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Lim, Gyungjune. "A Study of the Qing Empire’s Reconstruction Policies for Mukden after the Revolt of the Three Feudatories." Journal of Chinese Studies 95 (February 28, 2021): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35982/jcs.95.10.
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Walsh, James Igoe, Justin M. Conrad, Beth Elise Whitaker, and Katelin M. Hudak. "Funding rebellion." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 5 (January 12, 2018): 699–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317740621.
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We introduce a new dataset measuring if and how rebel groups earn income from the exploitation of natural resources or criminal activities. The Rebel Contraband Dataset makes three contributions to data in this area. First, it covers a wide range of natural resources and types of crime. Second, it measures rebel engagement in these activities over time. Third, it distinguishes among different strategies that rebel groups employ, such as extortion and smuggling. Theory suggests that reliance on natural resource wealth should lead rebels to mistreat civilians, but cross-group research using existing data does not find support for this relationship. We replicate an earlier study using data from the Rebel Contraband Dataset and conclude that there is a consistent relationship between natural resource exploitation and civilian victimization. Future research can use the dataset to explore questions about the onset, location, severity, and outcomes of civil conflicts.
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Billow, Richard M. "The Three R’s of Group: Resistance, Rebellion, and Refusal." International Journal of Group Psychotherapy 56, no. 3 (July 2006): 259–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/ijgp.2006.56.3.259.
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Jafri, S. Z. H. "The issue of religion in 1857: Three documents." Studies in People's History 4, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917693742.
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The rebels of 1857 had many causes to incite them to rise against the British. Religion has often been held to be a major source of disquiet for them owing to the perceived threat posed by Christian conversions. In this article, three documents are studied which present three different aspects of rebel consciousness. The first represents its secular character, for there is little reference to faith or religion in it. The second is a tract addressed obviously to Muslims to rise against the English on religious grounds. But annexed to it is a manifesto appealing to all Hindus and Muslims to join the rebellion: the emphasis on communal unity is manifest. Finally, we have the memoirs of an embittered theologian writing an account of the rebellion in its immediate aftermath: regrets and suspicion are manifest here.
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Jackson, Andrew David. "The regional connections of the 1728 Musin Rebellion (戊申亂)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 78, no. 3 (June 22, 2015): 537–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x15000440.
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AbstractMany scholars have stressed that regional dynamics led to the outbreak of the Musin Rebellion, the largest rebellion in eighteenth-century Korea. Scholars have examined the economic and political situation leading up to the violence and concluded that political marginalization caused Kyŏngsang Province elites (from the Southerner faction) to launch the rebellion. This paper analyses evidence from official sources about rebel motivations, rebel geographical associations and the court view of the causes. Although post-rebellion government statements acknowledge tensions between the court and many Kyŏngsang Province elites, rebel testimony showed no evidence of any anger about discrimination against elites from a single region. There is also inconsistent evidence of regional concerns in the membership of the rebel organization, which was drawn from three southern provinces and mainly concentrated around the capital. My findings challenge the conclusions of regionalist scholars and place the Musin Rebellion in a trajectory of late Chosŏn rebellion that was attempting to redress factional political discrimination and was not caused by regional concerns.
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Harissalam, Harissalam. "Perspective Imam Madzhab on Bughat Elements." JCIC : Jurnal CIC Lembaga Riset dan Konsultan Sosial 2, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51486/jbo.v2i1.44.
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The research objective in this article is to discuss the elements of the bughat radius according to Imam Ahmad bin Hanbal. The results showed that the elements of Jarimah Bughat were three actions which could show the act as an act of Jarimah Bughat. The three elements are acts of rebellion and not obeying the provisions of the Caliph, acts of rebellion carried out by prioritizing power, and having the goal of taking legitimate power.
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Harissalam, Harissalam. "Perspective of Imam Madzhab on Bughat Elements." JCIC : Jurnal CIC Lembaga Riset dan Konsultan Sosial 2, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51486/jbo.v2i1.36.
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The research objective in this article is to discuss the elements of the bughat radius according to Imam Ahmad bin Hanbal. The results showed that the elements of Jarimah Bughat were three actions which could show the act as an act of Jarimah Bughat. The three elements are acts of rebellion and not obeying the provisions of the Caliph, acts of rebellion carried out by prioritizing power, and having the goal of taking legitimate power.
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Jackson, Andrew David. "HISTORIES IN STONE: STELAE COMMEMORATING THE SUPPRESSION OF THE MUSIN REBELLION AND CONTESTED FACTIONAL HISTORIES." International Journal of Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2014): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147959141300020x.
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The 1728 Musin Rebellion was a failed attempt by factional members to overthrow militarily King Yŏngjo's government. Between 1736 and 1837, six stelae, dedicated to loyal subjects who resisted the rebels, were erected in three different provinces. These stelae contain historical descriptions of the rebellion, its suppression, and the political aftermath. Previous research centred on one stele, represented as evidence of worsening discrimination against Kyŏngsang province elites. This article considers the six stelae in relation to the wider political context of 1728–1837 and analyses consistencies in the text, political connections, location, and the target audience. The stelae reveal complex political struggles in post-rebellion Chosŏn, including a struggle for court recognition by loyalists in areas of rebel strength. Most significantly, the stelae reveal a struggle amongst the victors of the rebellion. The authors attempted to set the record straight over the loyalty of their officials – especially those who had been involved in some form of controversy during the Musin Rebellion – thereby proving their loyalty to Yŏngjo and their right to administer government. To show they were trustworthy court officials, moderate Disciple's faction supporters were also distancing themselves from Disciple's faction extremists that had led the Musin Rebellion.
