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Journal articles on the topic 'Rebellion of 1798'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 January 2023

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1

Gahan, Daniel J., and Ruan O'Donnell. "The Rebellion in Wicklow, 1798." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 3 (1999): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053037.

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2

Bardon, Jonathan. "The Irish rebellion of 1798." Irish Studies Review 6, no. 3 (December 1998): 303–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670889808455615.

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3

Elliott, Marianne, and Ruan O'Donnell. "The Rebellion in Wicklow, 1798." American Historical Review 106, no. 2 (April 2001): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651748.

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4

Dunne, Tom, Ruán O'Donnell, and Ruán O'Donnell. "'Rebellion' to "Insurgency'": Wicklow and 1798." Irish Review (1986-), no. 26 (2000): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29736008.

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5

Miller, David W. ":Irish Rebellion: Protestant Polemic, 1798–1900." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1599–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1599.

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6

Kennedy, Catriona. "Republican Relicts: Gender, Memory, and Mourning in Irish Nationalist Culture, ca. 1798–1848." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 608–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.69.

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AbstractIn the past two decades, remembrance has emerged as one of the dominant preoccupations in Irish historical scholarship. There has, however, been little sustained analysis of the relationship between gender and memory in Irish studies, and gender remains under-theorized in memory studies more broadly. Yet one of the striking aspects of nineteenth-century commemorations of the 1798 and 1803 rebellions is the relatively prominent role accorded to women and, in particular, Sarah Curran, Pamela Fitzgerald, and Matilda Tone, the widows of three of the most celebrated United Irish “martyrs.” By analyzing the mnemonic functions these female figures performed in nineteenth-century Irish nationalist discourse, this article offers a case study of the circumstances in which women may be incorporated into, rather than excluded, from national memory cultures. This incorporation, it is argued, had much to do with the fraught political context in which the 1798 rebellion and its leaders were memorialized. As the remembrance of the rebellion in the first half of the nineteenth century assumed a covert character, conventionally gendered distinctions between private grief and public remembrance, intimate histories and heroic reputations, and family genealogy and public biography became blurred so as to foreground women and the female mourner.
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7

McBride, Ian. "Review article: Reclaiming the rebellion: 1798 in 1998." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (May 1999): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014231.

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Few Irish men and women can have escaped the mighty wave of anniversary fever which broke over the island in the spring of 1998. As if atoning for the failed rebellion itself, the bicentenary of 1798 was neither ill-coordinated nor localised, but a genuinely national phenomenon produced by years of planning and organisation. Emissaries were dispatched from Dublin and Belfast to remote rural communities, and the resonant names of Bartlett, Whelan, Keogh and Graham were heard throughout the land; indeed, the commemoration possessed an international dimension which stretched to Boston, New York, Toronto, Liverpool, London and Glasgow. In bicentenary Wexford — complete with ’98 Heritage Trail and ’98 Village — the values of democracy and pluralism were triumphantly proclaimed. When the time came, the north did not hesitate, but participated enthusiastically. Even the French arrived on cue, this time on bicycle. Just as the 1898 centenary, which contributed to the revitalisation of physical-force nationalism, has now become an established subject in its own right, future historians will surely scrutinise this mother of all anniversaries for evidence concerning the national pulse in the era of the Celtic Tiger and the Good Friday Agreement. In the meantime a survey of some of the many essay collections and monographs published during the bicentenary will permit us to hazard a few generalisations about the current direction of what might now be termed ‘Ninety-Eight Studies’.
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8

Hobbs, John. "United Irishmen: Seamus Heaney and the Rebellion of 1798." Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 21, no. 2 (1995): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25513030.

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9

Gallagher, Finn, and Michael Durey. "Andrew Bryson's Ordeal: An Epilogue to the 1798 Rebellion." Canadian Journal of Irish Studies 27/28 (2001): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25515404.

