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Journal articles on the topic 'Recall election'
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Kurnianto, Anang Wahyu, and Ridwanto Ardi Kusumo. "Recall on Village Heads Election: An Election Law Reform." Journal of Law and Legal Reform 1, no. 2 (January 13, 2020): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v1i2.35406.
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This study aims to analyze the model of holding village head elections between times with a case study in Reban Village, Reban District, Batang Regency. This study uses a qualitative method with a sociological juridical approach(Dawkins et al., 2019). The results of this study indicate that: 1). Inter-village head election procedures in Reban Village, Reban District, Batang Regency are in accordance with the mandate of Article 47 of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. However, referring to Article 45 of Government Regulation No. 43 of 2014 there are stages of selection that are not yet in accordance with technical rules: a). The holding of the election exceeds the specified time limit. Limitations of technical guidelines become the main obstacle b). Funding for the election is still fully burdened to the candidates for village heads. 2). The mechanism for electing village heads over time through a voting model with a representative system. Voters who have the right to vote are every family head who lives in Reban Village, proven by a Family Card. Elections are democratic with a turnout of 94.9%.
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Shaw, Daron, Mark J. McKenzie, and Jeffrey Underwood. "Strategic Voting in the California Recall Election." American Politics Research 33, no. 2 (March 2005): 216–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x04272230.
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Segura, Gary M., and Luis R. Fraga. "Race and the Recall: Racial and Ethnic Polarization in the California Recall Election." American Journal of Political Science 52, no. 2 (April 2008): 421–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2008.00321.x.
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Bligh, Michelle C., Jeffrey C. Kohles, and Rajnandini Pillai. "Crisis and Charisma in the California Recall Election." Leadership 1, no. 3 (September 2005): 323–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715005054440.
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Kim, Jibum, Sori Kim, and Deok hyun Jang. "Prior Election Vote Participation and Vote Choice Recall." Survey Research 22, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.20997/sr.22.2.6.
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Michael Alvarez, R., and D. Roderick Kiewiet. "Rationality and Rationalistic Choice in the California Recall." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (April 2009): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000586.
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The California recall election of 2003 provides an excellent setting for investigating voter rationality and certain forms of sophisticated voting. In a pre-election telephone survey, 1,500 registered voters were asked to make pairwise comparisons between the major candidates, and their responses were combined to infer preferences. Individuals’ preference orderings over the major candidates rarely exhibited intransitivity. The patterns of tactical voting observed in the replacement part of the recall election were consistent with the declining rate hypothesis. Voters also engaged in ‘hedge voting’ on the recall question itself. The results suggest that voters’ decisions are ‘rationalistic’: while voters are consistent in forming utility-based preference rankings and choosing on that basis, their voting strategies do not incorporate probability assessments in a realistic, consistent fashion, if at all.
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McGhee, Eric, and Mark Baldassare. "The Role of Candidate Choice in the California Recall Election." American Politics Research 37, no. 3 (October 7, 2008): 465–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x08322816.
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Dee, Thomas S. "Technology and Voter Intent: Evidence from the California Recall Election." Review of Economics and Statistics 89, no. 4 (November 2007): 674–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/rest.89.4.674.
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MacDermid, R. H. "The Recall of Past Partisanship: Feeble Memories or Frail Concepts?" Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 363–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900001347.
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AbstractIt has been suggested that recall questions are unreliable measures of change in party identification. Data reported in this article confirm that 50 per cent of respondents in the 1974-1980 Canadian National Election Study three-wave panel had inconsistent patterns of recall. This finding urges caution in analysis; more importantly, such inconsistency raises questions about how to interpret recall behaviour in the light of party identification theory. The available evidence and unclear theory seem to point toward the possibility that at least one-half of the national sample lacked a meaningful federal party identification.
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Nulhakim, Lukman, and Siti Rodhiyah Dwi Istinah. "The Realization of People's Sovereignty Through Recall of People to Elected Legislative Members." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v4i2.15745.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the recalling system of legislative members in Indonesia that does not reflect the value of Pancasila justice; as well as obstacles and solutions to the recalling of legislative members in Indonesia that fulfill a sense of justice and Pancasila values. The research method used is an empirical juridical approach. Research conclusions is the recalling system for legislative members in Indonesia has not reflected the value of Pancasila justice, especially the four principles of Pancasila, namely democracy led by wisdom/deliberation, and eliminating the election system based on Open Proportionality, where constituents do not choose parties but elect candidates. Obstacles in recalling legislative members in Indonesia restrain legislative members from voicing their opinions and their efforts to fulfill the demands of their constituents and their nation, and make legislators no longer become representatives of the people but merely party officials. Recalling members of the legislature should be returned to the sovereignty of the people through the General Election Commission which determines and determines the elected legislative member, whether an elected legislative member can be recalled by his party or not, and as a form of people's sovereignty, regulations should be made regarding terms, conditions and procedures of people from the electoral area of elected legislative members to be able to recall the legislative members who are representing them to the General Election Commission, and if there is a dispute between the people recalling the recalled members or their political parties, the dispute can be carried out through the Constitutional Court or Supreme Court.
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Hariguna, Taqwa, and Vera Rachmawati. "Community Opinion Sentiment Analysis on Social Media Using Naive Bayes Algorithm Methods." IJIIS: International Journal of Informatics and Information Systems 2, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47738/ijiis.v2i1.11.
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The election of Governor is an election event for the Regional Head for the future of the region and the country. The Central Java Governor election in 2018 was held jointly on 27 June 2018, which was followed by 2 candidate pairs of the governor. Its many responses from people through twitter's social media to bring up opinions from the public. Sentiment analysis of 2 research objects of Central Java Governor 2018 candidates with a total of 400 tweets with each candidate being 200 tweets. The used of tweets are divided into 3 classes: positive class, neutral class and negative class. In this study the classification process used the Naive Bayes Classifier (NBC) method, while for data preprocessing is using Cleansing, Punctuation Removal, Stopword Removal, and Tokenisation, to determine the sentiment class with the Lexicon Based method produces the highest accuracy in the Ganjar Pranowo dataset with an accuracy of 87,9545%, Precision value is 0.891%, Recall value is 0.88% and F-Measure is 0.851% while Sudirman Said dataset has an accuracy rate of 84.322%, Precision value of 0.867%, Recall value of 0.843% and F-Measure of 0.815%. From these results, we can conclude that the Ganjar Pranowo dataset was higher compared to Sudirman Said's dataset.
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Bondarenko, M. M. "TOTAL RECALL, OR CHARACTER ASSASSINATION DURING THE 2016 U.S. PRESIDENTAL ELECTION (VISUAL APPROACH)." Habitus 1, no. 12 (2020): 82–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32843/2663-5208.2020.12-1.13.