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Redmond, Joan. "Religion, civility and the ‘British’ of Ireland in the 1641 Irish rebellion." Irish Historical Studies 45, no. 167 (May 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2021.27.
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AbstractThis article examines the 1641 Irish rebellion through a neglected manuscript account from 1643, written by Henry Jones and three of his 1641 deposition colleagues. The ‘Treatise’ offers important insights into the rebellion, but also advances a broader understanding of the significance of the early modern efforts to civilise Ireland and the impact of these schemes, especially plantation, on the kind of conflict that erupted in the 1640s. It is an evaluation that brings together both the long pre-history of the rebellion, and what eventually unfolded, offering new perspectives into a crucial and contested debate within modern historiography. The ‘Treatise’ also presents the opportunity to interrogate the position of the settler community, and their careful construction and presentation of a religiously- and culturally-driven improvement of the country. While it was a period of crisis, the rebellion offered an important opportunity to reflect on the wider project of Irish conversion and civility. It was a moment of creation and self-creation, as the emerging ‘British’ community not only digested the shock of the rebellion, but sought to fashion narratives that underlined their moral claims to Ireland on the grounds of true religion and civility.
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Beer, Barrett L. "John Stow and Tudor Rebellions, 1549–1569." Journal of British Studies 27, no. 4 (October 1988): 352–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385918.
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In recent years, historians have brought into sharper focus the role of rebellion in the political, social, and religious life of sixteenth-century England. Indeed, the Tudor dynasty established itself on the throne in 1485 as a result of a successful baronial rebellion, and each succeeding generation experienced a major rebellion as well as numerous lesser stirs and riots. Until the revival of interest in Tudor rebellions, the majority of historians preferred to portray the century as an era of law and order in which a strong but popular monarchy ruled over grateful and largely obedient subjects. Although contemporaries living in the sixteenth century knew of rebellion and popular disorder, often through direct personal experience, the government quite understandably opposed anything resembling impartial and disinterested study of the rebellions. Government propagandists denounced rebellion vigorously in royal proclamations and manifestos, while the clergy echoed similar themes from the pulpit. Of the two histories of rebellion published during the sixteenth century, the first, John Proctor's history of Wyatt's Rebellion, was unadulterated government propaganda, and the other, Alexander Neville's history of Kett's Rebellion, was a polemic written in Latin to guarantee a select readership. Without specialized books on rebellions, the literate public had one primary source of historical information, the general chronicles that appeared with greater frequency and variety as the century progressed.Although best known for hisSurvey of London, John Stow was the most prolific chronicler of the sixteenth century. Beginning with the brief octavoA Summary of English Chronicles, which appeared in 1565, Stow published no fewer than twenty-one editions and issues of chronicles in three different formats, the octavoSummary, a sextodecimo abridgment of theSummary, and the more substantialChroniclesandAnnales of Englandin quarto.
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CLEARY, MATTHEW R. "Democracy and Indigenous Rebellion in Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 9 (November 2000): 1123–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033009002.
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This article investigates the structural causes of ethnic rebellion among the indigenous populations of Latin America. It aims to fill three important gaps in the current understanding of ethnic violence. First, the article's geographical focus brings a broad theoretical literature to a region with which it has had little experience. Second, the article acknowledges and incorporates Fearon and Laitin's argument that theories of ethnic violence should also explain instances of peace and cauterization. Third, the article offers evidence suggesting that democracy reduces the probability of rebellion. This and competing hypotheses are evaluated qualitatively with evidence gathered from secondary sources and historiographical accounts and, quantitatively, with Ted Robert Gurr's Minorities at Risk Phase III Dataset. Based on the finding that regime type is a strong predictor of ethnic violence in Latin America, the author calls for a reevaluation of the link between regime type and violent political behavior.
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Rediker, Marcus. "The African Origins of the Amistad Rebellion, 1839." International Review of Social History 58, S21 (September 6, 2013): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000242.
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AbstractThis essay explores the Amistad rebellion of 1839, in which fifty-three Africans seized a slave schooner, sailed it to Long Island, New York, made an alliance with American abolitionists, and won their freedom in a protracted legal battle. Asking how and why the rebels succeeded, it emphasizes the African background and experience, as well as the “fictive kinship” that grew out of many incarcerations, as sources of solidarity that made the uprising possible. The essay concludes by discussing the process of mutiny, suggesting a six-phase model for understanding the dynamics of shipboard revolt, and showing how such events can have powerful historical consequences.
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Zdunik, Michał. "W kręgu Tadeusza Kudlińskiego: Wiesław Gorecki." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis | Studia Historicolitteraria 18 (December 12, 2018): 200–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20811853.18.16.
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Three one-act plays – The Elevator, The Rebellion and The Freud – written by Wiesław Gorecki are analysed in the paper. These plays were premiered in 1934 by a theatre group Mikroscena, founded by Tadeusz Kudliński. In my opinion, Wiesław Gorecki’s dramas are examples of modern aesthetics (as defined by Richard Sheppard). We can read these works as a poetic drama (The Elevator), the Ibsenesque psychological theatre (The Fraud) and a game with scenic illusion in the style of Pirandello (The Rebellion). Finally, I created a new term for Goreckis’ plays: “miniature, light and bourgeois modernism”.
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Välikangas, Liisa, and Arne Carlsen. "Spitting in the Salad: Minor Rebellion as Institutional Agency." Organization Studies 41, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): 543–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840619831054.