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10

Catháin, Máirtín Ó. "The North West of England and the 1798 Rebellion." Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 163 (January 2014): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/transactions.163.5.

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11

O'Donnell, Ruan. "Review: The Mighty Wave, the 1798 Rebellion in Wexford." Irish Economic and Social History 26, no. 1 (June 1999): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939902600122.

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12

CHAMBERS, LIAM. "Irish Rebellion, Protestant Polemic, 1798–1900 By Stuart Andrews." History 93, no. 310 (April 2008): 286–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.423_30.x.

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13

Galiné, Marine. "The 1798 Rebellion: Gender Tensions and Femininity in the Irish Gothic." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 2, no. 2 (October 24, 2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v2i2.1897.

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The year 2018 marks the 220th anniversary of the Irish rebellion of 1798. As Susan B. Egenolf points out, this short-lived but devastating conflict between Irish insurgents and Loyalist soldiers was felt as an attack on domesticity, as rebels and loyalists alike 'invade[d] private homes'. Several scholars have already discussed the (re)writing of such a traumatic event in Protestant women's narratives, shedding light on how these women filtered their emotions with the languages of chivalry, sensibility, and the gothic. Indeed, the gothic is generally seen as a polymorphous prism through which one can apprehend anxieties, tensions and violence. This paper seeks to confront the dynamics of genre and gender through the depiction of violence (be it domestic or national) in Irish Gothic texts using the 1798 rebellion as a contextual backdrop. In Maturin's The Milesian Chief (1812) and Mrs Kelly's The Matron of Erin (1816), the (Protestant) female gothic heroine exposes her body to private and public religious and political violence.
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14

Patterson, James G. "Republicanism, agrarianism and banditry in the west of Ireland, 1798–1803." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 137 (May 2006): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004697.

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On 22 August 1798 the United Irishmen’s long-term efforts to obtain French support finally came to fruition with the appearance of three frigates in Killala Bay on the coast of Mayo. Unfortunately for them, their allies had come too late, for the rebellion of 1798 had been suppressed several weeks earlier. Moreover, the French landing force numbered barely a thousand men. Nonetheless, this belated and undersized army was joined by thousands of Irish volunteers and scored several local victories before being overwhelmed at Ballinamuck in County Longford on 8 September.
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15

Wolf, Alexis. "Identity and Anonymity in Lady Mount Cashell's 1798 Rebellion Broadside." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 45, no. 2 (May 17, 2022): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1754-0208.12791.

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16

Owens, Gary. "Editor’s Introduction: The 1798 Rebellion and the Irish Republican Tradition." Éire-Ireland 34, no. 2 (1999): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.1999.0000.

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17

Beiner, Guy. "Review: Protestant Women's Narratives of the Irish Rebellion of 1798." Irish Economic and Social History 29, no. 1 (June 2002): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930202900128.

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18

Stoker, David. "The Watson Family, the Association for the Discountenancing of Vice and the Irish Cheap Repository Tracts*." Library 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 343–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/21.3.343.

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Abstract Although the history of Hannah More’s Cheap Repository Tracts in England and America is well known, little has been written about the 270 or more editions published in Ireland 1795-c. 1830. They were first published by William Watson, a Dublin bookseller who, in 1792, had founded The Association for the Discountenancing of Vice (ADV). This article describes the founding and growth of the Association and the involvement of Watson and his son in the publishing of the tracts during the late 1790s. It also describes the role of the Watson family, the ADV and the Cheap Repository tracts during the Anglican Evangelical Crusade (1801–1830) after the 1798 rebellion in Ireland. Whilst many members of the Dublin book trade suffered from a severe economic depression after 1801, the Watson family continued to prosper, thanks to the printing and publishing work undertaken on behalf of the ADV. The Watson family business closed in 1832, but the ADV has lasted to the present day operating under a different name.
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19

Jordan, Thomas E. (Thomas Edward). "Weather and Warfare: A Climatic History of the 1798 Rebellion (review)." New Hibernia Review 6, no. 1 (2002): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2002.0012.