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Carriquiry, Alicia L. "Election Forensics and the 2004 Venezuelan Presidential Recall Referendum as a Case Study." Statistical Science 26, no. 4 (November 2011): 471–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1214/11-sts379.
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Shue, Kelly, and Erzo F. P. Luttmer. "Who Misvotes? The Effect of Differential Cognition Costs on Election Outcomes." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 229–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.1.1.229.
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If voters have negligible cognition costs, ballot layout should not affect election outcomes. We explore deviations from rational voting using quasi-random variation in candidate name placement on ballots from the 2003 California recall election. We find that minor candidates' vote shares almost double when their names are adjacent to the names of major candidates. All else equal, vote share gains are larger in precincts with higher percentages of poorly educated, poor, or third-party voters. A major candidate that disproportionally attracts voters from such precincts faces an electoral disadvantage. We also explore which voting technology platforms and brands mitigate misvoting. (JEL D72)
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BLIGH, MICHELLE C., JEFFREY C. KOHLES, and RAJNANDINI PILLAI. "WHERE THERE'S SMOKE, IS THERE FIRE? CRISIS AND CHARISMA IN THE CALIFORNIA RECALL ELECTION." Academy of Management Proceedings 2004, no. 1 (August 2004): B1—B6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2004.13857814.
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Beggan, James K., and Scott T. Allison. "The Landslide Victory That Wasn't: The Bias Toward Consistency in Recall of Election Support1." Journal of Applied Social Psychology 23, no. 8 (April 1993): 669–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.1993.tb01108.x.
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Diller, Kevin. "Is God Necessarily Who God Is? Alternatives for the Trinity and Election Debate." Scottish Journal of Theology 66, no. 2 (April 10, 2013): 209–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930613000021.
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AbstractAs a contribution to discussions of the relationship between trinity and election, in this article I explore the helpfulness of a return to ancient modal and metaphysical theological distinctions. At the forefront of trinity/election debates has been Bruce McCormack's controversial claim that election could be conceived as logically prior to, and the motivation for, God's being triune. Steering clear of questions about the right interpretation or trajectory of Karl Barth's theology, I attempt to identify the motivating theological convictions of this debate's interlocutors and find constructive options which maintain or address those convictions. One option I defend is the possibility that triunity is not logically prior to election.I begin with an analysis of three central theological convictions which seem to be at the heart of the trinity/election debates. They are: (1) a revelation axiom – that knowledge of God's nature is governed by the particular historical revelation of God in Christ; (2) a nuanced commitment to divine immutability; and (3) divine libertas a coactione – God's being free in nature and action from external constraint. I then contend that if more attention is paid to modal and metaphysical options with respect to the existence and essence of God, one will see that there are a number of viable positions which respect these convictions.I argue that at least some of the conceptual difficulties of McCormack's position can be eliminated if we properly distinguish kinds of necessity in reference to God's being and if we dispense with any notion of priority between God's essence and God's willing God's essence. With respect to kinds of necessity, I recall the ancient distinction between properties that are (a) necessary consequents of God's essence, (b) contingent and (c) a necessary consequence of God's essence given certain contingent states of affairs. Those distinctions, along with clarifications about the nature of divine freedom vis-à-vis his essence and actions, allow us to see the range of theological positions which remain faithful to the relevant concerns of the revelation axiom, divine immutability and divine freedom.I conclude that, while it is problematic to defend the logical priority of election over triunity, McCormack is justified in his claim that granting election as part of God's essence does no violence to divine freedom and he is perfectly entitled to the view that God's essential properties, including both God's fit-for-election-hypostatic-configuration and God's being the electing God are mutual aspects of God's single self-caused being.
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Jorstad, James, and Cecilia G. Manrique. "The Wisconsin Spring Revisited." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 2, no. 3 (July 2015): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2015070104.
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Five years have passed since the origins of the Arab Spring in Tunisia took place. It has been almost three years since the impact of the Wisconsin Spring on Scott Walker's attempts at policy changes in the state occurred. At that time the effect of social media on public awareness and public participation in political events was considered new and innovative. Since then Walker had been through a recall election and won. He has been through a re-election and also won. In addition, Walker attempted a presidential run in the Republican primary. This article is an update on what has transpired since then and the impact of social media on the events that have taken place in Wisconsin determining whether social media has had an impact on political participation in the state.
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Kudrna, Jan. "Volný mandát člena parlamentu v ústavním vývoji Československa a České republiky." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 51, no. 2 (August 10, 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2021.20.
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This article deals with the issue of the matter of the mandate of members of parliament in the constitutional history of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic. Namely the article is dedicated to the problem, whether and when in the years 1918–2020 the mandate of the members of parliament was free or imperative. The detailed description shows, that in Czechoslovakia strongly prevailed the imperative mandate, irrespective of character of the political regime. The pre-war Czechoslovak constitution adopted in 1920 expressly declared the mandate as a free one and members of parliament should use them regardless of any instructions or commands. Nonetheless very quickly, in 1923, through the decision of the Election Court, the first deputies were deprived of their functions as a sanction for leaving their party policy. Thus, even in the democratic regime the mandate was transformed into the imperative form. After the WWII, the political circumstances in Czechoslovakia changed and the regime turned into a totalitarian form under the hegemony of the communist party. In these circumstances the deputies should serve as servants of the voters, to follow their instructions and they could be recalled, if not fulfilling the will of the (working) people. Nonetheless the recall system based on the public meetings of the voters was not very practical and it could fulfil the estimations only when the communist party has the situation fully under its control. In some critical moments other tools for recall had to be adopted, as it happened in the year 1969, when the political situation after the Prague Spring suppression needed to be consolidated and the will of the voters was different of the will of the conservative communist leaders. The last recalls appeared after the Velvet Revolution when democracy was re-established in Czechoslovakia. Thus, the free parliamentary mandate existed hardly in 8 years from 75 years of existence of Czechoslovakia. The last 30 years of its existence in the constitution of the Czech Republic and political practice is still quite an uncommon period in the Czechoslovak constitutional tradition.
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Chen, Yin-Hua, Hsu-Po Cheng, Yu-Wen Lu, Pei-Hong Lee, Georg Northoff, and Nai-Shing Yen. "Can knowledge of election results change recall of our predictions? Neural correlates of political hindsight bias." PLOS ONE 14, no. 10 (October 10, 2019): e0220690. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0220690.
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BRADY, HENRY E., and JOHN E. MCNULTY. "Turning Out to Vote: The Costs of Finding and Getting to the Polling Place." American Political Science Review 105, no. 1 (February 2011): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000596.