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How can a desire for rebellion drive institutional agency, and how is such desire produced? In this paper, we develop a theory of minor rebellion as a form of institutional agency. Drawing from the work of Deleuze and Guattari as well as from notions of social inquiry and the sociology of punk, we qualify and illustrate minor rebellion as a lived-in field of desire and engagement that involves deterritorializing of practice in the institutional field. Three sets of processes are involved: (i) minor world-making, through establishing the aesthetics and relations of an outsider social network within a major field, including the enactment of cultural frames of revolt and radicalism; (ii) minor creating, through constructing and experimenting with terms, concepts, and technology that somehow challenge hegemony from within; and (iii) minor inquiring, through problematizing social purposes and the related experiential surfacing of the desirable new. Minor rebellion suggests a new solution to the paradox of embedded agency by describing institutional agency as shuttling between political contest and open-ended social inquiry, involving anti-sentiments, but also being for something. The paper also contributes to recasting institutional agency as a process resulting from emergent collective action rather than preceding it. To illustrate our theorizing, we describe the emergence of Robin Hood Asset Management, a Finnish activist hedge fund. At the end of the paper we discuss how minor rebellion raises new questions about the multiplicities and eventness of desiring in institutional agency.
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Fazal, Tanisha M. "Rebellion, War Aims & the Laws of War." Daedalus 146, no. 1 (January 2017): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00423.
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Most wars today are civil wars, but we have little understanding of the conditions under which rebel groups might comply with the laws of war. i ask three questions in this essay: What do the laws of war require of rebels, or armed nonstate actors (ansas)? To what extent are rebels aware of the laws of war? Under what conditions do rebel groups comply with international humanitarian law? i argue that the war aims of rebel groups are key to understanding their relationship with the laws of war. In particular, secessionist rebel groups – those that seek a new, independent state – are especially likely to comply with the laws of war as a means to signal their capacity and willingness to be good citizens of the international community to which they seek admission.
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Timmons, Stephen. "Witchcraft and Rebellion in Late Seventeenth-Century Devon." Journal of Early Modern History 10, no. 4 (2006): 297–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006506779141579.
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AbstractThe case of three women from Bideford, Devon, tried and executed for witchcraft in 1682, provides a unique glimpse into the interaction between popular culture, print media, and political parties of the Exclusion Crisis era. The judicial records of the case are fairly limited, contained only in missives from the Calendar State Papers Domestic, and the memoirs of the trial judge. Publishers in London, however, provided a much greater range of source material to the reading public, including a heavily edited transcript of depositions that created the accepted version of the proceedings, and entirely fictitious accounts that bore little relation to the actual events. The needs of both the print media and the political parties distorted the actual incidents of the case, but provided the only memory of it for popular culture.
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Dohmen, Linda. "Gegen die göttliche Vorsehung." Das Mittelalter 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2015-0009.
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Abstract The Frankish Emperor Louis (later called the Pious), only surviving son of Charlemagne, always made it clear that he understood his rule over the Franks as derived directly from God. In 833, however, Louis had to face the second rebellion within three years, and this time, while preparing battle against his three sons, he was deserted by his army on the so-called Field of Lies near Colmar in Alsace and thus was informally deposed. Among those who played an active part in the events in Colmar and later in Compiègne, where Louis was forced to accede to a public penance, was Archbishop Agobard of Lyon. His ‘Libri apologetici’, written in the summer and autumn of 833, bear powerful witness to the difficulties that contemporaries experienced when trying to legitimate the rebellion against a ruler believed to be installed by God.
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NISHIYAMA, HISASHI. "Rebellion of the Three Supervision Being Created -- Centered around the Relationship with Duke Zhou." STUDY OF THE EASTERN CLASSIC 75 (June 30, 2019): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.16880/sec.2019.75.01.009.
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Soc, Andrija. "Kant and the legitimacy of rebellion against the sovereign." Theoria, Beograd 56, no. 4 (2013): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1304063s.
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The main topic of this paper is Kant?s position with respect to whether rebellion of citizens against their sovereign is justified. The first part of the paper introduces the social contract theory and considers three well-known answers to this question - Hobbes?s Locke?s and Rousseau?s. In the second part I deal with Kant?s views relying on those of his works where the relation between government and citizens is the chief subject. It is usually thought that Kant believes that rebellion, or revolution against sovereign is unjustified, or even contradictory. In the third part of the paper I try to outline an alternative interpretation that ascribes him the positive attitude towards revolution in certain contexts, and to which I arrive by using mainly the textual evidence present in the Critique of Judgment.
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Silver, Daniel. "Everyday Radicalism and the Democratic Imagination: Dissensus, Rebellion and Utopia." Politics and Governance 6, no. 1 (April 3, 2018): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i1.1213.
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The prevalence of social injustice suggests the need for radical transformation of political economy and governance. This article develops the concept of ‘everyday radicalism’, which positions the everyday as a potential site of social change. Everyday radicalism is based on three main elements: dissensus and a rupture with dominant practices; collective rebellion and the creation of alternatives on a micro-scale; and the connection of these practices with utopian ideas to be able to develop strategies for social justice. The potential application of everyday radicalism is illustrated through a case study of a women’s social intervention in Manchester. The article aims to show how everyday radicalism has the potential to contribute knowledge towards the transformation of everyday life and the institutions that govern society.
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TALBOT, CYNTHIA. "A Poetic Record of the Rajput Rebellion, c. 1680." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 3 (February 26, 2018): 461–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618631800007x.
