Journal articles: 'Rebellion, 1921'

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Bezgin, Vladimir Borisovich. "NATURAL FACTOR IN TAMBOV REBELLION OF 1920-1921." Manuscript, no. 11 (November 2019): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2019.11.1.

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Bezai, Oleg Vasil'evich, and Vladimir Borisovich Bezgin. "Rural Communities of “Rebellious” Region as Participants and Non-Combatants of Tambov Rebellion of 1920-1921." Manuscript, no. 1 (January 2020): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2020.1.4.

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Lloyd, Nick. "Colonial Counter-insurgency in Southern India: The Malabar Rebellion, 1921–1922." Contemporary British History 29, no. 3 (November 17, 2014): 297–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2014.980725.

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Safonov, Dmitrii Anatol'evich. "New Economic Policy and the 1921-1922 Peasant Rebellion: Study of the Issue." Manuskript, no. 10 (October 2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2020.10.12.

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Arkhireyskyi, Dmytro, and Anhelina Bulanova. "Katerynoslav Region rebellion in 1920–1921 according to the Report of the Katerynoslav Provincial Emergency Commission." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190203.

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The purpose of the article is to find out and analyze the data of the report of the Katerynoslav Provincial Extraordinary Commission on the actions of the regional insurgent movement at the final stage of the revolution of 1917–1921; to prove the scientific significance of this historical source for further studies of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 and of the Ukrainian rebel movement during the Revolution and in the post-revolutionary time. Methods of research: chronological, comparative, biographical. The main results: an array of data from The Report of the Katerynoslav Provincial Extraordinary Commission on the rebel movement on the territory of the province in 1920–1921 was discovered; the terminology of the state document related to counterinsurgency has been analyzed; it was established that the Katerynoslav Chekists distinguished two main types of insurgency – Makhno and Petliur; describes the dynamics of the deployment of the insurgent movement in Katerynoslav region at the final stage of the revolution; ideological foundations of the state counteraction to the insurgency have been identified; focuses on the most characteristic means of fighting the Katerynoslav Provincial Emergency Commission against the Ukrainian armed resistance movement. Practical significance: the results of the work can be used in synthetic works on the history of Ukraine during the revolution of 1917–1921, to develop special courses in the history of Ukraine. These materials can also be used to promote historical knowledge. Originality: the work is completely original, contains criticism of a complex historical source, has elements of comparative analysis. Scientific novelty: first attempt was made to comprehensively withdraw from The Report of the Katerynoslav Provincial Emergency Commission and to analyze data on the dynamics of the insurgent movement in the province in 1920–1921, as well as measures of the Chekists to suppress it. Type of article: overview.

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Konecny, Peter. "Revolution and Rebellion: Students in Soviet Institutes of Higher Education, 1921-1928." Canadian Journal of History 27, no. 3 (December 1992): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.27.3.451.

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Holmes, Larry E. "Soviet Schools: Policy Pursues Practice, 1921–1928." Slavic Review 48, no. 2 (1989): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499115.

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Many Bolsheviks heralded the October Revolution of 1917 as the beginning of a new era in history; by 1921, however, much of this optimism had disappeared. Civil war, peasant rebellion, empty factories, closed schools, strikes in the industrial establishments that had survived, and the Kronstadt Revolt made many party members weary and cynical. A few, however, stubbornly adhered to an untarnished vision of a grand future. They could be found especially among those officials responsible for primary and secondary schools at the Commissariat of Enlightenment (Narkompros). Anatolii V. Lunacharskii, commissar of enlightenment from 1917 to 1929; Nadezhda K. Krupskaia, his chief assistant for school policy; and their colleagues still believed that they possessed the means to reshape not only the schools but also human behavior and society. While the party engineered a calculated retreat with the New Economic Policy (NEP) and the state slashed the educational budget, Narkompros remained determined to challenge the present and storm the future. It did so by launching a program of sweeping changes in the content and methods of school instruction. With a faith it hoped was infectious, Narkompros assumed that teachers would follow its lead. It would not be so simple.

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Bezgin, Vladimir B. "Rural communes and Soviet farms on the eve and during the peasant rebellion of 1920–1921." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 189 (2020): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-221-226.

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We examine the state of communes and farms, the attitude of the rural population to their organization and activities, as well as the state of collective farms on the eve and during the Tambov rebellion of 1920–1921. The relevance of the topic is determined by the need for a scien-tific understanding of the problem of insurrection in the Civil War and its manifestation in the form of a peasant rebellion led by A.S. Antonov. The purpose of the study is to establish the fate of collective farms during the armed protest of the Tambov peasants. The work was carried out on the basis of a wide range of archival sources, some of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The analysis of the problem is carried out taking into account the achievements of modern historiography of the issue and the use of scientific tools of advanced methodological approaches. We apply the entire arsenal of methods of historical research based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency. It is established that the armed raids of rebel detachments on agricultural communes, Soviet farms were due to the need of the partisans for food, horses, forage, and the active participation of the local population in them stemmed from their view of the land and property of collective farms as rightfully belonging to them.

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Kanishchev, Vladimir V. "Officers of the Russian Imperial army as part of the confrontation sides of the Tambov rebellion of 1920–1921." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 189 (2020): 234–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-234-244.