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Could changing the locations of polling places affect the outcome of an election by increasing the costs of voting for some and decreasing them for others? The consolidation of voting precincts in Los Angeles County during California's 2003 gubernatorial recall election provides a natural experiment for studying how changing polling places influences voter turnout. Overall turnout decreased by a substantial 1.85 percentage points: A drop in polling place turnout of 3.03 percentage points was partially offset by an increase in absentee voting of 1.18 percentage points. Both transportation and search costs caused these changes. Although there is no evidence that the Los Angeles Registrar of Voters changed more polling locations for those registered with one party than for those registered with another, the changing of polling places still had a small partisan effect because those registered as Democrats were more sensitive to changes in costs than those registered as Republicans. The effects were small enough to allay worries about significant electoral consequences in this instance (e.g., the partisan effect might be decisive in only about one in two hundred contested House elections), but large enough to make it possible for someone to affect outcomes by more extensive manipulation of polling place locations.
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Kelly, D. P. "Mayor Roger D. Lapham, the Recall Election of 1946, and Neighborhood Voting in San Francisco, 1938-1952." California History 76, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 122–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25161681.
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Levy, Richard. "The Village Self-Government Movement: Elections, Democracy, the Party, and Anticorruption—Developments in Guangdong." China Information 17, no. 1 (March 2003): 28–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x0301700102.
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This article analyzes recent developments in the village self-government movement (democratic elections, democratic decision making, democratic management, and democratic supervision) in Guangdong in 2002 as a lens through which to view the village self-government movement throughout China. In reviewing changes in both election practices and the anticorruption components of such elections, the article concludes that the new discourse and mechanisms of village self-government, including nomination, voting, and recall procedures, include significant, although gradual and sometimes contradictory, progress towards participatory elections and, to a lesser extent, popular democracy while tending to empower new groups in local politics with the potential to challenge elements of the existing power structure. In addition, the anticorruption elements of this movement, particularly new transparency and accounting practices, incorporate numerous elements of both the Chinese leadership and internal anticorruption experts' prescriptions for combating corruption, although other factors in these processes may limit their effectiveness. However, any meaningful evaluation of the success of this movement can only occur in the context of recognition of the significant changes in both China's domestic social formation and increasing globalization, neoliberalism, and corporatization worldwide, both of which have significant effects on the village self-government movement.
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Tauss, Aaron. "Venezuela: Die „bolivarianische Revolution“ in der Krise." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 183 (June 1, 2016): 325–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i183.117.
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Three years after the death of Hugo Chávez, the “Bolivarian Revolution” in Venezuela has plunged into the deepest crisis in its 17-year history. After winning a two-third majority of Congress in the parliamentary elections late last year, the country´s right-wing opposition is now pushing for the ouster of President Nicolás Maduro via a recall referendum. The main reason for the election results is Venezuela´s deepening socio-economic crisis. Hyperinflation, food shortages, water- supply problems, electricity rationing and rising crime make everyday life increasingly burdensome for the majority of the population. The article argues that Venezuela’s two main economic problems – hyperinflation and shortages - need to be analyzed against the backdrop of the deepening of the extractive and export-oriented model of accumulation under Chavismo, the failure to develop an alternative, non-capitalist economy and the ongoing political destabilization campaign launched by the country´s oligarchy and its international allies.
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Sitton, Tom. "Direct Democracy vs. Free Speech: Gerald L. K. Smith and the Recall Election of 1946 in Los Angeles." Pacific Historical Review 57, no. 3 (August 1, 1988): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3640706.
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Buntoro, Ghulam Asrofi. "Analisis Sentimen Calon Gubernur Jawa Timur 2018 di Twitter." ScientiCO : Computer Science and Informatics Journal 1, no. 2 (March 7, 2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22487/j26204118.2018.v1.i2.11219.
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The East Java Governor Election 2018 is also felt in the virtual world especially Twitter. All people freely argue about their respective governor candidates, memorandum raises many opinions, not only positive or neutral also negative opinions. Media growth is so rapid, revealing a lot of online media from the news media to social media. Today's social media is not only used of friendship, but also for other activities. Promos of trading or buying and selling, until political party promos or campaigns of candidates for regents, governors, legislative candidates until presidential candidates. The research objective is to conduct a method of Sentiments Analysis for Governor candidates East Java 2018 in twitter with optimal and maximum optimization. While the benefits are to help the community conduct research on opinions on twitter which contains positive, neutral or negative sentiments. Sentiments Analysis for Governor candidates East Java 2018 in twitter using non-conventional processes that save costs, time and effort. The results of Khofifah's dataset are 77% accuracy, 79.2% precision, 77% recall, 98.6% TP rate and 22.2% TN rate. For the results of GusIpul dataset, accuracy is 76%, precision 74.4%, recall 76%, the TP rate is 93.8% and the TN rate is 52.9%.
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Lodge, Milton, Marco R. Steenbergen, and Shawn Brau. "The Responsive Voter: Campaign Information and the Dynamics of Candidate Evaluation." American Political Science Review 89, no. 2 (June 1995): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082427.
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We find strong support for an on-line model of the candidate evaluation process that in contrast to memory-based models shows that citizens are responsive to campaign information, adjusting their overall evaluation of the candidates in response to their immediate assessment of campaign messages and events. Over time people forget most of the campaign information they are exposed to but are nonetheless able to later recollect their summary affective evaluation of candidates which they then use to inform their preferences and vote choice. These findings have substantive, methodological, and normative implications for the study of electoral behavior. Substantively, we show how campaign information affects voting behavior. Methodologically, we demonstrate the need to measure directly what campaign information people actually attend to over the course of a campaign and show that after controling for the individual's on-line assessment of campaign messages, National Election Study-type recall measures prove to be spurious as explanatory variables. Finally, we draw normative implications for democratic theory of on-line processing, concluding that citizens appear to be far more responsive to campaign messages than conventional recall models suggest.
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Deviyanto, Akhmad, and Muhammad Didik Rohmad Wahyudi. "PENERAPAN ANALISIS SENTIMEN PADA PENGGUNA TWITTER MENGGUNAKAN METODE K-NEAREST NEIGHBOR." JISKA (Jurnal Informatika Sunan Kalijaga) 3, no. 1 (December 10, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jiska.2018.31-01.