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20

DUREY, MICHAEL. "Abduction and Rape in Ireland in the Era of the 1798 Rebellion." Eighteenth-Century Ireland: Volume 21, Issue 1 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eci.2006.5.

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21

Johnson, Nuala C. "Sculpting Heroic Histories: Celebrating the Centenary of the 1798 Rebellion in Ireland." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 19, no. 1 (1994): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/622447.

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22

McInerney, Timothy. "Ascendancy and the 1798 Rebellion in Maria Edgeworth’s Castle Rackrent (1800) and." XVII-XVIII, no. 70 (December 31, 2013): 285–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/1718.534.

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23

Cory, Abbie L. "Women, Rebellion, and Republicanism: The United Irish Risings of 1798 and 1803." Intertexts 5, no. 2 (2001): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/itx.2001.0002.

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24

McBride, Lawrence W. "Nationalist Constructions of the 1798 Rebellion: The Political Illustrations of J.D. Reigh." Éire-Ireland 34, no. 2 (1999): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.1999.0006.

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25

Egenolf, Susan B. "Maria Edgeworth in Blackface: Castle Rackrent and the Irish Rebellion of 1798." ELH 72, no. 4 (2005): 845–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/elh.2005.0032.

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26

Susan B. Egenolf. ""Our fellow-creatures": Women Narrating Political Violence in the 1798 Irish Rebellion." Eighteenth-Century Studies 42, no. 2 (2008): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.0.0038.

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27

Radvan Markus. ""Níl an Focal Sin Againn": Orality, Literacy, and Accounts of the 1798 Rebellion." New Hibernia Review 14, no. 1 (2010): 112–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.0.0125.

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28

Ochirov, Utash. "The Command Staff of the Stavropol Kalmyk Army: a Social Portrait and Its Evolution in the Last Quarter of the 18th—Early 19th Century." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 12-4 (December 1, 2021): 138–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202112statyi81.

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The article analyzes a generalized social portrait of command personnel at Stavropol Kalmyk Host during the period that followed the suppression of Pugachev’s Rebellion and its evolution towards the end of the Napoleonic Wars. The outlined social portrait and its evolution are based on original formulary records of officers employed by the Host as of 1783, 1798, 1812 and 1815, some of the latter verified with the use of monthly reports. The available data proves instrumental in compiling a sufficient social portrait and tracing its development throughout the period under consideration.
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29

Bartlett, Thomas. "Why the history of the 1798 rebellion has yet to be written. *." Eighteenth-Century Ireland 15, no. 1 (January 2000): 181–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eci.2000.13.

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30

Kelly, James. "POPULAR POLITICS IN IRELAND AND THE ACT OF UNION." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 259–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044010000013x.

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AbstractTHE most striking features of the popular political response in Ireland to the attempts between mid-1798 and mid-1800 to bring about the legislative union of Britain and Ireland are its comparative uneventfulness and traditional character. On first encounter, this observation may appear provocative since it is still commonly perceived, the work of G.C. Bolton notwithstanding, that the Act of Union was imposed upon a reluctant parliament and an antipathetic people. Moreover, it does not sit easily with what we know of popular anti-unionism in eighteenth-century Ireland, the most celebrated manifestation of which was the anti-union riot of 3 December 1759 when the Dublin mob invaded both houses of parliament and assaulted a number of leading officeholders arising out of a rumour that a legislative union was intended. Arising out of such manifestations of popular attachment to a domestic Irish parliament, and the high level of political, social and criminal violence during the 1790s, it is hardly surprising that leading figures in the Irish administration anticipated that serious public disorder would be a feature of the opposition to a union in 1798–1800. In point of fact, the decisive defeat of the 1798 rebellion and the strenuous efforts of United Irish leaders to minimise the extent of their revolutionary involvement thereafter ensured that there was no overt popular resistance from a quarter which, during the 1790s, treated every reference to a union with disdain.
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31

Hurtado, Rosa Eugenia Rivas. "The English Romantic Poets." International Area Review 1, no. 1 (December 1997): 190–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386599700100112.

