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Minervini, Corrado. "Housing reconstruction in Kosovo." Habitat International 26, no. 4 (December 2002): 571–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0197-3975(02)00026-7.
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Brown, Richard H. "Reconstruction of the railway system in Kosovo." Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Civil Engineering 157, no. 5 (May 2004): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1680/cien.2004.157.5.41.
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Lessenich, Stephan. "Transformation, déconstruction, reconstruction? L'État social allemand en mutation." III. Nouveaux débats, no. 41 (October 2, 2002): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/005144ar.
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RÉSUMÉ Le thème de la remise en cause de l'État social allemand est aujourd'hui largement dominant. Mais la plupart des analyses sont centrées sur la question de l'emploi et de la montée du chômage. Une autre lecture possible des changements montre que la transformation de l'État-providence allemand concerne plus largement les relations interindividuelles, en particulier entre hommes, femmes et enfants. Sous l'impact d'évolutions telles que le travail des femmes, la crise du mariage, la redéfinition des modes de vie familiaux, etc., deux formes de flexibilité interdépendantes apparaissent : la flexibilité du travail et la flexibilité des relations familiales.
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Earnest, James. "Post-conflict reconstruction – a case study in Kosovo." International Journal of Emergency Services 4, no. 1 (July 13, 2015): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijes-02-2015-0009.
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Purpose – Rehabilitation and reconstruction of social and economic infrastructure in a post-conflict environment are complex, long-debated issues in development cooperation. In addition to war creating large-scale human suffering, generating refugees, displacing populations, engendering psychological distress, obliterating infrastructure and transforming the economy, in post-conflict situations, deepening chaos and disorder can be found at the highest social, economic and political levels; serious developmental challenges remain insufficiently addressed. Repairing war-damaged infrastructure in order to reactivate the local economy is a challenge for all post-conflict countries. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – The study was designed to examine planning and execution of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR). The use of a mixed-method research approach combining both quantitative and qualitative data collection was used to explore planning and implementation of PCR infrastructure projects in Kosovo. The data collection in the field was undertaken for a period of eight weeks, from July to September 2008. A total of 420 respondents were involved in the study process, as follows: key informants (four), pilot test (12), semi-structured interviews (36), project manager/engineers survey (231), chief of mission/country director survey (117), and focus group (20). To meet the needs of the society and recognise the required functional components of project management, the overall contexts of managing projects in a post-conflict environment have been discussed in the study. Findings – Planning and implementing reconstruction projects in areas affected by conflict have proven to be far more challenging than expected and responses by practitioners, aid agencies, and government regarded as inadequate. The changing political, economic, and social factors in Kosovo after the war in 1999 have had a significant influence on the limited adoption of a project management methodology in development and reconstruction projects. The findings from the exploratory study were aimed at improving understanding of the planning, pre-designing, and implementation of infrastructure projects. The findings indicated a need to promote a better understanding of how projects are undertaken at all levels of the organisation, and to describe processes, procedures, and tools used for the actual application of projects. The findings of the study identified a poor quality of planning and implementation of reconstruction projects in an environment of complexity, change, and uncertainty. The study also raised some very significant findings for a broader approach to community involvement in project identification, planning, and implementation. Infrastructure projects implemented in Kosovo were used to develop a conceptual framework for designing projects and programmes more likely to yield positive outcomes for post-conflict society. Originality/value – The study was done by the researcher in Kosovo.
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Altit, Emmanuel. "Participer au rétablissement de l'État de droit ? les exemples du Kosovo et de la Bosnie." Topique 83, no. 2 (2003): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/top.083.0195.
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Strohmeyer, Hansjörg. "Collapse and Reconstruction of Ajudicial System: The United Nations Missions in Kosovo and East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 1 (January 2001): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2642036.
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Within the span of only a few months in 1999, the United Nations was faced with one of the greatest challenges in its recent history: to serve as an interim government in Kosovo and East Timor.In Kosovo, in response to massive attacks on the Kosovar Albanian population, including orchestrated and wide-scale “ethnic cleansing,” the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) conducted an eleven-week air campaign against Yugoslav and Serbian security forces and paramilitary groups. The campaign resulted in the agreement of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to withdraw all Yugoslav and Serbian security forces from the territory. On June 10,1999, one day after the suspension of NATO’s air strikes, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 (1999), establishing the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK).