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We consider a new aspect of the well-studied themе, related to objective circumstances and subjective motives for choosing a life position in the Civil war: the entry of former officers of the Russian Imperial army into the ranks of the Soviet or rebel armed forces. First of all, contradic-tions in information about the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary military service of a se-lected circle of persons are revealed. With a sufficient degree of accuracy, 16 former officers who became the leaders of the suppression of the “Antonovshchina” in 1920–1921 and a maximum of 23 rebel commanders from the ranks of officers of the “old” army are identified. Differences of the social and professional image of the commanders of the opposing sides are established. Among the Soviet commanders, career officers from different classes prevailed, including 5 peasants (only 1 – Russian), of non-Tambov origin, who entered the region no earlier than 1917. On the contrary, among the rebel military leaders, all, except for one tradesman, came from the peasant class (only 3 were not from the Tambov Governorate). However, the loyalty of some former rebel commanders to their political leadership was low. Therefore, the study specially analyzes the “psychology of betrayal” of such people who went over to the side of the Soviet troops. The military leaders of the suppression of the Tambov rebellion, who came from the officer environment, made a choice in favor of Soviet power in 1917–1918 and by 1920 they repeatedly showed loyalty to the “workers’ and peasants’ state”. However, for the time being, this state recognized the devotion of, in principle, alien to it “gold-chasers”. In the 1930s almost all officers who took part in the suppression of the Tambov rebellion became victims of political repression.

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McGrath, Andrew. "The Anglo-Irish War (1919–1921): Just War or Unjust Rebellion?" Irish Theological Quarterly 77, no. 1 (February 2012): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021140011427226.

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Biggar, Nigel. "Christian Just War Reasoning and Two Cases of Rebellion: Ireland 1916–1921 and Syria 2011–Present." Ethics & International Affairs 27, no. 4 (2013): 393–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089267941300035x.

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The contemporary West is biased in favor of rebellion. This is attributable in the first place to the dominance of liberal political philosophy, according to which it is the power of the state that always poses the greatest threat to human well-being. But it is also because of consequent anti-imperialism, according to which any nationalist rebellion against imperial power is assumed to be its own justification. Autonomy, whether of the individual or of the nation, is reckoned to be the value that trumps all others. I surmise that it is because in liberal consciousness the word “rebel” connotes a morally heroic stance—because it means the opposite of “tyrant”—that Western media in recent years have preferred to refer to Iraqi opponents of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq and Taliban opponents of the ISAF in Afghanistan not as “rebels,” but as “insurgents.”

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Demirel, Ahmet. "Representation of the Eastern and Southeastern Provinces in the Turkish Parliament during the National Struggle and Single-Party Era (1920–1946)." New Perspectives on Turkey 44 (2011): 73–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089663460000594x.

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AbstractThis article examines the socio-economic background of the parliamentary deputies serving during the years of the national struggle (1920–1922) and the single-party era (1923–1946) and provides new statistical data collated from recently published, detailed biographical information. I will provide a critical analysis of the socio-economic background of the deputies elected to represent the eastern and southeastern regions of Turkey and offer localism—defined as being born in the and from the constituency one represents—as a key concept to allow a better understanding of the nature of the electoral process at that time. Although localism—which can be regarded as one of the important indicators of authentic representation—was extensive during the years of the national struggle, it was replaced by bureaucratic representation during the single-party era, especially starting with the 1927 elections held right after the Sheikh Sait Rebellion. The article relates the Kurdish rebellions to the problem of representation in parliament and shows that in the rebellions' aftermath the number of the local representatives rapidly decreased. It further documents that, with the introduction of multi-party politics and democratic, free, competitive elections after the World War II, a return to localism can be observed for the eastern and southeastern provinces of Turkey.

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Clarence-Smith, W. G. "The Economic Dynamics of Spanish Colonialism in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries." Itinerario 15, no. 1 (March 1991): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300005787.

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The survival of the Spanish empire after the loss of the mainland American colonies is a neglected subject, and no part of it is more neglected than its economic features. General histories of Spain in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries rarely touch on overseas matters, although the colonies do occasionally appear centre stage, as in 1868, when the Cuban Creoles rose in rebellion; in 1898, when Spain lost most of her colonies as a result of war with America; in 1921, when the Berber tribes of Northern Morocco defeated the Spanish army; and in 1936, when General Franco and his coconspirators raised the standard of rebellion against the Republic in North Western Africa. But these references are episodic and essentially political, indeed military in nature. There is little structural analysis of what the colonies meant to Spain, least of all in the economic field.

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Ermolaev, A. N., and E. D. Dubrovskaya. "Oliferov's Raid on the Territory of Kuzbass in the Winter of 1920–1921: Why the Red Failed." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-1-13-19.

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The present article features the raid of the White Guard rebels attempted by Lieutenant-Colonel Oliferov on the territory of Kuzbass (Mariinsky and Shcheglovsky districts) in the winter of 1920–1921. The research objective was to identify the reasons why the Red Army forces failed to promptly crush the rebellion. The methodology was based on the classical principles of historicism and objectivity represented by the typological, comparative-historical, and chronological methods. The authors managed to restore the course of events related to the raid and its progress. The article focuses on the measures taken by the Soviet government to eliminate the White rebels. The analysis of rare archival materials proved that the Soviet military units, represented by special forces, internal service units, and regular military units, failed to coordinate their actions. The irregular Soviet military units were known for their weak discipline, poor training, and frequent cases of desertion. Each of the Red commanders tried to lead the entire operation, thus letting the well-organized and disciplined White detachment to repeatedly avoid the chase and win the battles.

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15

Barov, V. V. "The Problems of Investigation of the Rebellion Movement of Northern Ukraine 1918–1921 (Regional Aspect)." Literature and Culture of Polissya 94, no. 11i (2019): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31654/2520-6966-2019-11i-94-61-69.

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16

Olson, Robert. "The Koçgiri Kurdish Rebellion in 1921 and the Draft law for a Proposed Autonomy of Kurdistan." Oriente Moderno 69, no. 1-6 (August 12, 1989): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-0690106006.