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The period dating from 1789 to about 1830 is the epoch of the Romanticism, who first exponens among others were Blake, Coleridge, Southey, Wordsworth and in a second generation Byron, Shelley, and Keats who all died at young age. Many values and interest of the Romantic period remained alive through the nineteen century with poets such as Yeats and Stevens. Imagination, Nature, the Self, and Eternity are among the elements that the period named “Romantic”. Indeed imagination and insight are in fact inseparable and form for all practical purposes a single faculty. “For Coleridge imagination is the primary instrument of all spiritual and creative activities.” At the ages of about 33 Wordsworth passed a crisis and this dealt to experience two different ideas about nature; the first one when he wrote Tintern Abbey in 1798, he distinguished the blessed of nature. Some years later, the other came when this all-absorbing wision was lost. Kubla Khan written by Coleridge after three hours in a profound sleep, during which time he had the most vivid confidence of the external senses. Rebellion specially ideas on favour of The French Revolution, political points of view idealist as Shelly had and never lost his enthusiasm for revolutionary politics.
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32

O'Dowd, Mary. "The diary of elizabeth richards 1798–1825: from the wexford rebellion to family life in the netherlands." Women's History Review 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 539–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020100200588.

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33

Clancy, Deirdre. "The Diary of Elizabeth Richards, 1798–1825: From the Wexford Rebellion to Family Life in the Netherlands." Women's Studies International Forum 23, no. 3 (May 2000): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-5395(00)00097-2.

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34

Malcolm, Elizabeth. "A new age or just the same old cycle of extirpation? Massacre and the 1798 Irish rebellion." Journal of Genocide Research 15, no. 2 (June 2013): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2013.789187.

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35

Keogh, Dáire. "Review: The Diary of Elizabeth Richards (1798–1825), from the Wexford Rebellion to Family Life in the Netherlands." Irish Economic and Social History 27, no. 1 (June 2000): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930002700126.

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36

Conlon, Larry. "Dissension, Radicalism, and Republicanism in Monaghan and the Role of Freemasonry up to and during the 1798 Rebellion." Clogher Record 16, no. 3 (1999): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27699438.

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37

Holmes, Andrew. "Community and Discipline in Ulster Presbyterianism,c.1770–1840." Studies in Church History 40 (2004): 266–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002928.

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Ulster Presbyterians in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries formally dealt out retribution, repentance and reconciliation through church discipline administered by Kirk sessions and presbyteries. These institutional structures had given Presbyterians an organizational framework that enhanced their geographical concentration in the north-east of Ireland. Hitherto, historians of Presbyterianism in Ireland have taken the view, often based on evidence from the period before 1740, that discipline was effective, broad in its coverage, and hard yet fair in its judgements, claims made all the more remarkable as the north-east had the highest illegitimacy rates in Ireland during the period under consideration. It has been argued that though the system largely survived the eighteenth century, it collapsed at the turn of the nineteenth because of a loss of morale among Presbyterians after the failure of the 1798 rebellion in which many thousands of them had taken part.
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38

Utell, Janine. "Irish Rebellion: Protestant Polemic, 1798-1900. Stuart Andrews.Memoirs of Captain Rock. Thomas Moore. Edited by Emer Nolan and Seamus Deane." Wordsworth Circle 41, no. 4 (September 2010): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24043641.

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39

Langfur, Hal. "Rebellion on the Amazon: The Cabanagem, Race, and Popular Culture in the North of Brazil, 1798-1840 (review)." Americas 68, no. 2 (2011): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2011.0116.

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40

McMahon, Daniel. "Marking “Men of Iniquity”: Imperial Purpose and Imagined Boundaries in the Qing Processing of Rebel Ringleaders, 1786-1828." Journal of Chinese Military History 7, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 141–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341330.