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AbstractThis research is made to implement the KNN (K-Nearest Neighbor) algorithm for sentiment analysis Twitter about Jakarta Governor Election 2017. The object is 2000 data tweets in Indonesia collected from Twitter during Januari 2017 using Python package called Twitterscraper. The methode used in sentiment analysis system is KNN with TF-IDF term weighting and Cosine similarity measure. As the test result, the highest accuracy is 67,2% when k=5, the highest precision is 56,94% with k=5, and the highest recall 78,24% with k=15.Keywords : K – Nearest Neighbor, Twitterscraper, TF-IDF, Cosine Similarity Penelitian ini dibuat untuk mengimplementasikan algoritma KNN (K - Nearest Neighbor) dalam analisis sentimen pengguna Twitter tentang topik Pilkada DKI 2017. Data tweet yang digunakan adalah sebanyak 2000 data tweet berbahasa Indonesia yang dikumpulkan selama bulan Januari 2017 menggunakan package Python bernama Twitterscraper. Menggunakan algoritma KNN dengan pembobotan kata TF-IDF dan fungsi Cosine Similarity, akan dilakukan pengklasifikasian nilai sentimen ke dalam dua kelas : positif dan negatif. Dari hasil pengujian diketahui bahwa nilai akurasi terbesar adalah 67,2% ketika k=5, presisi tertinggi 56,94% ketika k=5, dan recall 78,24% dengan k=15.Kata Kunci : K – Nearest Neighbor, Twitterscraper, TF-IDF, Cosine Similarity
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Dosh, Paul, and Julia Smith Coyoli. "Lessons from the Left in Lima: Susana Villarán and the Fleeting Return of Progressive Politics to City Hall." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 1 (October 4, 2018): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18803877.
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Amid a rightward shift in Latin America, how can the left gain ground in cities characterized by entrenched neoliberalism? The case of Susana Villarán, the progressive mayor who led Lima, Peru, from 2011 to 2014, illustrates the uphill battle facing the left. Villarán’s surprise election put a leftist in City Hall for the first time in 25 years. She confronted unrelenting opposition but defied expectations and beat back a recall election only to face a punishing defeat in her reelection bid. Weak policy-making capacity and a lack of party machinery forced her to expend all her political capital on the recall battle, leaving her with nothing to secure reelection. Her trajectory suggests an important lesson for progressives in cities where the left is weak: a headline-grabbing win by an individual leftist is no substitute for a robust left base. Absent the latter, simply electing a progressive mayor is likely to prove a fleeting victory. En medio de un movimiento hacia la derecha en América Latina, ¿cómo puede la izquierda ganar terreno en ciudades caracterizadas por un neoliberalismo atrincherado? El caso de Susana Villarán, la alcaldesa progresista que gobernó Lima, Perú, de 2011 a 2014, ilustra la batalla cuesta arriba que enfrenta la izquierda. La sorprendente victoria electoral de Villarán logró colocar a alguien de la izquierda en la alcaldía por primera vez en 25 años. Ella se enfrentó a una oposición implacable, pero desafió las expectativas y ganó una revocatoria solo para enfrentar una derrota contundente en su intento por la reelección. Dado la poca capacidad para crear políticas públicas y la ausencia de una maquinaria electoral partidista, se vio forzada a gastar todo su capital político en la batalla por la revocatoria, lo cual la dejó sin recursos para conseguir la reelección. Su trayectoria presenta una lección importante para los progresistas en ciudades donde la izquierda es débil: una victoria llamativa por parte de un individuo de la izquierda no funge como substituto para una base robusta de la izquierda. Lo anterior sugiere que cuando esta base se encuentra ausente, es probable que el simple acto de elegir un alcalde progresista sea una victoria efímera.
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Wenando, Febby Apri, Regiolina Hayami, and Agung Jefrianto Anggrawan. "ANALISIS SENTIMEN PADA PEMERINTAHAN TERPILIH PADA PILPRES 2019 DITWITTER MENGGUNAKAN ALGORITME NAÏVEBAYES." JURTEKSI (Jurnal Teknologi dan Sistem Informasi) 7, no. 1 (December 14, 2020): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33330/jurteksi.v7i1.851.
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Abstract: The Presidential general election on 2019 became one of the most popular topics on twitter nowdays. The society give their opinion about the pair of candidates that they are support through the social media. This research was predicts about the society sentimens toward the candidates of President and Vice President of Republic of Indonesia. The data was used based on the tweet on the @jokowi twitter account. The retrieval of data by using the Tweepy library with the Python 2.7 programming language. This research was classified became of two of society sentiments classes, namely positive and negative. The modeling was used of the weighting method Unigram, Bigram, Trigram, N-Gram (1-2) and N-Gram (1-3) that used the Naïve Bayes Algorithm on the Weka Application. The modeling data was used by the dataset of 646 sentences. The highest results of this reseach were obtained by Unigram Weighting, namely: 81.4% accuracy, 81.5% precision, 81.3% recall with a time of 0.3 s.Keywords: classification, naïve bayes, 2019 presidential election, twitter, unigram Abstrak: Pemilihan Umum tentang Pilpres 2019 menjadi salah satu topik yang ramai diperbincangkan di Twitter. Adu pendapat di sosial media oleh masyarakat mengandung opini terhadap pasangan calon yang didukungnya. Penelitian ini memprediksi sentimen masyarakat kepada pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia. Data yang digunakan adalah tweet yang ada pada akun Twitter @jokowi. Pengambilan data menggunakan library Tweepy dengan bahasa pemrograman Python 2.7. Penelitian ini mengklasifikasi sentimen masyarakat menjadi 2 kelas, yaitu positif dan negatif. Kemudian dilakukan pemodelan dengan metode pembobotan Unigram, Bigram, Trigram, N-Gram (1-2) Dan N-Gram (1-3) menggunakan Algoritme Naïve Bayes pada Aplikasi Weka. Pembuatan model menggunakan dataset yang berjumlah 646 kalimat. Hasil tertinggi yang diperoleh pada penelitian ini adalah dengan menggunakan Pembobotan Unigram, yaitu : akurasi 81,4%, presisi 81,5 % , recall 81,3 % dengan catatan waktu 0,3s.Kata kunci: klasifikasi, naïve bayes, pilpres 2019, twitter, unigram.
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Zerback, Thomas, Carsten Reinemann, and Angela Nienierza. "Who’s Hot and Who’s Not? Factors Influencing Public Perceptions of Current Party Popularity and Electoral Expectations." International Journal of Press/Politics 20, no. 4 (July 29, 2015): 458–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161215596986.
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This study analyzes how perceptions of the popularity of political parties (i.e., the current opinion climate) and expectations about parties’ future electoral performance (i.e., the future opinion climate) are formed. Theoretically, the paper integrates research on the sources of public opinion perception and empirically draws on a representative survey carried out before the 2013 German federal election. We show that the perceived media slant and opinions perceived in one’s personal surroundings are closely related to perceptions of party popularity, whereas individual recall of poll results and personal opinions about the parties are not. However, poll results are shown to be the single most important predictor of expectations about the parties’ future electoral success.