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17

Roelofse-Campbell, Z. "Enlightened state versus millenarian vision: A comparison between two historical novels." Literator 18, no. 1 (April 30, 1997): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i1.531.

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Two millenarian events, one in Brazil (Canudos Rebellion, 1897) and the other in South Africa (Bulhoek Massacre, 1921) have inspired two works of narrative fiction: Mario Vargas Llosa's The War of the End of the World (1981) and Mike Nicol’s This Day and Age (1992). In both novels the events are presented from the perspectives of both the oppressed landless peasants and the oppressors, who were the ruling élites. In both instances, governments which purported to be models of enlightenment and modernity resorted to violence and repression in order to uphold their authority. Vargas Llosa's novel was written in the Latin American tradition where truth and fiction mingle indistinguishably while in the South African novel fictional elements override historical truth.

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18

McKillen, Elizabeth. "The Irish Sinn Féin Movement and Radical Labor and Feminist Dissent in America, 1916–1921." Labor 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-7569776.

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The Irish Easter Rebellion of 1916 produced shockwaves in US labor and radical circles arguably as great as those that emanated from the Russian Revolution of 1917. Yet while Bolshevik agitation in the United States in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution, along with its role in fostering a post – World War I “Red Scare,” has been carefully studied, the significance of the Irish Revolution for US labor and radical politics has received relatively little attention. This article uses the records of the Bureau of Investigation and the Department of Justice, among other sources, to suggest that American authorities were profoundly worried about the subversive influence of Irish Sinn Féin revolutionaries on the American labor and women’s suffrage movements. Authorities were right to be worried, for while some Irish and Irish American Sinn Féin advocates were social conservatives, others championed new forms of workers’ and women’s empowerment that fundamentally threatened existing social and political structures.

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Cronin, Stephanie. "An experiment in revolutionary nationalism: the rebellion of Colonel Muhammad Taqi Khan Pasyan in Mashhad, April‐October 1921." Middle Eastern Studies 33, no. 4 (October 1997): 693–750. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209708701178.

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20

Espinosa, David. "Student Politics, National Politics: Mexico’s National Student Union, 1926–1943." Americas 62, no. 4 (April 2006): 533–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0064.

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In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society.By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.

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Espinosa, David. "Student Politics, National Politics: Mexico’s National Student Union, 1926–1943." Americas 62, no. 04 (April 2006): 533–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500069856.

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In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society. By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.

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22

Motenko, Yaroslav, and Eugenia Shyshkina. "LAND QUESTION AS A CONFLICTOGENIC FACTOR DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY EVENTS OF 1917-1921 IN KHARKIV GUBERNIYA." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 24 (2019): 91–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.16.

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In the proposed article, on the example of the revolutionary events of 1917-1921 in Kharkiv Government, the interconnection between internal political stability and the solution of the land issue is shown. The object of the study is agrarian question as a conflict factor, which made the relations between the authorities and the population of the region more complicated. Having gained the control over the region the opposing governments had to solve not only military but also economic questions. The most difficult problem was to address the agrarian issue, as well as to determine the governments’ share in the total volume of production grown by the peasantry. To solve these problems the political regimes combined repressive actions, methods of encouraging local people’s collaboration, and information warfare. Despite the lack of the Ukrainian national political regimes’ support the agrarian population of Kharkiv Government resisted the «White» and «Red» terror and policy of War Communism. The most common forms of resistance of the peasantry in Kharkiv region were: illegal active struggle (armed uprisings, creation of rebel forces, terrorist acts), illegal passive struggle (desertion, concealment of food, sabotage of duties), legal active struggle (village meetings, peasant conferences) and legal passive struggle (refusal to work in local authorities, unwillingness to join the political party). In summing up authors pointed out that the conflict factors in the region included: the frequent change of the military-political situation, lack of reliable information in the countryside, popularity of Utopian ideas among the masses, food confiscations, terror of the repressive bodies, and spontaneity of the peasant rebellion movement.

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Purinaša, Ligija. "FACTORS OF INSPIRATION IN ČENČU JEZUPS’ NOVEL “PĪTERS VYLĀNS”." Via Latgalica, no. 8 (March 2, 2017): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2016.8.2237.

