sur les problemes ecologiques poses par l'avenement d'une agriculture industrielle. Avec romances del 800, premiere partie du livre du meme nom, villalon recree l'atmosphere et les "moments d'ame" d'une epoque proche et deja lointaine : le xixe siecle, tandis qu'il offre, dans les quatre series de gacelas une synthese de sa poesie andalouse. Passionnement attache a l'authenticite andalouse, fernando villalon ne cesse de rejeter dans ces trois livres les images stereotypees de l'andalousie mises a la mode par les voyageurs romantiques du xixe siecle. Il en prend meme souvent le contre-pied pour leur substituer une vision profonde, lyrique et vraie de sa terre dont il decrit la beaute sans en dissimuler la misere. Poete de la generation de 1927 par ses options et ses gouts, villalon occupe au sein de ce groupe une place a part. Il est, en effet, le seul a avoir eu une connaissance directe, viscerale meme, de la terre, le seul a en avoir chante la beaute avec autant de verite, d'art et de penetration
Andalusian aristocrat, breeder of fighting bulls, esotericist, fernando villalon is first and foremost a poet. The purpose of the present study is to bring out the coherence, originality and beauty of his three published works : andalucia la baja (1926), la toriada (1928) and romances del 800 (1929). In the first he presents as with an all-embracing vision of lower andalusia : its history, countryside, human types, songs and folklore. La toriada is at one and the same time a celebration of the marisma bull, a literary homage to gongora on the tricentenary of his death an a reflexion on the economic problems raised by the advent of industrialized agriculture. In the romances del 800, the first part of the work of the same title, villalon re-creates the atmosphere and "animic moments" of an era both recent and yet already remote : the 19th century, while the four series of gacelas constitute a synthesis of his andalusian poetry. With his passionnate attachment to what is authentically andalusian, fernando villalon constantly eschews in these three works the cliches of andalusian culture popularized by the romantic travellers of the 19th century. Indeed he often deliberatly contradicts them by means of a heart-felt, lyrical and authentic vision of his region, describing its beauty without disguising its poverty. A poet of the 1927 generation villalon occupies a place apart with in the group. Indeed, he is the only one to have had a direct, even visceral, knowledge of the earth, the only one to have sung its beauty with such truth, art and depth of vision

Mary Wollstonecraft et Emmeline Pankhurst ont joué un rôle important dans la lutte pour les droits des femmes. Elles ont fait de l’écriture et du militantisme politique un moyen de lutte contre les injustices subies par les femmes. La plupart des historiens se sont concentrés sur les revendications révolutionnaires portées par les deux féministes. Cette recherche a au contraire pour dessein d’explorer leur utilisation de la "conformité stratégique" pour faire avancer leurs revendications émancipatrices. Il s’agit d’examiner la manière dont les deux féministes se sont conformées de manière stratégique à certaines notions de moralité, de statut matrimonial, de maternité et de féminité, afin d’ atténuer le radicalisme de leurs revendications et de leurs actions, et du même coup, discréditer les accusations de leurs critiques. Cette recherche vise par ailleurs à évaluer l’efficacité de la conformité comme moyen de lutte émancipatrice des deux féministes et à démontrer que la conformité stratégique constitue un instrument politique tout aussi important que la rébellion
Mary Wollstonecraft and Emmeline Pankhurst played a leading role in the fight for women’s rights, the former through writing and the latter through political activism. While most historians have focused on the revolutionary claims and means that Wollstonecraft and Pankhurst used in their struggle for women’s rights, my research aims to explore their use of ‘strategic conformity’ to further advance their emancipatory claims. It investigates how the two feminists strategically conformed to certain notions of morality, wifehood, motherhood and femininity so as to soften their radical claims and means, and hence discredit their critics’ accusations. Besides, this research attempts to assess the efficiency of the two feminists’ strategy of conformity by examining the contemporary reception of their ideas and actions. Eventually, this research stresses “strategic conformity” as an equally significant and efficient political means as rebellion

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Lyman Miller, Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-103). Also available online.