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Buntoro, Ghulam Asrofi. "Sentiments analysis for prediction the governor of east java 2018 in twitter." International Journal Artificial Intelligent and Informatics 1, no. 2 (December 13, 2018): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33292/ijarlit.v1i2.20.
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The East Java Governor Election which will be held in 2018 is also felt in the virtual world especially Twitter social media. All people freely argue about their respective governor candidates, the memorandum raises many opinions, not only positive or neutral but also negative opinions. Media growth is so rapid, revealing a lot of online media from the news media to social media. Social media alone is Facebook, Twitter, Path, Instagram, Google+, Tumblr, Linkedin and many more. Today's social media is not only used as a means of friendship or making friends, but also for other activities. Promos of trading or buying and selling, until political party promos or campaigns of candidates for regents, governors, legislative candidates until presidential candidates. The research objective is to conduct a method of analyzing the sentiments of 2018 East Java Governor candidates on Twitter social media with optimal and maximum optimization. While the benefits are to help the community conduct research on opinions on twitter which contains positive, neutral or negative sentiments. Analysis of the sentiments of East Java Governor candidates in 2018 on twitter social media using non-conventional processes that save costs, time and effort. The results of Khofifah's dataset are 77% accuracy, 79.2% precision value, 77% recall value, 98.6% TP rate and 22.2% TN rate. For the results of Gus dataset, the accuracy is 76%, the precision value is 74.4%, the recall value is 76%, the TP rate is 93.8% and the TN rate is 52.9%.
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Buntoro, Ghulam Asrofi. "Sentiments Analysis for Governor of East Java 2018 in Twitter." SinkrOn 3, no. 2 (March 6, 2019): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33395/sinkron.v3i2.10025.
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The East Java Governor Election which will be held in 2018 is also felt in the virtual world especially Twitter social media. All people freely argue about their respective governor candidates, the memorandum raises many opinions, not only positive or neutral but also negative opinions. Media growth is so rapid, revealing a lot of online media from the news media to social media. Social media alone is Facebook, Twitter, Path, Instagram, Google+, Tumblr, Linkedin and many more. Today's social media is not only used as a means of friendship or making friends, but also for other activities. Promos of trading or buying and selling, until political party promos or campaigns of candidates for regents, governors, legislative candidates until presidential candidates. The research objective is to conduct a method of analyzing the sentiments of 2018 East Java Governor candidates on Twitter social media with optimal and maximum optimization. While the benefits are to help the community conduct research on opinions on twitter which contains positive, neutral or negative sentiments. Analysis of the sentiments of East Java Governor candidates in 2018 on twitter social media using non-conventional processes that save costs, time and effort. The results of Khofifah's dataset are 77% accuracy, 79.2% precision value, 77% recall value, 98.6% TP rate and 22.2% TN rate. For the results of Gus dataset, the accuracy is 76%, the precision value is 74.4%, the recall value is 76%, the TP rate is 93.8% and the TN rate is 52.9%.
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Dykstra, Robert R. "Ecological Regression Estimates: Alchemist’s Gold?" Social Science History 10, no. 1 (1986): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200015285.
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Those skeptical of ecological regression in voting behavior studies continue to suggest that problems in applying the technique severely limit its utility. But the cautionary offered in the Winter 1985 number of this journal by William H. Flanigan and Nancy H. Zingale (“Alchemist’s Gold: Inferring Individual Relationships from Aggregate Data,” Social Science History 9: 71-91) goes so far as to suggest that these problems are insurmountable—or virtually insurmountable. As a user, I was prepared to be devastated, but in fact find myself cheered (if a little puzzled).Interested readers will recall that the centerpiece of the authors’ argument is a test involving this question: How did the voters of 1968 behave four years later in the presidential election of 1972? The test consists of comparing voters’ actual behavior, as determined by survey data, with ecological regression estimates of that same behavior. The tabulated results are alleged to be decisive in proving the authors’ point, but instead appear to prove just the opposite of what is intended, as a fresh look at the material reveals.
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Talita, Aini Suri, and Aristiawan Wiguna. "Implementasi Algoritma Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM) Untuk Mendeteksi Ujaran Kebencian (Hate Speech) Pada Kasus Pilpres 2019." MATRIK : Jurnal Manajemen, Teknik Informatika dan Rekayasa Komputer 19, no. 1 (November 2, 2019): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30812/matrik.v19i1.495.
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Researches involving Artificial Neural Network (ANN) or its derivative have been published all around the world, spesifically to solve data mining problem, classification, clusterinf, or detection problems. Recurrent Neural Network is a class of ANN with Long Short Term Memory (LSTM) as its one of the architecture that commonly used in deep learning problems. On this paper, we use LSTM to detect hate speech on social media related with Indonesia President Election on 2019. There are several steps on this research, we start with literature study, data collection, data preprocessing, training step, and testing step. The dataset consist of 950 sentences, while the testing data consist of 190 comments on Facebook. The best model performance was reached with recall value 0.7021, which menas that from the whole relevant instances on the testing data, 70.21% were categorized as relevant, on this case as hate speech (HS). The other performance parameter value as in accuracy and precision still quite low due to the testing data that comes directly from social media which highly possible consist of inconsistent choises of words, informal words, or contains grammatically error sentences.
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Shearmur, Jeremy. "Hayek, The Road to Serfdom, and the British Conservatives." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 28, no. 3 (September 2006): 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10427710600857807.
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Over the years, Friedrich Hayek has received a generous response from some members of the British Conservative Party. One immediately thinks of endorsements of his work by Mrs. Thatcher in the 1970s and '80s.Those with longer memories—and teeth—might also recall the controversy around Winston Churchill's first election broadcast in 1945, and the response to it by the Labour leader Clement Attlee, the following evening. Churchill spoke of the dangers of planning, and raised the idea that it would, in the end, require the powers of a Gestapo to put the ideal of a planned society into practice. Attlee criticized these ideas, and Hayek as the source of the theoretical conceptions behind them. This led to a fair bit of attention being paid to Hayek by the press, and to his being described as an economic adviser to Churchill. But Hayek himself has downplayed his direct contacts with Churchill (cf. Hayek 1994, pp. 106–107). Indeed, in Hayek on Hayek (Hayek 1994), Hayek indicates that he met Churchill only once. On that occasion he was struck by Churchill's being the worse for drink and then recovering, to Hayek's surprise, to make a first-rate speech.
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Grandner, Michael, Perrine Ruby, William Killgore, Kathryn Kennedy, and Chloe Wills. "212 An Election During a Pandemic: Relationship Between Political Affiliation and Pandemic-Related Sleep and Dreams." Sleep 44, Supplement_2 (May 1, 2021): A85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sleep/zsab072.211.