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Čenču Jezups or Dzērkste (real name Jezups Kindzuļs, 1888–1941?) was a Latgalian public figure, agronomist, publicist and writer. Date of his death is unknown – he was arrested in February 1941 by NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs), but after that there is no information about his further life. He participated in the Latgalian Awakening movement at the beginning of 20th century. Later J. Kindzuļs was one of the organizers of the Latgalian congress (1917) in Rēzekne and a member of Constitutional Assembly of Latvia (1920–1922). He was an editor of such periodicals as “Latgalīts” (1921), “Latgolas Zemkūpis” (1924–1935), “Latgolas lauksaimnīks” (calendar, 1924–1935). He wrote his novel “Pīters Vylāns” between 1935 and 1941. It was first published in Daugavpils in 1943 by writer and publisher Vladislavs Luocis. Later it was published again in Germany in 1967.Čenču Jezups’ novel “Pīters Vylāns” was analysed by Miķelis Bukšs, Ilona Salceviča, Oskars Seiksts. The mentioned papers reveal the meaning of Latgalian self-confidence, which is disclosed in “Pīters Vylāns”, but unfortunately the author of this novel seems to be forgotten. Therefore the aim of this research is to “decode” factors of inspiration in Čenču Jezups’ novel “Pīters Vylāns” to gain more information about author’s life and his value system.Inspiration is always connected with writer’s life experience. Furthermore, the writer creates his own world. Vladislavs Luocis wrote that J. Kindzuļs planned to write a trilogy (Lōcis 1965: 26), but because of Latvia’s occupation by the Soviet Union this intention was not fulfilled. Factors of inspiration are divided into two groups: literary and non-literary (Lukaševičs 2007: 5). Non-literary factors of inspiration are those connected with J. Kindzuļs’ life (social and political events, education and public activities, private life). Literary and cultural factors of inspiration refer to his interests and Latgalian self-identification.Novel “Pīters Vylāns” was written during the authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis (1934–1940) and deals with peasants’ life during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (1905–1907) in Latgale. The problems of Latgalian identity (to be russified or polonized, quest for identity as a possibility) are dealt with by means of such characters as Vera Semjonova, Stefa, Meikuls Stumbris and Buks. It may be that the characters Pīters Vylāns and Ontons Sleižs are the two sides of J. Kindzuļs’ alter ego. His life experience until World War I is revealed in Pīters Vylāns, but after 1920 – in Ontons Sleižs. J. Kindzuļs may have studied either agronomy or law in Petersburg (after 1907). He took part in Latgalian Musical society and later he worked in the editorial office of newspaper “Drywa” (1908–1912). J. Kindzuļs was involved in the First World War and after that he worked in Rēzekne Commerce School (1919). After 1922 he started farming in his household “Pelēķi” in Laucesa rural municipality and was busy with issues of agronomy in Latgale.J. Kindzuļs’ private life is revealed in two women characters: Elvira and Stefa. Kindzuļs himself had three wives: unknown (married before 1919), Hortenzija Kindzule (Dardedze, married about 1921), Jadviga Kindzule (Kondrāte, married before 1933). J. Kindzuļs became a widower twice. He had two sons: Česlavs (from his first marriage) and Andrivs Jēkabs (from the second marriage). The third child was a daughter, but he and his wife Jadviga lost her because she died of an illness when she was 3.Because of lack of information about J. Kindzuļs, there is no possibility to find out his interests. The only way to get more information about J. Kindzuļs is to research his novel “Pīters Vylāns”. From the novel we know that for J. Kindzuļs there are three groups of literary and cultural factors of inspiration. Firstly, it is Latgalian self-confidence, which appears in the use of Roman Catholic elements such as rites, prayers and honour songs for God. Secondly, it is syncretism of Christian faith and paganism, which is presented as rewriting of folksongs by hand and “vakariešona” or evening gathering. Thirdly, it is European culture, because it is clear that J. Kindzuļs knew, for example, such writers as Goethe, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, classical music (F. F. Chopin) and architecture. The amount of information about J. Kindzuļs must be enriched and research must be continued. Novel “Pīters Vylāns” was written after 1935 and it is autobiographical. Such characters as Pīters Vylāns and Ontons Sleižs reflect the personality of J. Kindzuļs, but Elvira and Stefa reveal some traits of his wives Hortenzija and Jadviga. J. Kindzuļs glorifies values which became significant after 1934: land and farming, peasants and unity. He describes the Latvians of Latgale during the Russian Revolution of 1905 (1905–1907), but at the same time he criticizes the tendency to be latvianized. The same attitude he has to russification. He accepts the ideological course of Kārlis Ulmanis policy and this ideological position of J. Kindzuļs is manifested as a form of rebellion.

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Siddiqi, Majid Hayat. "History and Society in a Popular Rebellion: Mewat, 1920–1933." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 3 (July 1986): 442–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014018.

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In late 1932 and early 1933 a popular rising occurred in the region of Mewat in northern central India. Although this rebellion broke out in opposition to the political power of the princely states of Alwar and Bharatpur, as a peasant rebellion it spread over and was supported from areas of British India. It was not, pace Harold Laski, merely an instance of peasant rebellion in an area of indirect British rule. Popular protest in Mewat arose within the totality of an historical context made up as much of developments in British India as of features that were specific to areas of indirect rule. The ideological and social world of the rebellion was also constituted of elements common to British and princely India and to the local histories of the peasant community of the Meos who rose in rebellion. The context that we write about, therefore, is one of a multiplicity of different, yet interlocking, histories—legendary, secular, reformist, sectarian, legitimist, nationalist, rebellious, nativistic—all of which end, as it were, in a final denouement in the rising of 1933.

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Naranjo Tamayo, Omayda. "La mujer mexicana de la primera rebelión de los cristeros (1926-1929): una mirada historiográfica / The Mexican Woman in the First Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929): A Historiographic Gaze." Historiografías, no. 8 (December 28, 2017): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.201482420.

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This article analyses the participation of the Mexican women in the first Cristero rebellion (1926-1929), by offering an overview of its different studies by national and foreign historians put in chronological order. Through this historiographic examination the work intends to shed light on the acute and repeated female invisibility in an episode which, as part of a complex revolutionary process, shook up the Mexican nation during the early twentieth centuryKey WordsWoman, rebellion, cristero, MexicoResumenEste artículo examina la participación de la mujer mexicana en la primera rebelión de los cristeros (1926-1929), ofreciendo una visión general de los diferentes estudios realizados por historiadores nacionales y extranjeros siguiendo el orden cronológico de sus publicaciones. A través de este análisis historiográfico, el trabajo pretende arrojar luz sobre la acentuada y reiterada invisibilidad femenina en un episodio que, como parte de un complejo proceso revolucionario, conmocionó a la nación mexicana en los inicios de siglo XX.Palabras claveMujer, rebelión, cristera, México.