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Abstract This essay explores the administrative and ideological context of Qing borderland pacification through examination of the imperial response to apex rebel ringleaders. Presented are five cases of bureaucratic “discourse” (official description and physical management) processing Lin Shuangwen (1786-1788 Lin Shuangwen Revolt), Shi Sanbao (1795-1797 Miao Revolt), Liu Zhixie (1796-1804 White Lotus Rebellion), Lin Qing (1813 Eight Trigrams Revolt), and Khoja Jahāngīr (1826-1828 Jahāngīr Uprising). Considered comparatively, we find common procedures of identification, deposition, sentencing, and execution that established the challengers as “men of iniquity,” reinforcing imperially preferred understandings of rebel organization, culpability, Qing legitimacy, and martial success. This procedure was also adjusted to fit differing conditions and state goals. As the empire entered its final century, shifting boundaries were asserted between rebel lords and war-zone populations, suggestive of both military efforts to exploit social divisions and expanded embrace of peripheral peoples as compliant and border-defending imperial subjects.
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Rangarajan, Padma. "“With a Knife at One’s Throat”." Nineteenth-Century Literature 75, no. 3 (December 2020): 294–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2020.75.3.294.

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Padma Rangarajan, “‘With a Knife at One’s Throat’: Irish Terrorism in The O’Briens and the O’Flahertys” (pp. 294–317) Sydney Owenson, Lady Morgan’s The O’Briens and the O’Flahertys (1827) is a silver-fork novel edged in steel: a portrait of aristocratic 1790s Dublin society that doubles as anti-imperialist jeremiad. It is also one of the earliest pieces of fiction to explicitly identify terrorism as an inevitable consequence of colonial conquest. In this essay, I demonstrate how Morgan’s novel upends the standard definition of terrorism as a singular historical rift and rewrites it as a condition of life. Modernity has no chance in Ireland, Morgan argues, if the colonial parasitism of the past continues unabated. In The O’Briens and the O’Flahertys, Morgan prefigures Frantz Fanon’s diagnoses of the colonized psyche by carefully detailing the psychological and material effects of symbiotic terrorism—that is, terrorism as a complex network of reciprocal, mutually constitutive violent exchanges. Intertwining the thwarted legacy of the 1798 Irish Rebellion, the ongoing depredations of the Irish Ascendancy class, and her fears of an imminent revolution of the peasantry, Morgan mines Ireland’s near and distant past to forecast violence’s inevitable futurity.
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Rangarajan, Padma. "“With a Knife at One’s Throat”." Nineteenth-Century Literature 75, no. 3 (December 2020): 294–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2020.75.3.294.

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Padma Rangarajan, “‘With a Knife at One’s Throat’: Irish Terrorism in The O’Briens and the O’Flahertys” (pp. 294–317) Sydney Owenson, Lady Morgan’s The O’Briens and the O’Flahertys (1827) is a silver-fork novel edged in steel: a portrait of aristocratic 1790s Dublin society that doubles as anti-imperialist jeremiad. It is also one of the earliest pieces of fiction to explicitly identify terrorism as an inevitable consequence of colonial conquest. In this essay, I demonstrate how Morgan’s novel upends the standard definition of terrorism as a singular historical rift and rewrites it as a condition of life. Modernity has no chance in Ireland, Morgan argues, if the colonial parasitism of the past continues unabated. In The O’Briens and the O’Flahertys, Morgan prefigures Frantz Fanon’s diagnoses of the colonized psyche by carefully detailing the psychological and material effects of symbiotic terrorism—that is, terrorism as a complex network of reciprocal, mutually constitutive violent exchanges. Intertwining the thwarted legacy of the 1798 Irish Rebellion, the ongoing depredations of the Irish Ascendancy class, and her fears of an imminent revolution of the peasantry, Morgan mines Ireland’s near and distant past to forecast violence’s inevitable futurity.
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43

Rocchi, T. "The Vendee Rebellion and Its Place in the History of European Regional Antirevolutionary and Counterrevolutionary Movements." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(125) (July 12, 2022): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2022)3-06.