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AbstractThrough comparison of three poetic texts describing the career of Rana Raj Singh of Mewar (r. 1652–1680), this paper demonstrates how representations of Aurangzeb could vary dramatically even when they were produced for the same Rajput court. Much of the paper focuses on Rāj-vilās, a vernacular-language work with a lengthy account of conflict between Aurangzeb and the Rajput lords of Marwar and Mewar. Rāj-vilās is also noteworthy for its negative portrayal of the Mughal emperor, whom it castigates as a wicked killer of kin who was duplicitous and vengeful. Sometimes thought to be modern constructions, the criticisms of Aurangzeb found in Rāj-vilās reveal that certain ideas about Indian historical figures have continued to be deployed and repurposed over the centuries. Yet Rajput views during Aurangzeb's lifetime were not uniformly unfavourable, as the Sanskrit texts Rāja-ratnākara and Rāja-praśasti attest. Although these two works resembled Rāj-vilās in covering the reign of Rana Raj Singh and were written at roughly the same time, they cast Aurangzeb in a considerably more positive light. This difference can be attributed to the fluctuating political relationship between the Mughal empire and the Mewar kingdom in the decade between 1677 and 1687, underscoring the need to carefully identify the historical contexts within which representations of Aurangzeb were produced and circulated.
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Prins, Brandon, Anup Phayal, and Ursula E. Daxecker. "Fueling rebellion: Maritime piracy and the duration of civil war." International Area Studies Review 22, no. 2 (March 5, 2019): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919833975.
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Extant research shows that the presence of natural resources can prolong civil wars. But research also indicates that as rebel groups become stronger, conflicts tend to shorten. These studies suggest an unclear association among the three variables—resources, rebel strength, and conflict duration. If resources increase the fighting ability of rebels, then why do they not shorten conflicts? To understand this relationship, we examine incidents of maritime piracy, which unlike other resources are more clearly exploited by rebel groups rather than states and offer new insight on how this might affect the persistence of civil war. The findings suggest that the use of piracy by weaker rebel groups shortens conflict but prolongs it when exploited by stronger rebel groups. We think our conditional analyses allow us to discern insurgencies driven at least in part by greedy rebels and therefore better illuminate the causal process by which resource wealth prolongs civil war.
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Solodkin, Ya G. "BEREZOV UYEZD IN 1595: THE REBELLION OF «FOREIGNERS» AND THE SERVICE PEOPLE." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/19-3/11.
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In 1595, shortly after founding, the Berezov fort was besieged by the Ostyaks (probably under the command of the Kunovat-Lyapin prince Shatrov Luguev) and the Samoeds. A quarter century later, three servicemen from Berezov evidenced in the Kazan Prikaz that the siege, during which the ‘foreigners’ burned the fort, lasted over six months. Contrary to the common opinion, the reliability of this evidence can be doubted because it does not completely agree with the news on Shatrov Luguev’s assault of Berezov in 1594-1595. Moreover, the garrison of the fortress on the Severnaya Sosva river was rather numerous (three hundred Cossacks and ‘Lithuanians’) and it is likely that they were able to make the assaulters retreat. The agitation among the local Ostyaks and Samoyeds subsided, probably, only a few months later, and Moscow considered it expedient to send a punitive detachment, commanded by Prince P.I. Gorchakov, to the Urals. In 1596, together with the Kodi Ostyaks and, apparently, the Berezovites, Gorchakov defeated the Obdor principality and founded the Obdor (Nosovoy) fort.
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ROLANDSEN, ØYSTEIN H., and NICKI KINDERSLEY. "THE NASTY WAR: ORGANISED VIOLENCE DURING THE ANYA-NYA INSURGENCY IN SOUTH SUDAN, 1963–72." Journal of African History 60, no. 01 (March 2019): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000367.
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AbstractIn 1963, unrest in Sudan's three southern provinces (today's South Sudan) escalated into a civil war between the government and the Anya-Nya rebellion. The subsequent eight years of violence has hitherto largely escaped scrutiny from academic researchers and has remained a subject of popular imagination and politicised narratives. This article demonstrates how this history can be explored with greater nuance, thereby establishing a local history of a postcolonial civil war. Focusing on the garrison town of Torit, our research reveals a localised and personalised rebellion, made up of a constellation of parochial armed groups. This new history also demonstrates how these parties built upon experiences from imperial conquest and colonial rule when entrenching violent wartime practices such as mass displacement and encampment, the raising of local militias and intelligence networks, and the deliberate starvation of civilians — all common methods in subsequent wars.
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Boyd, Steven R. "The Critique of the Articles of Confederation Reconsidered." Journal of Early American History 8, no. 3 (December 18, 2018): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00803001.
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Generations of scholars have declared the Articles of Confederation to be inadequate to the needs of the nation of necessity replaced by the Constitution of 1787. This interpretation rests on three methodological flaws. First, it is anachronistic by which I mean that scholars use as a standard of judgement answers to questions of constitutional policy embedded in the Constitution. They then judge the alternative answers of the Articles to be wrong. Secondly, they compare the Articles in practice to the words of the Constitution incorrectly assuming the “promises” of the latter became effective public policy during the Early National period. Thirdly, they interpret comparable events in accordance with their preconceived judgement. Events like Shays’ Rebellion during the Confederation era are interpreted as signs of weakness. Comparable events in the Constitution era, like the Whiskey Rebellion and its aftermath, are judged signs of strength.
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Pearlman, Wendy. "From Palestine to Syria: Three Intifadas and Lessons for Popular Struggles." Middle East Law and Governance 8, no. 1 (July 19, 2016): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00801004.
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What lessons can the Palestinian national movement offer contemporary revolts in the Middle East in general, and Syria, specifically? Though the Syrian revolt to overthrow dictatorship is distinct from Palestinians’ mobilization against occupation, many issues and patterns link them as popular struggles. Looking for such patterns, this essay examines three major uprisings in Palestinian history: the Great Revolt of 1936–39, the first Intifada beginning in 1987, and the second Intifada beginning in the year 2000. Comparing these cases to the ongoing Syrian rebellion, it draws conclusions about the factors shaping the course and success of grassroots struggles. Specifically it points to the yearning for dignity as the fundamental engine of popular mobilization against oppressive rule, the effect of state repression in escalating protest, and the relationship between movements’ internal political unity and the effectiveness of their campaigns for change.