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Mao, Bincheng. "Mob Ideology or Democracy: Analyzing Taiping Rebellion’s Defeat and Revolution of 1911’s Triumph in Ending the Qing Dynasty." Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 2, no. 2 (2021): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.2.1.2.

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This paper investigates the underlying factors that caused the Qing Dynasty of China to survive the Taiping Rebellion yet crumbled upon the Revolution of 1911. It first examines the ideological differences between the two attempts of regime change, followed by an exploration into the extent of foreign interference in determining the outcomes of the two events. Subsequently, the author analyzes the conflict between the constitutionalists and the absolute monarchists within the Qing court during the time of the Revolution in 1911. Ultimately, this paper concludes that the Qing dynasty survived the Taiping Rebellion yet crumbled upon the Xinhai Revolution because the latter’s San-min Doctrine, also known as the “Three Principles of the People,” drew support from within the Qing regional governments as its ideology gave them hopes of preserving powers, while the Taiping Rebellion’s mob ideology achieved the contrary; on top of this, the Revolution of 1911 faced a Qing government weakened by internal conflicts over constitutional reforms, and it also successfully prevented foreign powers from intervening on behalf of the falling imperial dynasty.

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VUL, NIKITA. "He, Who Has Sown the Wind: Karakhan, the Sino-Soviet conflict over the Chinese Eastern Railway, 1925–26, and the failure of Soviet policy in northeast China." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 6 (March 26, 2014): 1670–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000152.

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AbstractThis article deals with the Sino–Soviet conflict of 1925–26 over the Chinese Eastern Railway, with special attention given to its background and consequences. In 1924, the Chinese Eastern Railway became a joint venture between the Soviet Union and China, creating fresh friction between the joint Soviet and Chinese managers which culminated in general manager A.N. Ivanov's prohibition on transporting military cargoes and troops, and Ivanov's arrest by Manchurian warlord-general Zhang Zuolin. Some scholars and diplomatists have viewed Ivanov's prohibition and the simultaneous rebellion by Chinese general Guo Songling against Zhang as a Soviet attempt to replace Zhang with a more manageable warlord. But this article argues that although the prohibition—a typical instance of back-and-forth Soviet diplomacy—was a coincidence, it was primarily the result of Soviet ambassador Lev M. Karakhan's tough stance and his rash decision-making, undertaken without seeking advice from Moscow. Zhang's victory in the 1926 clash convinced the Chinese that they had the power to take repressive measures against the Soviet Union's citizens and institutions, which led to the Sino–Soviet conflict of 1929 and exacerbated Japanese alarm over the Soviet's increasing strength in the region. This was to be a factor in the takeover of Manchuria in 1931 by Japan's Guandong Army, which eventually led to global war. This article, therefore, deals with the origins of world-changing events and thus is interesting to Modern Asian Studies’ wider readership.

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Harsch, Donna. "Craig D. Patton, Flammable Material: German Chemical Workers in War, Revolution, and Inflation, 1914–1924. Berlin: Haude and Spener, 1998. v + 315 pp. 169 DM cloth." International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900292806.

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This clearly written, well-researched monograph analyzes the shop-floor actions, strikes, and general insurgency of German chemical workers during and after World War One, proving, once again, that reports of labor history's demise are premature. Patton's work suggests that we still have much to learn from an anatomy of militant working-class behavior. In the classic manner, Flammable Material surveys the overall economic and industrial context of rebellion while also offering a detailed comparative study of conditions, organization, and activity in specific companies—in this case, the four biggest concerns, Bayer, Höchst, Leuna, and BASF. Simultaneously, the book moves beyond traditional labor history (at least of the dominant German variety) by adopting the perspective “from below” as opposed to from inside trade unions and socialist parties. Moreover, Patton criticizes assumptions that often crop up even in the field of the new labor history. Indeed, his study was motivated by his dissatisfaction with explanations of the oft-noted volatility of chemical workers from 1918 to 1921. He challenges, first, the notion that their actions were “wild” or spontaneous, showing that they were driven by long-festering, well-articulated grievances and steered by shop-floor leaders and organizations. He disputes, second, the assumption that chemical workers were apolitical. To understand both the curve and content of workplace solidarity and militancy, he argues, the historian must consider the impact of partisan politics on chemical workers, on the one hand, and their intense concern with the balance of power between employees and management, on the other.

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Heroldová, Helena, and Jiřina Todorovová. "A Family Portrait: Enrique Stanko Vráz and the Qing Aristocracy During the Boxer Rebellion." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 39, no. 1 (2018): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2018-0005.

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The Czech traveller and photographer Enrique Stanko Vráz (1860–1932) spent three spring months in China during the Boxer Uprising in 1901. He was amongst the first travellers – photo-reporters. He preferred realistic photographs as the best proof of capturing the world around him. In Beijing, he took several hundred photographs including the Manchu aristocratic families. Among them, he photographed Prince Su (1866–1922), an important late Qing statesman, and his family. The study discusses Prince Su’s family photographs in relations to Vráz’s notes and travel books.

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Augusteijn, Joost. "Ambushes and armour: the Irish rebellion, 1919–1921. By W. H. Kautt. Pp xviii, 300. Dublin: Irish Academic Press. 2010. €60 hardback; €22.95 paperback. - A beleaguered station: the memoir of Head Constable John Mckenna, 1891–1921. Edited by John McKenna. Pp xxvii, 109. Belfast: Ulster Historical Foundation. 2009. £9.99." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 146 (November 2010): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400002625.

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Tan, Tai Yong. "Assuaging the Sikhs: Government Responses to the Akali Movement, 1920–1925." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 3 (July 1995): 655–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014037.