Orientador: José Alves de Freitas Neto
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Entre as décadas de 1910-1940, diversos sacerdotes católicos foram fuzilados por tropas revolucionárias mexicanas. Alguns desses personagens foram constantemente lembrados nas décadas posteriores como mártires da "perseguição religiosa". O mais conhecido dos mártires foi o sacerdote jesuíta Miguel Agustín Pro (padre Pro), que terminou fuzilado em 1927 na capital mexicana. A história do padre Pro foi escrita em diferentes contextos como forma de afirmar o lugar do catolicismo na nação mexicana, porém esse lugar não era, de forma alguma, ponto pacífico entre aqueles que se definiam como católicos. O presente trabalho analisa a história dos textos sobre os mártires católicos ¿ em especial o padre Pro ¿ pensando na maneira como eles forneciam uma visão católica para o período revolucionário que contrastava com as construções narrativas que enalteciam a revolução. A elaboração de uma narrativa da Igreja como mártir para o período revolucionário mexicano, realizada entre 1927 e 1960, serviu como antídoto para as narrativas pátrias produzidas por liberais e revolucionários que marginalizavam a importância da Igreja católica na formação nacional, ou mesmo apresentavam-se como abertamente anticlericais
Abstract: Between the decades of 1910-1940, a number of Catholic priests were executed by Mexican revolutionary troops. Quite often, these characters were reminded in the following decades as martyrs of the "religious persecution". The best known of this martyrs was the Jesuit priest Miguel Agustín Pro (padre Pro), killed in front of a firing squad in Mexico City in 1927. Catholics wrote the history/story of padre Pro in different contexts as a way of defining the place of Catholicism in the formation of Mexico as a country. However, this place was not taken for granted among those who defined themselves as Catholics. This dissertation examines the history of the texts about the Catholic martyrs - especially padre Pro - aiming to discuss how they provided a Catholic vision for the revolutionary period that contrasted to the narrative built to praise the revolution. The development, between 1927 and 1960, of a narrative of the Church as a martyr in the Mexican revolutionary period served as an antidote to the narrative produced by liberal and revolutionary authors that marginalized the importance of the Catholic Church in the national formation, or that even presented themselves as openly anti-clerical
Doutorado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Doutor em História

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Esta dissertação buscou explorar a produção de Luiz Francisco Rebello (n.1924), dramaturgo português, que marcou o início da moderna dramaturgia em seu país, cuja principal contribuição foi a de renovar a linguagem cênica. Para mostrá-la, optou-se por três peças escritas e representadas em diferentes momentos e meios e, sobretudo, com linguagens bem distintas: a primeira, O mundo começou às 5 e 46 escrita em 1946 especialmente para integrar o segundo espetáculo do Teatro-Estúdio do Salitre (1946-1950) - um agrupamento experimental fundado neste mesmo ano por Luiz Francisco Rebello, Gino Saviotti e Vasco de Mendonça Alves - que veio a representar o marco da dramaturgia moderna em Portugal; a segunda peça, intitulada Condenados à Vida de 1963, tematicamente afinada com o Teatro Existencialista, e que nos recursos formais recupera inúmeras técnicas advindas das experiências européias do início do mesmo século; e, por último, o telegrama Todo o Amor é Amor de Perdição, escrito e apresentado em 1990 pela RTP (Televisão Portuguesa), que encerra, não a produção do autor que continua em atividade, mas o objetivo desta pesquisa que foi o de apontar, por meio da evolução dramática de Luiz Francisco Rebello, os aspectos inovadores do seu teatro...