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Abstract Introduction In 2020, a global pandemic impacted sleep for many people in the US, which was also experiencing an extremely contentious election season. These overlapped somewhat, as the liberal/left side of the political spectrum was more vocal about the dangers of COVID-19 and the pandemic, while the conservative/right frequently expressed less concern about COVID-related risks. Perhaps this confluence was borne out in sleep quality and dreams. Methods A sample of N=419 US adults completed online surveys about sleep and COVID-19 experiences. Participants rated their political affiliation on a scale of 0 (Very Conservative/Right) to 6 (Very Liberal/Left). Participants were also asked whether, since the pandemic, their sleep improved or worsened, whether their dream content has become more positive (more or less positive content, versus same) or negative (more or less negative content, versus same), the number of nightmares they recall, and whether their dreams included themes of politics and/or COVID. Regression analyses examined political affiliation as independent variable with ordinal logistic analyses for sleep improvement/worsening, multinomial logistic analyses for positive/negative content, linear regression analyses for nightmare frequency, and binary logistic analyses for presence of political/COVID themes in dreams. All analyses were adjusted for age, sex, and race/ethnicity. Results Greater liberal/left affiliation was associated with a greater likelihood of worsened sleep (oOR=1.20, p=0.002), but no difference in likelihood of sleep improvement. Greater liberal/left affiliation was associated with a greater likelihood of decreased positive dream content (RRR=1.29, p=0.001) but no different in likelihood of increased positive content. In addition, greater liberal/left affiliation was associated with an increased likelihood of more negative dream content (RRR=1.33, p<0.0005) but no difference in the experience of less negative content. Liberal/left affiliation was also associated with more frequent nightmares during the pandemic (B=1.55, p=0.019), and more political dreams (OR=1.29, p=0.010) but no difference in COVID-related dreams. Conclusion During the COVID-19 pandemic, more liberal/left individuals reported a greater degree of worsening sleep and dream content that was less positive and more negative in nature. Though there was no difference in COVID-related dream content, there was a difference in political content in dreams. Support (if any) None
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Sinyobok, M. S. "Functions of democracy in the organization of the judiciary and the administration of justice." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 63 (August 9, 2021): 93–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.63.16.
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The main scientific achievements of foreign and domestic legal scholars in the field of research of the functions of rights in general are analyzed in order to reveal the concept of the functions of the people's right to the formation of justice and the mechanism of their implementation.
It is pointed out that in the legal literature there is almost no legal construction of the right of citizens to form (participate) in the formation (organization) of the judiciary. Therefore, in view of the above, the concept of the right of the people to form and implement justice through the prism of political rights, which are the guideline that promotes the realization of democracy, has been clarified. This clarifies the meaning and essence of political rights, in particular, the right to elect power and the right to participate in government.
Emphasis is placed on the fact that the Constitution of Ukraine proclaims the fundamental principle of a democratic state: "The bearer of sovereignty and the only source of power in Ukraine is the people." This principle provides an opportunity for the people to independently form a vision of their future and the future of the state, to determine the powers and composition of public authorities, which are responsible for meeting the expectations of the people, and to control their activities is difficult.
It is established that society controls the functioning of the court not only through the participation of citizens in the judicial process as jurors and lay judges, but also through the mechanisms of election of judges and their recall. That is, through the exercise of the right to form the judiciary and administer justice. Therefore, given that the formation of the judiciary by the people is carried out through elections, we consider it necessary to fully clarify the content and type of functions of democracy in the exercise of such a right, to explore the functions of elections in general.
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Juanita, Safitri. "Analisis Sentimen Persepsi Masyarakat Terhadap Pemilu 2019 Pada Media Sosial Twitter Menggunakan Naive Bayes." JURNAL MEDIA INFORMATIKA BUDIDARMA 4, no. 3 (July 20, 2020): 552. http://dx.doi.org/10.30865/mib.v4i3.2140.
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According to the BAWASLU evaluation a variety of related negative content supports supporting prospective couples to burst into various social media pages. So sometimes the content leads to a hoax issue to the issue of religious and inter-group Racial (SARA). One of the social media used by the people of Indonesia is Twitter, according to Kompas.com number of Twitter daily users globally claimed to be increasing, this appears to be the 3rd Quarter Twitter Financial Report of 2019 on Twitter's 3rd quarter of 2019 Financial reports, daily active users on the Twitter platform are recorded to increase by 17 percent, to the number of 145 million users. So it is necessary that a sentiment analysis study can capture a pattern of community perception on social media Twitter against the 2019 elections and it is expected that this research can help interested parties to increase voter participation rate in the next 5 years. This research method uses the Indonesian tweet data taken from 16 April 2018-16 April 2019, further data in preprocessing, text transformation, stemming Bahasa Indonesia, specifying attribute class, load dictonary and a classification of Naive Bayes using Weka. The conclusion of this study was the classification of Naive Bayes finding that the 2019 election tweet dataset had a negative perception pattern of 52% much greater than the positive perception of 18% and the neutral perception had a value of 31% higher than positive perception. Naive Bayes ' degree of classification accuracy against the training dataset is 81% and the dataset testing 76%, the average precision value for positive sentiment is 86.65%, negative sentiment is 77.15%, and neutral sentiment is worth 80.95% while the average recall rate on positive sentiment is 36.8%, negative sentiment is 93.2% and the neutral sentiment is 86.8%
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Benaiges, David, Albert Goday, Juana A. Flores-Le Roux, Montserrat Fitó, Oscar Pozo, Jose Rodríguez-Morató, Carme Serra, et al. "Bariatric surgery and LDL cholesterol (BASALTO) trial study protocol: randomised controlled study evaluating the effect of gastric bypass versus sleeve gastrectomy on high LDL cholesterol." BMJ Open 10, no. 9 (September 2020): e037712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-037712.