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In 1920, Sikhs in the Punjab started a campaign aimed at freeing their principal gurdwaras (temples) from the control of their hereditary incumbents. The campaign quickly gathered momentum, and, within a few months, it developed into a non-violent anti-government movement. Unlike the rather shortlived 1919 Disturbances and the Non-Cooperation-Khilafat movement in the Punjab, the Sikh agitation, which came to be known as the Akali movement, did not cease until 1925 and caused considerable concern to the Punjab authorities, as well as the Government of India. The Akali movement was not limited, as in past cases of anti-British agitation involving the Sikhs, to small groups of disaffected Sikhs, returned emigrants, or Congress sympathizers; at its height in 1922, the unrest encompassed the bulk of central Punjab's Jat Sikh peasantry, one of the most militarized sections of Punjabi society. The Sikh community's martial traditions, fostered by their religious doctrines and culture, had been kept alive during British rule by the recruitment policies of the Indian Army, where, in 1920, one in every fourteen adult male Sikhs in the Punjab was in service. This meant that the abiding allegiance of the Sikh community to the Raj was a matter of considerable importance, and their estrangement, especially that of the Jat Sikh peasantry, would adversely affect the Sikh regiments of the Indian Army. It also meant that if the community as a whole was provoked into open rebellion, British hold on the Punjab could well nigh prove untenable.

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Nepomnyashchikh, N. А. "VARIANTS OF THE SIN ATONEMENT MOTIF: ON THE LIFE OF NEKRASOV’S PLOT ABOUT A GREAT SINNER IN THE RUSSIAN CULTURE OF THE XX CENTURY." Siberian Philological Forum 11, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.25146/2587-7844-2020-11-3-48.

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Problem statement. There are two versions of the plot about two great sinners in the Russian literature and culture. The first version is Nekrasov’s one, based upon a folk tale, in which one sinner killed the other and earned God’s pardon for this. The second version is the same Nekrasov’s text, shortened and transformed into a song in which only one great sinner remains. Instead of committing a murder, he repented in a monastery. The versions express the opposite positions. The second one preaches such Christian virtues as repentance and humility. On the contrary, the first version shows that one can achieve salvation only by rebellion and murder. It has a revolutionary/ social connotation. The purpose of the article. These two versions of the plot are not always distinguished in the research literature. The purpose of the article is to draw a distinction between the versions and to analyze their functioning. Review of scientific literature on the problem. Nekrasov’s plot was thoroughly studied in 1920s-1960s. M.N. Klimova examined the second version in her book Ot protopopa Avvakuma do Fiedora Abramova: Zhitiya greshnykh sviatykh v russkoi literature (From the archpriest Avvakum to Theodore Abramov: hagiography of the sinful saints in the Russian literature), 2003. Methodology and research results. The comparative method along with the motif analysis leads to the conclusion that the full version of the plot was used by A. Kuprin in Demir-Kaya: Vostochnaya legenda (Demir-Kaya), 1906. The shortened version, widely known as the song performed by F. Chaliapin, could affect Stepan Razin’s image created by V. Shukshin in his film as well as the concept of the Strannyie liudi (Strange people) film (1969). The unique version of the plot, which differs from both full and short versions, is discovered in L.M. Leonov’s Deianiya Azlazivona, 1921. Conclusion. When analyzing the plot, one should identify the possible sources of the plot on the basis of the differences of two versions mentioned above.

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Kargovskaia, Elena, and Viktoriia Kuznetsova. "San Blas Rebellion of 1925." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 10 (October 2020): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.10.34128.

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This article is dedicated to the events that received the name of Guna Revolution and led to the autonomy of Comarca Guna Yala that belongs to the Republic of Panama. Guna Indians are one of the few peoples of the American Continent who were able to preserve integrity of their land, their authenticity, traditions, culture and beliefs, although it took them enormous efforts. The goal of this research consists in examination of causes that led to the rebellion, as well as its consequences for the Guna people. The authors of attempt to reconstruct the events and determine the crucial factor that affected successful outcome of the revolt. The scientific novelty is defined by the fact that the history of Guna Indians of the Republic of Panama alongside the events related to their struggle for the autonomy and self-identification did not receive due coverage within the Russian scientific publications. In the current era of globalization, which blurs the boundaries and differences, the preservation of authenticity and integrity of small, and often large, ethnic groups is more relevant than ever. One of the authors was able to visit Comarca Guna Yala and get acquainted with the lifestyle, culture and traditions of its inhabitants, as well as listen to their perspective on the historical events of 1925, which Guna Indians carefully preserve in their folk tradition of chants that sound on the sessions of Guna General Congress.

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Özoğlu, Hakan. "Exaggerating and exploiting the Sheikh Said Rebellion of 1925 for political gains." New Perspectives on Turkey 41 (2009): 181–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005410.

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AbstractThe religious and nationalist nature of the Sheikh Said Rebellion in 1925 has been debated by the scholars for decades. For the Kurdish nationalists the rebellion symbolized the Kurdish struggle for an independent state. For the Turkish state, it was another deception by Great Britain to stir up the region for its colonialist interests. Newly available sources in the US diplomatic archives raise the question of the Turkish government's fomentation and/or manipulation of the Sheikh Said Rebellion. In addition, some of the Turkish oppositional leaders (such as Kazim Karabekir) of the time suggested that this rebellion was allowed to happen to suppress the political opposition in Turkey. This study examines the validity of these claims and how this rebellion was manipulated to silence political opposition in Turkey. More specifically, this study will seek answers to the following questions: Was the Sheikh Said Rebellion fomented by the Turkish government to eliminate the political opposition? How was this rebellion manipulated to accomplish this aim?