Par le biais de deux groupes de production issus de la même base, Slon (1968-1973) et Iskra qui lui succède, cette thèse interroge les modalités d'intervention politique d'une partie des acteurs du champ cinématographique français, de la fin des années 1960 à la fin des années 1980. Ce travail s'attache à la notion de collectif de cinéma militant, telle que forgée au cours de la période au prisme de la production, de la réalisation et de la circulation des œuvres issues de ce contexte. La formation du collectif militant passe d'abord par l'élaboration de modèles de productions spécifiques s'opposant au fonctionnement de l'industrie cinématographique. Difficile à accorder aux contraintes du champ, la recherche structurelle menée par les groupes formés dans l'après 1968 est constante jusqu'au début des années 1980, période à laquelle les acteurs du cinéma militant entament un mouvement inverse d'institutionnalisation. La confrontation des œuvres produites dans ce cadre, répondant aux temps forts du mouvement social, avec les pratiques revendiquées montre la diversité des voies d'engagement en cinéma ainsi que la difficulté de mettre en pratique l'idéal collectif. Certains films révèlent aussi une disproportion entre les ambitions des structures de production et leurs capacités d’action. La manière dont Slon et Iskra organisent la diffusion d'un catalogue constitué de nombreux films réalisés dans d'autres cadres fait émerger des pratiques qui n'ont pas été prévues dans leurs tâches originelles. Mobilisant de nouveaux acteurs au sein du groupe comme à l'extérieur, la distribution impacte fortement le fonctionnement du collectif. C'est finalement au moyen de cette activité que les membres d'Iskra parviennent à adapter la structure aux mutations du paysage audiovisuel français jusque dans les années 1980
This thesis questions the modalities of political intervention among protagonists of the French cinematographic field from the late '60s until the late '80s, through the study of the two production groups derived from one and the same basis, Slon ( 1969-1973), followed by Iskra. This work concentrates on the concept of collective activist cinema, faithful to its definition forged during the given timespan, through the prism of production, of the execution and circulation of works produced in this context. The development of the activist collective firstly goes through the elaboration of specific production patterns in opposition with the functioning of the film industry. Difficult to reconcile with the inherent constraints of the film industry, the structural research led by groups fonned after 1968 is a constant until the early '80s, when cinema activists initiate a reverse movement, towards institutionalization. The confrontation between the movies accomplished in this background in response to the key moments of the social movement and according to the claimed policies, shows both the diversity of ways in the commitment through cinema and the difficulty in turning the collective ideal into hard facts. Some of the works studied also reveal the discrepancy between the ambitions of their production structures and their actual capacity for action. The way Slon and Iska organize the distribution of their catalogue made up of numerous products realized in contexts other than the initial, gives rise to new schemes which were not anticipated among their original tasks. Mobilizing new human resources from both inside and outside the group, the distribution had a huge impact on the manner the collective functioned as a whole. It is by the means of this very activity that the members of Iskra finally adapt their structure to the shifts occurred in the broadcasting field ail along through the '80s

Although secularization has early antecedents in Mexico's history, the generation who embodied the Constitutionalist faction of the 1910 Revolution undertook an unprecedented campaign to achieve it. Strong anticlerical provisions proclaimed in the 1917 Constitution were implemented and gradually escalated in intensity by the administrations of Presidents Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elias Calles. This ignited an armed uprising known as the Cristero Rebellion that arose in rural Mexico in 1926. Beyond the armed conflict, this dissertation analyzes the cultural effects caused by the implementation of such a legal and institutional agenda that reveal a substantial confrontation in the public sphere between two opposed concepts of society-religious and non-religious. As a result, society became highly polarized while the government pushed its secularization aims to the extreme as never before. New laws intervened more intensely on private rights, transforming people's everyday ideas about religion, nation, law, justice and citizenship. By looking at citizens' experiences with such law enforcement, this work elucidates how the state finally neutralized radical Catholicism by stigmatizing it as non-patriotic in the public sphere. This phenomenon that happened between 1917 and 1929 can be conceptualized as the secularization of patriotism and the transformation of people's notions of the legal system- defined as the legal popular culture- that was central to Mexico's social and cultural Revolution.

Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: "Cristera" é como ficou conhecida a guerra em que camponeses e organizações católicas lutaram contra as posições anticlericais do Estado mexicano, contestando assim o regime revolucionário instituído. Essa guerra (1926-1929), que só foi considerada um tema importante para os estudos historiográficos a partir da década de 1960, foi antes representada na literatura, especialmente novelas nas quais não era apenas um pano de fundo para a trama, mas o próprio motivo da escrita. Dessa maneira, alguns textos literários foram produzidos com o intuito de justificar a guerra, do ponto de vista de revolucionários ou de católicos. No presente trabalho pretende-se investigar as maneiras como se entrelaçam as representações literárias da Cristera e aquelas realizadas pelos historiadores, tendo em vista como os pesquisadores utilizaram o material literário como fonte histórica, quais desafios e temáticas a respeito da Cristera essa literatura lança para os estudos históricos, e as diferenças com que literatura e historiografia trataram o mesmo tema histórico. Para tanto, utilizaremos como material de análise textos historiográficos e de crítica literária que trataram das novelas cristeras, assim como a novela Héctor de Jorge Gram, que tem como um dos motivos principais da sua escrita justificar a participação dos católicos na guerra.
Abstract: "Cristera" is the name by which it became known the war in which peasants and Catholic organizations fought against the anticlerical statements of the Mexican State, thus challenging the established revolutionary regime. This war (1926-1929), which was considered an important issue for historiographic studies only in the 1960s, was before that represented in literature, especially in novels in which it was not merely a backdrop to the plot, but the very reason for writing. Thus, some literary texts were produced in order to justify the war, from the point of view of revolutionaries or of Catholics. This work aims to investigate the ways by which the literary representations of the Cristera and those made by historians intertwine, paying particular attention to how the researchers used the literary material as historical source, to which challenges and issues concerning the Cristero this literature casts for historical studies, and to the differences with which literature and historiography treated the same historical theme. Therefore, we will employ, as material for analysis, texts of historiography and literary criticism which deal with Cristero novels, as well as the novel Héctor, by Jorge Gram, which counts, as one of the main reasons to its the writing, justifying the participation of Catholics in the war
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História

This thesis explored a regional comparison of education in post-revolutionary Mexico. It involved a micro-look into the relationship between violence, education, religion, and politics in the states of Durango and Jalisco. Research methods included primary sources and microfilms from the National Archives State Department records related to education from the internal affairs of Mexico from 1930-1939 from collection file M1370. It also utilized G-2 United States Military Intelligence reports as well as records from the British National Archives dealing with church and state relations in Mexico from 1920-1939. Anti - clericalism in the 1920’s led to violent backlash in rural regions of Durango and Jalisco called the Cristero rebellion. A second phase of the Cristero rebellion began in the 1930s, which was aimed at ending state-led revolutionary secular education and preserving the folk Catholic education system. There existed a unique ritualized culture of violence for both states. Violence against state-led revolutionary secular educators was prevalent at the primary and secondary education levels in Durango and Jalisco. Priests served as both religious leaders and rebel activists. At the higher education level there existed a split of the University of Guadalajara but no violence against educators. There existed four competing factions involved in this intellectual battle: communists followed Marx, anarchistic autonomous communists, urban folk modern Catholics, and student groups who sought reunion of the original university. This thesis described how these two states and how they experienced their unique culture of violence during the 1930s. It suggested a new chronology of the Cristero rebellion. This comparison between two regions within the broader context of the country and its experiences during the 1930s allowed for analysis in regards to education, rebellion, religion, and politics.

This study proposes that Leila Sebbar and V. S. Naipaul, two widely-read contemporary novelists, intuitively understand Albert Camus' idea of revolt, using it to legitimate their non-essentialized, transcultural models of individual and collective identity. This dissertation views an Algerian teenager's rendezvous with Nobel Prize-winning author V. S. Naipaul in Les Carnets de Sherazade as a magical portal through which Leila Sebbar allows us to see her fiction as a subversion and a reappropriation of the liberal philosophical principles underlying V. S. Naipaul's novels and travel journals. Although they interpret the increasing visibility of cultural, racial, and religious fundamentalisms in Western and non-Western societies as signs of a gathering nihilistic storm, neither Sebbar nor Naipaul believe that these epistemologically bounded ideologies of revolt are invincible. Instead, both depict rebellion, an epistemologically open-ended and altruistic form of revolt, as the exclusive means through which post-colonials across the globe can experience individual and communal wholeness---liberty, equality, fraternity, and peace---amidst the eponymous mixing of different peoples and truths in the late twentieth century. Chapter One explores the concepts of rebellion and nihilism in Albert Camus' The Rebel and Francis Fukuyama's The End of History and the Last Man. It also investigates the uncanny philosophical and thematic parallels in Leila Sebbar's and V. S. Naipaul's works. Chapter Two analyzes the theme of the returned gaze in Sebbar's Sherazade and Le Fou de Sherazade. It shows how Sherazade, Sebbar's title character, resists Orientalism and Islamic orthodoxy in a rebellious manner. The Algerian teenager challenges the "master's" desire for supremacy without denying his or her dignity. Chapter Three investigates the relationship between Sebbar's fiction and Lettres parisiennes: autopsie de l'exil, her correspondence with Canadian author Nancy Huston. It demonstrates that Sebbar's formulation of exile as a hybrid, contingent identitarian space in Lettres parisiennes is coterminous with Camus' notion of rebellion. Chapter Four is a detailed study of Sherazade's encounter with V. S. Naipaul in southwestern France in Les Carnets de Sherazade. Using Anne Donadey's model of mimicry, it claims that Sebbar subverts the British-Caribbean writer's representations of the ex-colonized's subjectivity and revalidates his underlying faith in rebellion.