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Santosa, Budi Tri. "Formasi Diskursus dan Subjektivitas dalam Novel The Water Knife Karya Paolo Bacigalupi : Kajian Arkeo-Genealogi Foucault." ATAVISME 20, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24257/atavisme.v20i2.405.138-154.
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This research is conducted to elaborate discursive formations, formation and surveillance of discursive subject, and the subject’s struggle towards the discourse in Paolo Bacigalupi’s The Water Knife. Data that is successfully collected are analyzed using Foucault’s archeo-genealogy method in two steps: archeology reading and genealogy reading. The result shows that there four formations forming a discourse, namely object, enunciative, conceptual, and strategy formation. Then, there are also four mechanisms of discursive formation, which are centering individual from society, training of control the activity of the body, testing individual’s body in the certain degree, and creating subject as body-machine of discourse. The mechanism of surveillance is done through three ways, they are hierarchial control, norm forming, and examination as intensive control. The effect of the dominant discourse is the rebellion against the discourse. There are two rebellion ways in the novel, namely parrhesia as the discourse discontinuity and the care of the self as means against the discourse.
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Verghese, Ajay, and Emmanuel Teitelbaum. "Conquest and Conflict: The Colonial Roots of Maoist Violence in India." Politics & Society 47, no. 1 (February 6, 2019): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329218823120.
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Does colonialism have long-term effects on political stability? This question is addressed in a study of India’s Naxalite insurgency, a Maoist rebellion characterized by its left-wing proponents as having roots in the colonial period. The article highlights three mechanisms linking colonialism with contemporary Naxalite violence—land inequality, discriminatory policies toward low-caste and tribal groups, and upper-caste-dominated administrative institutions. It analyzes how the degree of British influence relates to Naxalite conflict in 589 districts from 1980 to 2011. A positive association is found between British influence and the strength of the Naxalite rebellion across all of India, within both the “Red Corridor” region and former princely states. The results are robust to a coarsened exact matching analysis and a wide array of robustness checks. The findings call into question whether the supposedly beneficial administrative and institutional legacies of colonialism can be evaluated without reference to their social costs.
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Valladares, Susan. "Afro-Creole Revelry and Rebellion on the British Stage: Jonkanoo in Obi; or, Three-Fingered Jack (1800)." Review of English Studies 70, no. 294 (November 2, 2018): 291–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgy093.
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LeQuesne, Theo. "From Carbon Democracy to Carbon Rebellion: Countering Petro-Hegemony on the Frontlines of Climate Justice." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.905.
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This essay combines salient instances of climate justice activism in key battlegrounds against the fossil fuel industry in the United States and Canada with theoretical interventions in studies of corporate power, grassroots democracy, and counter hegemony. It explores Timothy Mitchell's Carbon Democracy and the term’s relevance to understanding the conditions in which climate justice activists must combat the entrenched interests of fossil fuel companies. It suggests that Carbon Democracy is a helpful concept for understanding how fossil fuel dependency both shapes and distorts democratic governance. Drawing upon insights in three case studies - activism against Chevron in Richmond California, the Water Protectors and the Dakota Access Pipeline at Standing Rock, and the First Nations-led fight against the Trans Mountain Pipeline in British Columbia - the essay supplements Carbon Democracy with two more terms: Petro-Hegemony and Carbon Rebellion. These reveal three power relations, namely consent, compliance, and coercion, upon which fossil fuel companies depend and in which climate justice activists must strategically intervene to move beyond conditions of Carbon Democracy. I show that dual power is a logic of strategic intervention that climate justice activists are successfully using to intervene in all three of these relations to reign in corporate power and assert their own sovereignty.
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Mao, Bincheng. "Mob Ideology or Democracy: Analyzing Taiping Rebellion’s Defeat and Revolution of 1911’s Triumph in Ending the Qing Dynasty." Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 2, no. 2 (2021): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.2.1.2.
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This paper investigates the underlying factors that caused the Qing Dynasty of China to survive the Taiping Rebellion yet crumbled upon the Revolution of 1911. It first examines the ideological differences between the two attempts of regime change, followed by an exploration into the extent of foreign interference in determining the outcomes of the two events. Subsequently, the author analyzes the conflict between the constitutionalists and the absolute monarchists within the Qing court during the time of the Revolution in 1911. Ultimately, this paper concludes that the Qing dynasty survived the Taiping Rebellion yet crumbled upon the Xinhai Revolution because the latter’s San-min Doctrine, also known as the “Three Principles of the People,” drew support from within the Qing regional governments as its ideology gave them hopes of preserving powers, while the Taiping Rebellion’s mob ideology achieved the contrary; on top of this, the Revolution of 1911 faced a Qing government weakened by internal conflicts over constitutional reforms, and it also successfully prevented foreign powers from intervening on behalf of the falling imperial dynasty.
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Yoon, Jeong. "The Political meaning of ’Correction of Historical Records in Ming-Shi(明史辨誣)’ in King Sookjong period - The Joseon Royal Court"s response to ’Revolt of the Three Feudatories(三藩)’-." Journal of History and Practical Thought Studies 70 (November 30, 2019): 193–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.31335/hpts.2019.11.70.193.
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Heroldová, Helena, and Jiřina Todorovová. "A Family Portrait: Enrique Stanko Vráz and the Qing Aristocracy During the Boxer Rebellion." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 39, no. 1 (2018): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anpm-2018-0005.