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Van De Ven, Hans J. "Public Finance and the Rise of Warlordism." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (October 1996): 829–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016814.

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Previous studies of the rise of warlordism have focused on the devolution of power after the Taiping Rebellion and the failure of political leaders to create a workable order after the 1911 Revolution. This article offers an initial exploration of the fiscal background. Foreign indemnities imposed after the Boxer Rebellion of 1900 and largescale borrowing by the Qing before 1911 and by the Republic subsequently resulted in a severe fiscal crisis for the central state, with the following consequences.

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Bezgin, V. B. "THE POGROM MOVEMENT OF 1905-1907 AND REBELLION 1920-1922 TAMBOV PEASANTS: GENERAL AND HONORS." History: facts and symbols 12, no. 3 (2017): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2017-12-3-20-27.

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Fleming, Shannon, and Jose E. Alvarez. "The Betrothed of Death: The Spanish Foreign Legion during the Rif Rebellion, 1920-1927." Journal of Military History 65, no. 4 (October 2001): 1127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677675.

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Butler, Matthew. "Mexican Nicodemus: The Apostleship of Refugio Padilla, Cristero, on the Islas Maríías." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 25, no. 2 (2009): 271–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2009.25.2.271.

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This article explores lay responses to religious persecution during Mexico's cristero rebellion (1926––1929), using devotional testimonies produced by Catholic deportees to the Islas Maríías penal colony, Nayarit. Faced with the Calles regime's anticlericalism, the article argues that Mexico's episcopate developed an alternative religious model premised on a revitalized lay apostolate; the article then considers how lay actors enacted this identity in practice, through white masses, lay sermons, and clandestine communions. The article concludes that religious persecution, if intended to promote a secular revolutionary culture, also opened new spaces for popular religious participation. Este artíículo explora respuestas a la persecucióón religiosa durante la rebelióón cristera de Mééxico (1926––1929), usando testimonios devotos producidos por deportados catóólicos a la colonia penal de las Islas Maríías, Nayarit. Frente al anticlericalismo del réégimen de Calles, el artíículo sostiene que el episcopado de Mééxico desarrollóó un modelo religioso alternativo a travéés de un apostolado revitalizado, pero no profesional; el artíículo entonces considera cóómo se adoptóó esta identidad en la prááctica, a travéés de misas blancas, sermones de no expertos, y comuniones clandestinas. El artíículo concluye que la persecucióón religiosa, al haber intentado promover una cultura revolucionaria secular, tambiéén abrióó nuevos espacios para la participacióón religiosa popular.

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Borisova, A. B. "The Short Story of A. P. Platonov «The Impossible»: Genre-Narrative Structure, Function of Duality as a Way of Modeling of the Author’s Personality." Studies in Theory of Literary Plot and Narratology, no. 1 (2019): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2410-7883-2019-1-160-171.

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In this article the short story of A. P. Platonov “The Impossible” (1921) is considered as a multidimensional wholeness, with a complex structure – at the level of genre and of narration. We highlight biography, scientific article, elements of a philosophical essay, lyric and philosophical poem in the genre structure. In addition to a neutral background, we highlight the lyrical monologue, scientific and publicistic discourse at the narrative level. The genre and stylistic heterogeneity of this short story did not allow researchers to unambiguously determine its genre dominant for a long time. It was not by chance that at first in earlier studies “The Impossible” was classified as a publicistic genre. Only in the first volume of the Scientific publication of Collected works this story is included in the corpus of Early Short Stories of Platonov. In a certain perspective, this work can indeed be read as a publicistic article containing the author’s reflection on philosophical, scientific concepts in the specific manner of Platonov, with overstepping beyond the boundaries of one genre. The focus on the addressee, declared at the beginning of “The Impossible”, activates its communicative function. The inclusion of his own technical developments by Platonov in this story introduces an element of scientific autobiography. At the same time, “The Impossible” is the life story of the “new saint”: the embodiment of the image of the “new human”, whose life, if it did not end so suddenly, could open the way to the Mystery of the World – the main metaphysical problem that occupied the mind of the young Platonov. At the same time it is the lyrical narration about the “sobbing” beauty of the world and the incredible, “impossible” love of the hero – the narrator’s alter ego to his beloved Maria. Using the technique of duality, the author is able to express his most intimate experiences through the image of the “other”, to expose his own soul to the reader. The unifying layer that maintains the integrity of this story is the motive structure with such basic components as the motives of the Mystery, the transfiguration of the world in the version of rebellion into the universe, light, impossible, silence, music, love, death and immortality, etc.

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Kuzmin, S. L. "The Rebellion of 1928 in Barga. Part I: Causes and the Beginning." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (11) (2020): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-1-100-114.

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In 1928 in the Mongol region of Barga (Hulunbuir) started a rebellion for autonomy within the Republic of China. Documents from several Russian archives, not yet brought into academic circulation, together with published data allow us to research a detailed reconstruction of this rebellion. Activities of the Barga members of the People’s Revolutionary Party of Inner Mongolia, their contacts with the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party and Comintern are briefly discussed. The paper discusses events related to the activities of young Barga revolutionaries, belonging to this party, who sought to combine the struggle for Barga autonomy with the anti-feudal revolution under the leadership of Comintern. The activities of Comintern representative Ivan P. Stepanov in this area are analyzed in detail, complemented with the data on the development of the rebellion in the beginning and further, to mid-August. Contacts of Soviet diplomatic representatives in Hailar, the capital town of Barga, with Barga Mongols and Chinese authorities in the region, as well as with the Russians who lived in Hailar, are described with regard to the beginning of the rebellion, assumed attacks of the rebels, and probable capture of Hailar.