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McKinna, Anita. "Kosovo: The International Community's European Project." European Review 20, no. 1 (January 4, 2012): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000275.
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This article is about the post-war governance of Kosovo and the contradiction posed by the focus on multi-ethnicity on the one hand, and the development of a new Kosovar identity that transcends ethnicity on the other. Post-war Kosovo represents a bold experiment by the international community to create a society that adheres to European standards. The international administration has based its post-war reconstruction and governance of Kosovo on standards aimed at EU accession. To this end, since 1999 the international administration in Kosovo has pursued multi-ethnicity as a panacea. Far from creating the conditions conducive to greater inter-ethnic integration, the policies enacted supposedly in the name of multi-ethnicity have resulted in the further entrenchment of ethnic division. At the same time, the international administration has promoted a new Kosovo identity that transcends ethnicity and that fits with European standards. This article questions the international administration's approach in governing post-war Kosovo with the ultimate goal of EU accession. It argues that this approach has failed both in creating a more multi-ethnic society and in creating a new identity that is embraced by the people of Kosovo. This situation in turn raises questions as to whether there is a genuine will from the people of Kosovo to fulfil such standards, and therefore whether the goal of EU integration for Kosovo is a realistic one.
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Krasniqi, Malush. "European Economic Integration in Kosovo." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (April 30, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v1i3.p105-112.
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Topics addressed, European economic integration, as well as with important phenomenon, which is facing Kosovo in recent years, since the post-war process. The process of international economic integration is one of the most important phenomena of the contemporary world economy. The trend of international economic integration is the reconstruction of the country devastated by war, is an undeniable necessity, the only reason to catch the trend of the world's economic development. Kosovo has a very favorable position, bridging the central Balkans with the possibility of Development extraordinarily large because the Europe could have connected in short way with two continents. The main goal: increasing economic cooperation, the creation of new strategies for accelerating the process, fulfilling the standards required in the EU, the extent of market economy, regulation of relations with neighbors, etc. Topics that will discuss is European economic integration, the way how to reach to where we want is a road with many challenges and barriers, with special emphasis will be elaborated the process of stable and association, agreements signed by Kosovo, always having as target strengths and weaknesses of these agreements in the economic aspect of the country. Republic of Kosovo, respectively, institutions and people, are fully committed to the European integration process with the intent to join the EU.
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Baysse, Johanna. "Le rôle de la mémoire historique dans le processus de construction du territoire et de l'État du Kosovo." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 25 (April 2018): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2017-025003.
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COGEN, MARC, and ERIC DE BRABANDERE. "Democratic Governance and Post-conflict Reconstruction." Leiden Journal of International Law 20, no. 3 (August 30, 2007): 669–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156507004311.
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The concept of democracy has long fuelled controversy among international legal scholars, especially concerning its definition. This article is an attempt to single out three constitutive elements of democracy that have been subject to extensive scrutiny in the practice of electoral assistance and the more comprehensive peace-building and state-building missions that the UN has taken up or supported since the end of the twentieth century: freeand fair elections, freedom of association – with emphasis on the freedom to establish political parties – and freedom of expression. In doing so, this paper examines the role and the importance of each of these three constitutive elements in the practice pertaining to post-conflict reconstruction of Kosovo, East Timor, Afghanistan, and Iraq.
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Kupina, Qefsere. "Development of Microfinance Institutions (MFIs) in Kosovo." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v3i1.p89-86.