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The Czech traveller and photographer Enrique Stanko Vráz (1860–1932) spent three spring months in China during the Boxer Uprising in 1901. He was amongst the first travellers – photo-reporters. He preferred realistic photographs as the best proof of capturing the world around him. In Beijing, he took several hundred photographs including the Manchu aristocratic families. Among them, he photographed Prince Su (1866–1922), an important late Qing statesman, and his family. The study discusses Prince Su’s family photographs in relations to Vráz’s notes and travel books.
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樊, 慧慧. "On the Transformation of Coven’s Historiography Method—“History Three: The Boxer Rebellion as an Event, Experience, and Myth”." Advances in Social Sciences 07, no. 05 (2018): 598–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.12677/ass.2018.75091.
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Royan, Nicola. "Some conspicuous women in the Original Chronicle, Scotichronicon and Scotorum Historia." Innes Review 59, no. 2 (November 2008): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x08000255.
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This piece argues that female characters in late medieval and early modern Scottish historiography can have a function beyond their individual identities. This function may be to represent the realm, particularly when under attack or in pursuit of justice; or, alternatively, to figure and to contain rebellion and dissent. Through selected examples from three narratives, the article explores the various emphases placed by different writers and suggests the significance of this for the wider interpretation of the historiography under consideration.
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Bartlett, Thomas. "The Shadow of a Year: The 1641 Rebellion in Irish History and Memory by John Gibney, and: The Irish Rebellion of 1641 and the Wars of the Three Kingdoms by Eamon Darcy." Catholic Historical Review 100, no. 1 (2014): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2014.0069.
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Guyer, Paul. "“Hobbes Is of the Opposite Opinion” Kant and Hobbes on the Three Authorities in the State." Hobbes Studies 25, no. 1 (2012): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502512x639623.
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Like Hobbes and unlike Locke, Kant denied the possibility of a right to rebellion. But unlike Hobbes, Kant did not argue for a unitary head of state in whom legislative, judicial, and executive powers are inseparable, and thus did not believe that the executive power in a state to whom must be conceded a monopoly of coercion also defines all rights in the state. Instead, Kant insisted upon the necessary division of authority in a state into a separate legislature, executive, and judiciary, and thus, while rejecting the idea that a people could ever rightfully overthrow their entire constitution or government, he could and did hold that a people represented by a parliament have genuine rights against the executive power within their state even though that executive power properly has a monopoly on the coercive enforcement of the parliament's laws.
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Čagalj, Ivana. "National Solidarity and Unity in the Works of Fra Rajmund Rudež, Fra Josip Vergilij Perić and Don Ilija Ujević." Humanities and Cultural Studies 3/2021, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.8899.
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The paper analyzes the cultural, literary, and political activities of three priests related to the area of Imotska Krajina in terms of their by origin, works and service. An analysis of selected political and literary texts written in the last two decades of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century will show how (the)?priests’ discourse followed the development of Croatian intelligentsia in terms of balancing between spiritual and political Slavic unity and the vision of an independent and properly united Croatia. While in political works the priests expressed stronger rebellion, their literary works are a continuation of pastoral work, but without greater artistic value with a clear didactic message. The purpose of both types of texts is to continue the revival work, to enlighten the Zagora part of Dalmatia and to spread Croatian thought. They differ in their view of the solution to the Croatian question, political affinities, level of engagement, position and function, while what they have in common is the work on internal harmony, which among those more politically engaged included rebellion against Croatia's internal and external enemies.
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Dombóvári, János. "Áthangszerelt finálé - Hard Rock Hotel | Budapest, Nagymező utca." Metszet 11, no. 5 (2020): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33268/met.2020.5.7.
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Architects: László SZÁSZ and Erzsébet HAJNÁDY Following the established business model of the Hard Rock company design concepts are handled by their local franchise partner. Here the decision was made to respect the existing building's elevations, whilst adding a three storey high golden crown that responds to the location, Nagymező Utca's, Broadway like ambitions. To lift a corner site architecturally with a bold, traditionally, out of context statement. This approach completes the problem of a poorly massed streetscape whilst adding a taste of Rock 'n' Roll rebellion.
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Patterson, James G. "Republicanism, agrarianism and banditry in the west of Ireland, 1798–1803." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 137 (May 2006): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004697.
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On 22 August 1798 the United Irishmen’s long-term efforts to obtain French support finally came to fruition with the appearance of three frigates in Killala Bay on the coast of Mayo. Unfortunately for them, their allies had come too late, for the rebellion of 1798 had been suppressed several weeks earlier. Moreover, the French landing force numbered barely a thousand men. Nonetheless, this belated and undersized army was joined by thousands of Irish volunteers and scored several local victories before being overwhelmed at Ballinamuck in County Longford on 8 September.
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Heppell, Timothy. "The Ideological Composition of the Parliamentary Conservative Party 1992–97." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00006.
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With the emphasis on loyalty and unity and an aversion to ideological disputation the Parliamentary Conservative Party (PCP) has traditionally been described as a party of tendencies, rather than factions. The Cowley and Norton study of the ideological and factional basis of rebellion argues that the 1992–97 PCP adhered to the party of tendencies definition. However, through the development of a new three-dimensional, eight-fold typology of Conservatism, that involves behavioural and attitudinal mapping, it can be demonstrated that between 1992 and 1997 the PCP did display evidence of factionalism.
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Atwill, David G. "Blinkered Visions: Islamic Identity, Hui Ethnicity, and the Panthay Rebellion in Southwest China, 1856—1873." Journal of Asian Studies 62, no. 4 (November 2003): 1079–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3591760.