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IntroductionObservational studies have shown gastric bypass to be superior to sleeve gastrectomy in terms of low-density lipoprotein (LDL) cholesterol improvement. If these results are confirmed in randomised controlled trials, presurgical LDL cholesterol status could be a relevant factor in surgical procedure election. Furthermore, it is also necessary to establish the mechanisms by which LDL cholesterol improves after surgery and whether qualitative and quantitative changes occur in the different lipoprotein subclasses. The first objective is to ascertain whether high LDL cholesterol levels before surgery can be considered an additional factor when selecting the most appropriate surgical procedure for each patient (gastric bypass or sleeve gastrectomy). Hence, the 1-year remission rates of high LDL cholesterol after gastric bypass and sleeve gastrectomy in patients with morbid obesity will be compared. Secondary objectives were (1) to compare changes in other lipoproteins and LDL composition and (2) to study the pathophysiologic mechanisms related to LDL cholesterol remission.Methods and analysisA randomised clinical trial, with intention-to-treat analysis, will be conducted to compare LDL cholesterol remission between gastric bypass and sleeve gastrectomy, with a 12-month follow-up. Inclusion criteria will be patients between 18 and 60 years of age with body mass index ≥40 kg/m2 or ≥35 kg/m2 with significant obesity-related comorbidity and high LDL cholesterol levels. Patients will be evaluated preoperatively and at 3, 6 and 12 months after bariatric surgery. Examinations will include routine blood chemistry, anthropometric measurements, food intake recall, physical activity questionnaires and serum samples for lipidomic and lipoprotein characterisation.Ethics and disseminationEthics approval has been granted by the Parc de Salut Mar Ethics Committee (2019/8471/I). The study and its conclusions regarding the primary and secondary objectives will be presented as manuscripts submitted for peer-reviewed journal publication.Trial registration numberNCT03975478.
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Lilhore, Umesh Kumar, Agbotiname Lucky Imoize, Cheng-Chi Lee, Sarita Simaiya, Subhendu Kumar Pani, Nitin Goyal, Arun Kumar, and Chun-Ta Li. "Enhanced Convolutional Neural Network Model for Cassava Leaf Disease Identification and Classification." Mathematics 10, no. 4 (February 13, 2022): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math10040580.
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Cassava is a crucial food and nutrition security crop cultivated by small-scale farmers and it can survive in a brutal environment. It is a significant source of carbohydrates in African countries. Sometimes, Cassava crops can be infected by leaf diseases, affecting the overall production and reducing farmers’ income. The existing Cassava disease research encounters several challenges, such as poor detection rate, higher processing time, and poor accuracy. This research provides a comprehensive learning strategy for real-time Cassava leaf disease identification based on enhanced CNN models (ECNN). The existing Standard CNN model utilizes extensive data processing features, increasing the computational overhead. A depth-wise separable convolution layer is utilized to resolve CNN issues in the proposed ECNN model. This feature minimizes the feature count and computational overhead. The proposed ECNN model utilizes a distinct block processing feature to process the imbalanced images. To resolve the color segregation issue, the proposed ECNN model uses a Gamma correction feature. To decrease the variable selection process and increase the computational efficiency, the proposed ECNN model uses global average election polling with batch normalization. An experimental analysis is performed over an online Cassava image dataset containing 6256 images of Cassava leaves with five disease classes. The dataset classes are as follows: class 0: “Cassava Bacterial Blight (CBB)”; class 1: “Cassava Brown Streak Disease (CBSD)”; class 2: “Cassava Green Mottle (CGM)”; class 3: “Cassava Mosaic Disease (CMD)”; and class 4: “Healthy”. Various performance measuring parameters, i.e., precision, recall, measure, and accuracy, are calculated for existing Standard CNN and the proposed ECNN model. The proposed ECNN classifier significantly outperforms and achieves 99.3% accuracy for the balanced dataset. The test findings prove that applying a balanced database of images improves classification performance.
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Gurgan, S., ZB Kutuk, C. Ozturk, R. Soleimani, and FY Cakir. "Clinical Performance of a Glass Hybrid Restorative in Extended Size Class II Cavities." Operative Dentistry 45, no. 3 (May 1, 2020): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2341/18-282-c.
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SUMMARY Objective: To evaluate the clinical performance of a glass hybrid restorative compared with a resin composite in the restoration of large and deep Class II cavities after 24 months. Methods and Materials: A total of 108 extended size, with the width of the proximal box not interfering with the peak of the cusps and the proximal box in occlusion, Class II lesions in 37 patients were either restored with a glass hybrid restorative or with a micro-hybrid composite resin in combination with selective etching by two experienced operators according to the manufacturer's instructions. Two independent examiners evaluated the restorations at baseline and at the six-, 12-, 18-, and 24-month recalls according to the modified US Public Health Service criteria. Negative replicas at each recall were observed under scanning electron microscopy (SEM) to examine surface characteristics. Data were analyzed statistically. Results: After 24 months, 90 restorations were evaluated in 32 patients (recall rate: 86.5%). Four glass hybrid restorations were missing; three were due to bulk and one was due to proximal fracture at 12 months. Only six restorations were scored as bravo at baseline and at the six-, 12-, 18-, and 24-month recalls for color (p<0.05). No significant differences were observed between the two restorative materials for the other criteria evaluated (p>0.05). SEM observations exhibited acceptable surface and marginal adaptation characteristics for both restorative materials at 24 months. Conclusions: Although glass hybrid restorations showed significant mismatch in color, both restorative materials exhibited successful performance for the restoration of large Class II cavities after 24 months.
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Reimers, Luise, Eli Kappo, Lucas Stadler, Mostafa Yaqubi, and Esther K. Diekhof. "Endogenous testosterone correlates with parochial altruism in relation to costly punishment in different social settings." PeerJ 7 (August 28, 2019): e7537. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.7537.
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Testosterone plays a key role in shaping human social behavior. Recent findings have linked testosterone to altruistic behavior in economic decision tasks depending on group membership and intergroup competition. The preferential treatment of ingroup members, while aggression and discrimination is directed towards outgroup members, has been referred to as parochial altruism. Here we investigated in two consecutive studies, whether testosterone is associated with parochial altruism depending on individual tendency for costly punishment. In the first study, 61 men performed a single-shot ultimatum game (UG) in a minimal group context, in which they interacted with members of an ingroup and outgroup. In the second study, 34 men performed a single-shot UG in a more realistic group context, in which they responded to the proposals of supporters of six political parties during the German election year 2017. Political parties varied in their social distance to the participants’ favorite party as indicated by an individual ranking. Participants of study 2 also performed a cued recall task, in which they had to decide whether they had already encountered a face during the previous UG (old-new decision). In order to make the UG data of study 2 most comparable to the data of study 1, the rejection rates of several parties were combined according to the social distance ranking they achieved. Parties ranked 1 to 3 formed the relatively close and favored ‘ingroup’ that shared similar political values with the participant (e.g., left wing parties), while the ‘outgroup’ consisted of parties ranked from 4 to 6 with more distant or even antagonistic political views (e.g., conservative to right wing parties). In both studies, results showed a parochial pattern with higher rejection rates made in response to outgroup compared to ingroup offers. Interestingly, across studies higher salivary testosterone was associated with higher rejection rates related to unfair outgroup offers in comparison to the unfair offers made by ingroup members. The present findings suggest that latent intergroup biases during decision-making may be positively related to endogenous testosterone. Similar to previous evidence that already indicated a role of testosterone in shaping male parochial altruism in male soccer fans, these data underscore the general, yet rather subtle role of male testosterone also in other social settings.