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Wijanarto, Wijanarto. "DI BAWAH TEKANAN KAPITALISME PERKEBUNAN: PERTUMBUHAN DAN RADIKALISASI SAREKAT RA’JAT TEGAL 1923-1926." Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 1, no. 2 (December 12, 2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v1i2.12770.

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This article examines on the radicalization growth of Sarekat Ra’jat (SR) in several factors as its key influence. The one factor interrelated on radicalization was the existence of sugar industry in Tegal. It views on linkages between the sugar industry with the development of SR and its influence indicators of radicalization. This condition was part of the communist partij’s expansion. The development of SR shows suprisingly number of members. SR Tegal reached 5327 peoples as their members. The total membership evenly came from all areas, especially close to the sugar industry in Pangkah, Pagongan, Kemanglen, Adiwerna and Balapoelang. It was the main reason to make the Dutch government to striccht oversight the administrative and appled legal sanctions. The SR resistance was took-placed at Karangcegak in 1926, effected the undiscipline and sporadic resistance of the members. It made the Dutch government easy to suppress and acted tough. The trial rebellion conducted by SR in Karangcecek, but it was failed. However it was not effect the eagerness to re-against PKI in November 1926. The revolutionary in Tegal option was chosed as result.

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BUTLER, MATTHEW. "The ‘Liberal’ Cristero: Ladislao Molina and the Cristero Rebellion in Michoacán, 1927–9." Journal of Latin American Studies 31, no. 3 (October 1999): 645–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005416.

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This article studies the Mexican cristero rebellion of 1926–9. While scholars assert that the rebellion was the product of a clash between ‘modern’ liberal and ‘traditional’ Catholic mentalities, it is argued here that Ladislao Molina was an astute political actor who embraced a liberal ideology in order to establish a cacicazgo in his home region of Michoacán. When Molina was threatened by state encroachments and agrarian demands, he, like other members of the middling rural strata, promoted a Catholic rebellion not because of religious piety but in order to protect his sphere of influence.

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Carneiro, Fernando G. "Milienarian Vision, Capitalist Reality: Brazil's Contestado Rebellion 1912-1916:Milienarian Vision, Capitalist Reality: Brazil's Contestado Rebellion 1912-1916." Latin American Anthropology Review 4, no. 2 (December 1992): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlat.1992.4.2.86.

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Olson, Robert. "Foreign policy of the Soviet Union toward the Turkoman rebellion in Eastern Iran in 1924–1925 and the Kurdish rebellion of Shaykh Said in Eastern Turkey in 1925: A comparison." Central Asian Survey 9, no. 4 (January 1990): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634939008400726.

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Diacon, Todd. "Searching For a Lost Army: Recovering the History of the Federal Army's Pursuit of the Prestes Column in Brazil, 1924-1927." Americas 54, no. 3 (January 1998): 409–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008416.

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The “horseman of hope,” Brazil's “undefeated column”—much is known about the legendary Luis Carlos Prestes and his rebel column's march through thirteen Brazilian states in the 1920s. Indeed, legends are made of such stuff. Roughly one thousand rebellious federal soldiers and state policemen pushed their way through 25,000 kilometers of Brazil's isolated interior. Forced marches day and night helped them elude capture and defeat from late 1924 until they chose exile in Bolivia in early 1927. Soon the column's fame and impact reached worldwide. Even today, for example, the study of Prestes's tactics is still a part of Red Army officer training in China.

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Blanc, Jacob. "The Bandeirantes of Freedom: The Prestes Column and the Myth of Brazil's Interior." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8796484.

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Abstract The Prestes Column rebellion is among the most mythologized events in modern Brazil: from 1924 to 1927, a group of junior army officers marched nearly 15,000 miles through Brazil's vast interior regions. This Homeric epic into the so-called backlands launched the careers of some of Brazil's most important figures, and for nearly a century it has attained a mythic status in folklore and political history. Seeking to both explain and intervene in this legend, I argue that the myth of the Prestes Column emerged from and remained tethered to the stigmatized image of the interior. As a corrective to the column's dominant narrative and intervening in scholarship on myths more generally, this article reimagines the interior as both a place and an idea. The enduring symbolism of the backlands shows that exclusion, rather than a byproduct of national mythologies, is the pillar on which the ideas of inclusionary myths are based.

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Semmoud, Nora. "Empowerment et « rebellité »." Cultures & conflits, no. 101 (May 19, 2016): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/conflits.19215.

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OLSON, Robert. "The Sheikh Said Rebellion in Turkey in 1925." Turcica 24 (January 1, 1992): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/turc.24.0.2014168.

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Zarković, Vesna. "Rebellion of the Albanians in Kosovo villayet in 1911." Bastina, no. 46 (2018): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina1846213z.

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Diacon, Todd. "Bringing the Countryside Back In: A Case Study of Military Intervention as State Building in the Brazilian Old Republic." Journal of Latin American Studies 27, no. 3 (October 1995): 569–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00011615.

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AbstractBrazil's Contestado Rebellion (1912–1916) pitted 20,000 millenarian rebels against two-thirds of the Brazilian army. A major event in the consolidation of the Brazilian Republic, it serves as an important case study of the dynamics of central state intervention in the Brazilian hinterland. Local notables took advantage of a new, unprecedented central state presence to press for advantages in their local struggles. At the same time, officer experiences during the rebellion led them to question the institutional arrangements that they felt produced the conflict. The result was a new officer push for a nationalist, central state intervention during the Republic.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Rebellion, 1921'

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