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On 19 may 1856, qing officials in kunming, the capital of the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan, systematically carried out a three-day massacre of the city's Hui (Muslim Yunnanese). Han townspeople, the local militia, and imperial officials methodically slaughtered between four and seven thousand Yunnan Hui—men, women, and children—burned the city's mosques to the ground, and posted orders to exterminate the Hui in every prefecture, department, and district in Yunnan (QPHF 1968, 6:20a, 8:4a; Gui 1953, 73). This massacre and the widespread attacks that followed signaled the beginning of the eighteen-year Hui-led Panthay Rebellion (1856–73).
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Swart, Sandra. "‘A boer and his gun and his wife are three things always together’: republican masculinity and the 1914 rebellion." Journal of Southern African Studies 24, no. 4 (December 1998): 737–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079808708599.
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Vuksanovic, Ivana. "The fate of the postmodern world: On melancholy and rebellion by Milan Mihajlovic." Muzikologija, no. 21 (2016): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz1621087v.
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The musical oeuvre of Milan Mihajlovic (b. 1945) enjoys a high reputation and position in contemporary Serbian music. This has been proven by the many awards he has received, countless performances of his compositions at home and abroad, and especially by the warm and approving reactions of the audience. The stylistic consistency in his oeuvre is a result of his creative use of Scriabin?s scale. The concept of this scale was first theoretically elaborated in an extensive study written by Mihajlovic in 1980 and, since then the scale has been functioning as a crucial cohesive element in all Mihajlovic?s compositions. The novelty in his oeuvre, composed during the 1990s, were intertextual references made by using citations from his own works and those of other composers (Monteverdi, Mozart, Stravinsky, Rachmaninov, Vasilije Mokranjac). The most characteristic features of his mature style are also recognizable in his recent works Melancholy (2014) and Rebellion (2015). The interval structure of Skriabin?s scale is projected along the horizontal (melodical) and vertical (harmonical) axes of the both works while the formal design resulted from shifts of tensions and relaxations. Developmental sections are based on variation and improvisation of the small number of different motifs (three basic ones in Melancholy, four in Rebellion) above the metrically moveable ostinato layers and the releases are marked by change of tempo, dynamic, meter and texture. The most significant and radical release is the one which marks the abrupt ending of Rebellion by the physical gesture of slamming down the keyboard lid. As the composition was written for the BUNT festival (Belgrade) it fits the festival?s idea of expressing resistance to the government?s neglect of academic musicians and institutions. In the wider sense, it becomes a sign of the resistance to the world we live in, and that is the world of lost ideals. Both works are composed for the wind instrument and the piano quartet and in the both cases the author?s voice, with its figures of sorrow and anger, is personified in singing, narrative lines of the wind instrument (the oboe in Melancholy and French horn in Rebellion respectively). These two compositions also demonstrate the specific concept of a circle that is intuitively searched for and ingeniously implemented. It is manifested by the cyclic concept of Scriabin?s scale and projected in all of the author?s compositional procedures as a vehicle for the expression of lament and resignation.
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Kennedy, Catriona. "Republican Relicts: Gender, Memory, and Mourning in Irish Nationalist Culture, ca. 1798–1848." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 608–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.69.
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AbstractIn the past two decades, remembrance has emerged as one of the dominant preoccupations in Irish historical scholarship. There has, however, been little sustained analysis of the relationship between gender and memory in Irish studies, and gender remains under-theorized in memory studies more broadly. Yet one of the striking aspects of nineteenth-century commemorations of the 1798 and 1803 rebellions is the relatively prominent role accorded to women and, in particular, Sarah Curran, Pamela Fitzgerald, and Matilda Tone, the widows of three of the most celebrated United Irish “martyrs.” By analyzing the mnemonic functions these female figures performed in nineteenth-century Irish nationalist discourse, this article offers a case study of the circumstances in which women may be incorporated into, rather than excluded, from national memory cultures. This incorporation, it is argued, had much to do with the fraught political context in which the 1798 rebellion and its leaders were memorialized. As the remembrance of the rebellion in the first half of the nineteenth century assumed a covert character, conventionally gendered distinctions between private grief and public remembrance, intimate histories and heroic reputations, and family genealogy and public biography became blurred so as to foreground women and the female mourner.
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Angel, Barbara. "Choosing Sides in War and Peace: The Travels of Herculano Balam Among the PacíFicos Del Sur." Americas 53, no. 4 (April 1997): 525–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008147.
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In May 1866, almost twenty years after the outbreak of the Maya rebellion of 1847, thejuez de pazof Tekax in the Puuc or Sierra region of southern Yucatán recorded the testimony of a Maya peasant by the name of Herculano Balam. Herculano, along with his father and his cousin, had been picked up by local authorities for questioning following a lengthy absence from their home village of Cantamayec in the district of Sotuta. The three prisoners had been detained because they were suspected of being spies sent by the Maya rebels of Chan Santa Cruz to persuade local Maya to join them in their continuing struggle against the creole government of Yucatán. Herculano’s statement does not shed much light on whether or not he and his companions were, in fact, “spies.” Nonetheless, his testimony is extremely important for it contains rare evidence of contact between the Maya rebels of Chan Santa Cruz, thepacíficos del sur, and the peasants of central Yucatán. At the same time, Herculano’s travels provoke interesting questions about the interaction between peasants and guerrillas, and the relationship of individuals to communities, which lead us, in turn, to the nature of peasant politics in the aftermath of the rebellion.
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Ghai, Yash. "Ethnic Identity, Participation and Social Justice: A Constitution for New Nepal?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 18, no. 3 (2011): 309–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181111x583305.