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Haman, Michael. "Recall Elections: A Tool of Accountability? Evidence from Peru." Revista Desarrollo y Sociedad, no. 87 (February 2021): 73–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.13043/dys.87.3.
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Pastarmadzhieva, Daniela. "The right to recall: conceptual framework, examples and the Bulgarian debate." Scientific knowledge - autonomy, dependence, resistance 29, no. 2 (May 30, 2020): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v29i2.23.
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Since the French revolution of 1789 people all over the world constantly try to have more influence on those who govern. The contemporary form of democracy – the representative one, provides various forms of participation of the citizens. The parliaments, which are the representative bodies, are formed under nationwide elections. Thus people form the legis-lative body of the state. Nevertheless, many citizens believe that besides the elections they need instruments to control the members of the parliament (MPs) after they are elected.In this sense, there are opinions in support of the so called binding (imperative) mandate. Nowadays this mandate is replaced by the free (representational) mandate, but the right to recall is still discussed and even implemented in some countries. Thus, the main aim of the current study is to identify the essential characteristics of the right to recall. Alongside, I attempted at providing examples of actual regulation of the concept in some countries. Furthermore, I tried to investigate the most recent debate in Bulgaria, regarding the right to recall. Thus, the object of the study is the concept of the right to recall and its practical implementation. The focus is a set of characteristics, namely defini-tion, level of regulation, grounds for recall, procedure and how it differs from other very similar categories.
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Chuancai Xu, Chuancai Xu, Lan Jiang Lan Jiang, Ni Leng Ni Leng, Yanping Yuan Yanping Yuan, Pengjun Liu Pengjun Liu, Cong Wang Cong Wang, and Yongfeng Lu Yongfeng Lu. "Ultrafast laser ablation size and recast adjustment in dielectrics based on electron dynamics control by pulse train shaping." Chinese Optics Letters 11, no. 4 (2013): 041403–41406. http://dx.doi.org/10.3788/col201311.041403.
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van Winden, D. F. M., A. Westra, P. J. W. Dennesen, S. H. J. Monnink, B. C. Verdouw, and R. le Kluse. "Painful Recall in Elective Electrical Cardioversion with Propofol and the Need for Additional Analgesia." Cardiology Research and Practice 2018 (July 22, 2018): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/2363062.
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Introduction. Electrical cardioversion (ECV) is a short but painful procedure for treating cardiac dysrhythmias. There is a wide variation regarding the medication strategy to facilitate this procedure. Many different sedative techniques for ECV are described. Currently, the optimal medication strategy to prevent pain in ECV has yet to be established. The role for additional analgesic agents to prevent pain during the procedure remains controversial, and evidence is limited. Methods. We conducted a prospective multicenter study to determine the incidence of painful recall in ECV with propofol as a sole agent for sedation, in order to assess the indication for additional opioids. In all patients, sedation was induced with propofol titrated till loss of eyelash reflex and nonresponsiveness to stimuli, corresponding to Ramsay Sedation Score level 5-6. ECV was performed with extracardiac biphasic electrical shocks. The primary outcome was painful recall of the procedure, defined as numeric pain rating scale (NRS) ≥ 1. NRS ≥ 4 is considered inadequately treated pain. Secondary outcome parameters were pain at the side of the defipads and muscle pain after ECV. Results. A total of 232 patients were enrolled in this study. Six patients were excluded due to missing data or violation of study protocol. Three patients reported recall of the procedure, and one patient (0.4%) reported recall of severe pain during the procedure with NRS 7. Two patients (0.9%) reported recall of mild pain with NRS 1–3. Complete amnesia was observed in 223 patients (98.7%), with NRS 0. The mean of the total dose of propofol was 1.1 mg/kg. Fifteen patients (6.6%) experienced pain at the side of the defipads, and six patients (2.7%) complained of muscle pain after the procedure. Conclusions. In this prospective multicenter study, propofol as a sole agent provided good conditions for ECV with a low incidence of recall. Effective sedation and complete amnesia was achieved in 98.7% of the patients, 0.4% of patients reported recall of severe pain during the procedure, and 0.9% of patients experienced mild pain during the ECV.
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Lamoureux, C., E. Gerard, N. Ouhabrache, F. Toukal, A. Pham-Ledard, and M. Beylot-Barry. "Generalized doxorubicin-induced radiation recall dermatitis following total skin electron beam therapy." European Journal of Cancer 119 (2019): S37—S38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0959-8049(19)30614-8.
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Brown, Steven D., Ronald D. Lambert, Barry J. Kay, and James E. Curtis. "In the Eye of the Beholder: Leader Images in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 1988): 729–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057425.
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AbstractThe “leader factor” in Canadian voting has received surprisingly little research attention. In this article, the authors employ data from the 1974, 1979, 1980 and 1984 Canadian National Election Studies to examine the organization of respondents' images of the major political party leaders. The central thesis developed here is that respondents' images of the leaders are not typically idiosyncratic to the leader or to the election in question. The images are shaped by a prototypical leader schema that affects the information about leaders that is processed and recalled. The authors test several implications of this thesis. They demonstrate that there is considerable commonality in the content of a citizen's images of leaders in any one election, and that there is evidence of both aggregate and individual-level stability in the structure of images across elections. The authors test an additional hypothesis from schema theory concerning individual differences in image content. In this regard, they demonstrate, contrary to some of the literature, that better-educated respondents are more likely than less-educated respondents to cite task-relevant dispositional attributes of the leaders.
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Sanwal, A. K., S. Kumar, P. Sahni, and S. Nundy. "Informed Consent in Indian Patients." Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 89, no. 4 (April 1996): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014107689608900406.
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It is commonly believed that patients in India do not need to be told about their operations as they are unable to understand the complexities and forget the salient facts soon afterwards. Obtaining informed consent is therefore considered to be an unnecessary ritual. We studied 100 consecutive patients undergoing elective major abdominal operations and asked them 5 days after their operations to recall certain details about the procedure which had been explained to them preoperatively. Seventy per cent of the patients recalled the relevant data. The ability was the same in males and females (67% and 69%) but the older, less educated and poorer patients performed worse than the others. Ninety-eight per cent of the patients appreciated being given the information as it reduced their anxiety about the operation. Indian patients are able to comprehend and should be informed about the details of their operation. Particular care should be taken during explanation to the old, poor and illiterate. In these informed consent should be a continuous process rather than a single event and the information should also be given to a younger and more educated relative.