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The western French department of the Vendee occupies a special place among the regional counterrevolutionary and antirevolutionary movements in the history of European revolutions. The Vendee peasant royalist rebellion, between 1793-1796, under the leadership of the nobility and Catholic clergy, has made the region a synonym for mass lower-class counterrevolutions. This article examines several aspects of the Vendee rebellion in the history of the French Revolution. The accusations of certain scholars about a policy of genocide by the Jacobin government of the region’s population arouses heated debates among contemporary historians. Many historians do recognize the massiveness of the repressions but they object to use of the term genocide. The Vendee rebellion has elements of similarity with many other regional counterrevolutionary and anti-revolutionary movements emerging already in the first months after the taking of the Bastille on July 14, 1789 and with the many revolutionary «federalist» movements of the departments in 1793 against Parisian and local Jacobins. All these movements contained elements of civil war between different groupings of the population, especially between opponents and supporters of the revolution. A deeper study of the Vendee rebellion helps us more objectively understand the questions of regional identities, the consolidation of the French political nation, civil wars within revolutions, the dynamics of antirevolutionary and counterrevolutionary movements, and the diversities of mass violence.
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Quinn, James. "The United Irishmen and social reform." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 122 (November 1998): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400013900.

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When questioned by a parliamentary committee after the rebellion of 1798, the United Irish leader Thomas Addis Emmet predicted that ‘if a revolution ever takes place, a very different system of political economy will be established from what has hitherto prevailed here’. Was there any real substance to this claim? Did Emmet’s words indicate that the republican leadership genuinely sought a radical reshaping of society, or was he simply indulging in empty rhetoric that a broken United Irish movement could never make good? It has always been difficult to pin down the United Irishmen’s socio-economic views: their pronouncements in this area were few and were generally couched in vague terms. This is hardly surprising. Given that the society’s membership was far from socially homogeneous, the leadership no doubt recognised the difficulties involved in trying to produce an agreed programme of social reform. In an organisation one of whose earliest rules had been ‘to attend to those things in which we agree, to exclude from our thoughts those in which we differ’, it was generally judged prudent to steer clear of such a potentially divisive subject. Moreover, the readiness with which the government instigated prosecutions of outspoken radicals, particularly after the outbreak of war in 1793, made advisable a degree of caution in any statements which could be construed as threatening the established social order. Nevertheless, the society did address the issue of social reform from time to time, and individual United Irishmen also espoused a variety of proposals. This article will attempt to examine some of the strands of United Irish social thinking and to determine if the movement had such a thing as a coherent programme of social reform.
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45

Beiner, Guy. "Probing the boundaries of Irish memory: from postmemory to prememory and back." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 154 (November 2014): 296–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400019106.

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It has long been accepted that memory plays a prominent role in the construction of Irish identities and yet historians of Ireland were relatively late in addressing the vogue for memory studies that emerged in the 1980s. Its arrival as a core theme in Irish historical studies was announced in 2001 with the publication ofHistory and memory in modern Ireland, edited by Ian McBride, whose seminal introduction essay – the essential starting point for all subsequent explorations – issued the promise that ‘a social and cultural history of remembering would unravel the various strands of commemorative tradition which have formed our consciousness of the past’. The volume originated in one of the many academic conferences held in the bicentennial year of the 1798 rebellion, which was part of a decade of commemorations that listed among its highlights the tercentenary of the battle of the Boyne, the sesquicentenary of the Great Famine, and the bicentenaries of the United Irishmen, the Act of Union, and Robert Emmet’s rising. The following years produced a boom of studies on Irish memory, which has anticipated another decade of commemorations. Eyes are now set on the centenaries of the Great War, the Irish Revolution and Partition, all of which will undoubtedly generate further publications on memory. It is therefore timely to take stock of this burgeoning field and consider its future prospects.
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Kazakevych, G. "UKRAINIAN O'CONNORS: THE FAMILY OF IRISH ANCESTRY IN THE CULTURAL LIFE OF THE 19TH CENTURY UKRAINE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 132 (2017): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.132.1.03.