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AbstractFor nearly two centuries Nepal has been governed under the hegemony of three upper caste communities: Brahmins, Chettries and Newars. Under the influence of Hinduism and the monarchy, other communities, Dalits, women, indigenous peoples and the people of the southern parts were marginalised. Struggles of democracy in the 1950s were less about social justice than the access of the elite communities to increasing shares in the spoils and administration of the state, which was achieved in the 1990 Constitution. The Maoist rebellion in the mid 1990s seriously hampered the working of the Constitution, although not the hegemony of the upper caste communities. The uprising of the people against the King in April 2006 changed the context of that rebellion, accelerated the ceasefire and introduced a new constitutional agenda, based on social justice and the inclusion of the marginalised community in the affairs and institutions of the state. However, despite the overthrow of the monarchy, a multi-party government, of parties committed to fundamental state restructuring, progress towards a new dispensation has been slow. A new Constitution should have been adopted by April 2010 by an elected, representative Constituent Assembly but disagreements between the former elites, still firmly in control of politics, has diverted attention from constitutional reform.
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Rugeley, Terry. "The Forgotten Liberator: Buenaventura Martíínez and Yucatáán's Republican Restoration." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, no. 2 (2003): 331–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.2.331.
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Yucatáán's overthrow of the French-sponsored Empire (1864-1867) began under the leadership of a man named Buenaventura Martíínez, a now-forgotten landowner and militia officer from the town of Baca. A detailed reconstruction of Martíínez's life reveals three points. First, his rebellion arose not at the command of national political figures, but instead over local issues and under local leadership. Martíínez belonged to a family of small- to moderate-sized landowners from the town of Baca, he had a history of rebellion against authority figures, and he was able to muster multiethnic support through personal charisma, family connections, and ties of compadrazgo. His revolt built upon popular discontent with Imperial attempts to revive the Caste War. Launching his rebellion in 1866, Martíínez ultimately ceded leadership to the better-known Colonel Manuel Cepeda Peraza, but not before galvanizing Yucatecans to rebellion and constructing the basis of the Republican army. Second, an examination of post-Imperial Baca reveals that Mexico's republican restoration period (1867-1876) for the most part continued the basics of pre-1867 political culture. Third, his story reveals how important actors in Mexican history have been forgotten as national level politics and culture have displaced local memory. The recovery of that local memory, and particular of individuals such as Buenaventura Martíínez, remains critical to a deeper understanding of Mexican history. Le derrota del imperio patrocinado por Francia en Yucatáán empezóó en 1866 bajo el mando de un tal Buenaventura Martíínez, un ahora olvidado propietario y official de milicias del pueblo de Baca. La recononstruccióón detallada de la vida de Martíínez revela tres puntos. En primer lugar, su rebellion no se originóó bajo el mando de las figuras polííticas nacionales, sino en respuesta a los asuntos locales y por el liderazgo - asimismo - local. Martíínez pertencióó a una familia de ha*An cendados de tamañño pequeñño o mediano del pueblo de Baca, tuvo una historia de insubordinacióón hacia las autoridades, y fue capaz de mobilizar apoyo multiéétnico por su carisma personal, sus conecciones familiares, y sus lazos de padrinazgo. Su insurreccióón se aprovechóó del descontento popular por los intentos imperiales de resucitar la Guerra de Castas. Eventualmente Martíínez cedióó el liderazgo al mejor conocido Coronel Manuel Cepeda Peraza, no sin antes haber construíído el ejéército de resistencia al llamar a los yucatecos a tomar armas. En segundo lugar, un anáálisis de Baca pos-imperial demuestra que el perííodo de la restauracióón republicana (1867-1876) por la mayor parte continuóó los puntos báásicos de la cultura políítica anteriores a 1867. En tercer lugar, su historia demuestra como ciertos actores importantes de la historia mexicana han sido olvidados mientras que la políítica y la cultura de nivel nacional han desplazado la memoria local. El recobro de esa memoria local, y especialmente de individuos como Buenaventura Martíínez, es transcendental para una comprensióón máás profunda de la historia mexicana.
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Webber, Jeffery. "Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Part I: Domestic Class Structure, Latin-American Trends, and Capitalist Imperialism." Historical Materialism 16, no. 2 (2008): 23–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x296060.
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AbstractThis article, which will appear in three parts over three issues of Historical Materialism, presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year (January 2006–January 2007) of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the class structure of the country, the changing character of contemporary capitalist imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers, at a general level, the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. These considerations are then grounded in analyses of the 2000–5 revolutionary epoch, the 18 December 2005 elections, the social origins and trajectory of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) as a party, the complexities of the relationship between indigenous liberation and socialist emancipation, the process of the Constituent Assembly, the political economy of natural gas and oil, the rise of an autonomist right-wing movement, US imperialism, and Bolivia's relations with Venezuela and Cuba. The central argument is that the economic policies of the new government exhibit important continuities with the inherited neoliberal model and that advancing the project of indigenous liberation and socialist emancipation will require renewed self-activity, self-organisation and strategic mobilisation of popular left-indigenous forces autonomous from the MAS government.
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Robie, David. "REVIEW: Gossanna cave siege tragic tale of betrayal." Pacific Journalism Review 18, no. 2 (October 31, 2012): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v18i2.281.
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Review of: Rebellion [l’Ordre at la morale], directed by Mathieu Kassovitz. Nord-Ouest Films, 2012 [English version]. 136min. www. lordreetlamorale-lefilm.comWhen the headlines hit France in April 1988 about the critical turning point in ‘les évènements’ down under in New Caledonia, maverick filmmaker Mathieu Kassovitz was just 18. He remembers the gritty images of the Gossanna cave siege on television. Indigenous Kanaks were reported to have massacred a quartet of gendarmes with machetes and shotguns and taken 27 others hostage (three others were captured later). There were also false reports of alleged decapitations and rape on Ouvéa in the remote Loyalty Islands.