This thesis examines the representation of Ireland in images and texts produced in Britain and France between 1839 and 1855. I argue that in this period, Ireland functioned as a crucial site for the negotiation and transformation of the relationship between the two nations. Chapter One examines a popular middle-class British publication of 1845, Maxwell's History of the Irish Rebellion of 1798.. .and Emmett's Insurrection. Through an analysis of George Cruikshank's illustrations to this work, I explore the ways that a predominant image of the Irish was linked to British anxieties concerning a potential political alliance between the French and the Irish based on what was represented as a "natural" religio-racial connection between the two nations. Developing this transnational focus, I argue that French concern with Ireland exacerbated such constructions. Chapter Two examines liberal and leftleaning French publications that took up representations of the Irish between 1839 to 1846 in order to critique Britain's role as a modern industrial nation. In Chapter Three I analyze how "Irishness" in the French press between 1845 and 1847, and in satires by artists like Cham and Paul Gavarni, served both as a warning against French adoption of the English economic model of laissez-faire capitalism, and as a commentary on domestic working class poverty. Chapter Four explores how the Irish were taken up both visually and textually in the French press to be momentarily transformed into active agents of radical change in the year of France's revolution of 1848. My final chapter concludes with an analysis of French artist Gustave Courbet's figure of an Irishwoman as a complex marker of both pauperism and potential revolution in a contentious painting displayed strategically outside Paris' 1855 Exposition universelle. In the course of this analysis "Ireland" is shown to raise a range of issues concerning relations between France and Britain. While images of Irishness evoked the mobility and exchange that characterized an early moment of free trade, those same images could simultaneously arouse anxieties in both Britain and France around industrialization, the "advancement" of civil liberties, the growing pauperization of populations, and the threat to both nations of calls for republican reform.
Arts, Faculty of
Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of
Graduate

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
In 1901, three German American candidates ran for the office of mayor in Fort Wayne, Indiana. The winner, Henry Berghoff, had emigrated from Germany as a teenager. This thesis examines the election discourse in the partisan press for signs of ethnic tension. The first chapter places Fort Wayne in historical context of German immigration and Indiana history. The second and third chapters investigate the editorial pages for evidence of ethnic tension. I also reference a few articles of an editorial nature outside of the editorial pages. The second chapter provides background information about the election and examines indications of the candidates’ ethnicity and references to the German language papers. The third chapter considers the editorial comment about Germany, the intertwining of ethnicity and the issues, and ethnic name-calling. In order to identify underlying bias for or against Germany and to better understand the context of the references to German ethnicity, the fourth chapter explores the portrayal of Germany in the Fort Wayne papers.

Austro-Hungarian Activities in China, 1894-1914 PhDr. Jan Kočvar My Ph.D. thesis evaluates Austro-Hungarian activities in China between 1894 and 1914, especially their political aspects. I would like to explain the nature of Austro-Hungarian contacts with China and their significance for the Dual Monarchy. The main source for my thesis was constituted by the materials in Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna. Austria-Hungary concluded diplomatic relations with China in 1869, but her position in China remained weak. After the Sino-Japanese War, the Far East became a focus of interest of the Great Powers, and in 1896 was appointed the first Austro-Hungarian Minister to China. During the Scramble for Concessions in late nineties, Austro-Hungarian navy conducted survey of Chinese littoral and contemplated an establishment of a naval base in China, but finally rejected this idea. Austro-Hungarian trade and other interests in China were too insignificant to justify such an action. The peak of Austro-Hungarian presence is connected with the Boxer Uprising of 1900. Austria-Hungary didn't contribute to its genesis. During the uprising, Austro-Hungarian sailors were fighting in besieged Legation Quarter in Beijing, as well as in the metropolitan province of Zhili. Thereafter, Austro-Hungarian diplomacy took...