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The article is devoted to the O'Connor family, which played a noticeable role in the Ukrainian history of the 19 – early 20th centuries. A founder of the family Alexander O'Connor leaved Ireland in the late 18th century. The author assumes that he was a military man who had to emigrate from Ireland shortly after the Irish rebellion of 1798. After some years in France, where he had changed his surname to de Connor, he and his elder son Victor arrived in Russia where Alexander Ivanovich De-Konnor joined the army. As a cavalry regiment commander, colonel De-Konnor took part in the Napoleonic wars. He married a noble Ukrainian woman Anastasia Storozhenko and settled down in her estate in the Poltava region of Ukraine. His three sons (Victor, Alexander and Valerian) had served as army commanders and then settled in Chernihiv, Poltava and Kharkiv regions respectively. Among their descendants the most notable were two daughters of Alexander De-Konnor jr – Olga and Valeria as well as Valerian De-Konnor jr. Olga De-Konnor married a famous Ukrainian composer and public figure Mykola Lysenko. As a professional opera singer, she stood at the origins of the Ukrainian national opera. Her younger sister Valeria was a Ukrainian writer, publicist and political activist who joined the government of the Ukrainian People's Republic in 1917. Valerian De-Konnor jr. is well known for his research works and translations in the field of cynology.
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McCavery, Trevor. "POLITICS, PUBLIC FINANCE AND THE BRITISH–IRISH ACT OF UNION OF 1801." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 10 (December 2000): 353–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100000165.

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AbstractBEFORE the smoke of the Irish rebellion of 1798 had cleared, the British prime minister William Pitt was convinced of the necessity of a legislative union between Britain and Ireland. He broached the subject seriously with his cabinet colleague, Lord Grenville, on 2 June and by 4 June the joint post master general, Lord Auckland, an expert on Irish commercial affairs, was brought into Pitt's confidence. Pitt told Auckland that he and Grenville had been able to: ‘see daylight in almost everything but what relates to trade and revenue.' The subject of this paper is to discover how matters of trade and revenue were arranged in the Act of Union and to discuss some of the political difficulties which arose from implementing these arrangements. As the evolution of ministers' thinking is documented, the authorship of some points can be precisely identified and the thinking and tacit economic forecasting brought to light. This paper will suggest that the arrangements were intended to be generous to Ireland and contrasts with an Irish nationalist interpretation of the subject articulated in the early decades of the twentieth century. Then the difficulties that politicians experienced in executing policies within the framework laid down by these articles are considered. The whole vice-regal system of government was by no means guaranteed in the immediate post-Union period as it worked against the chancellor of the Irish exchequer in his attempts to manage Irish public finance.
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Elliott, Marianne. "In the wake of the great rebellion: republicanism, agrarianism and banditry in Ireland after 1798. By James G. Patterson. Pp 202. Manchester: Manchester University Press. 2008. £50." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 144 (November 2009): 641–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000612x.

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de Cogan, Donard. "Weather and warfare: A climatic history of the 1798 rebellion by John Tyrell. The Collins Press, Cork. 2001. 208 pp. Paperback £9.99. isbn 1 898256 04 7." Weather 57, no. 2 (February 2002): 78–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/wea.6080570209.

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Farrell, Sean. "James G. Patterson . In the Wake of the Great Rebellion: Republicanism, Agrarianism and Banditry in Ireland after 1798 . New York: Manchester University Press. 2008. Pp. vi, 202. $84.00." American Historical Review 117, no. 3 (June 2012): 927–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.117.3.927.

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