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Well functioning microfinance sector can contribute to the creation of the sustainable financial institutions of the country. An improvement in the microfinance institutions (MFIs) seems to have a positive impact in the lives of the people that able to work but is limited to banking service. The role and importance of the microfinance institutions have increased during the last decade. Large numbers of microfinance programs increased significantly in conflict affected environments, and in many cases become successful institutions. Kosovo is a good example, which indicates the role of MFIs in countries emerging from conflict. By the end of the war in Kosovo (1999) brought the emerging necessary needs for capital projects dealing with reconstruction for economic, social and political development. Therefore, financial support from large numbers of international and relief organizations was imperative for the overall situation in Kosovo. Expansion of the microfinance institutions' networks and improvement of their activities are important for the Kosovo financial system. Microfinance sector in Kosovo is well specified and regulated within their constitutional acts. The microfinance institutions’ goal as a development organization is to serve the financial needs of un-served and underserved markets as a means of meeting development objectives. Researching the current situation of MFIs in Kosovo, the aim of this paper is to describe the overall microfinance sector improvement to its establishment, thereby to provide some additional assessment for the studies in the future. It was stated that microfinance in Kosovo has found an adequate environment for development as well network expansion.
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Coelho, Joseph. "Seizing the State under International Administration." Southeastern Europe 42, no. 1 (April 9, 2018): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04201006.
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State capture is a form of institutionalized particularism whereby elite actors manipulate policy formation to their own material and political interests at the expense of the public good. In Kosovo, a competitive form of state capture emerged during the postwar period as the country’s main political parties fiercely compete for control over state spoils. What makes the case of state capture in Kosovo stand apart from most countries in the region is the extensive international dimension of Kosovo’s state-building process. This raises an important question: given the extraordinary levels of international involvement in post-conflict reconstruction and the strengthening of state institutions, how has corruption become increasingly pervasive in Kosovo under international administration and supervision? The central argument of this article is that the stability paradigm has driven certain international policies and practices that have created conditions favorable to state capture, which indirectly contributes to widespread corruption in Kosovo. The West’s choice of stability and security over democracy and rule of law will have long-term and adverse consequences for Kosovo’s state formation.
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Tzifakis, Nikolaos, and Asteris Huliaras. "Hegemonic Relationships: Donor Countries and NGOs in Western Balkan Post-Conflict Reconstruction." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 3 (2013): 312–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03703004.
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The impact of Non-Governmental Organizations’ reconstruction activities in Bosnia and Kosovo was largely determined by the nature and content of two dominant relationships. The first is the donor countries-International NGO (INGO) relationship. To grasp the importance of this relationship, it suffices to mention that, at the global level, donors give around five times more funds to INGOs (and more precisely to their own national NGOs) than to Local NGOs (LNGOs). The second is the International NGO-LNGO relationship. With respect to the first relationship, donor countries had a clear hegemonic position vis-à-vis INGOs. In turn, INGOs developed a hegemonic position towards LNGOs. These hegemonic relationships undermined the quality and effectiveness of aid disbursed and failed to promote the development of an open and democratic civil society. More interestingly, although most donors and INGOs got involved in the post-conflict reconstruction of both countries, very weak learning processes seem to have operated in the region. A comparative examination of the two reconstruction efforts reveals that the manifestation of many inefficiencies and failures was indeed even more acute in Kosovo than in Bosnia.
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Zogu, Nevruz, Artan Nimani, and Shpetim Rezniqi. "TRANSITION ECONOMY IN KOSOVO AFTER THE WAR." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v3i1.p18-21.
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This article analyses the development and consolidation of an illiberal (or shadow), economy and its connection to political projects in Serbia and Kosovo. Here, some comparative remarks are made over the form of economy and its political connections and implications. In spiteof methodological problems with sources being scarce or of varying quality, the phenomenon ofilliberal economy and its coupling with political projects is too important to be neglected byresearchers. To some extent ’soft sources’ have been accepted here, where hard evidence is lacking.The article argues that the considerable consolidation of illiberal economies in Serbia and Kosovo(as elsewhere in the post-Yugoslav space) have been intimately connected to politics, politicalviolence and conflict in the region, and produced a transformation of wealth and resources. In thismanner the conflicts in the region can be analysed from the perspective of social transformation. Thelatter concept emphasises that the trajectory of social and political change is not necessarily linear,towards liberal democracy and market economy, which is implied in the concepts transition (wherethe end stage is assumed to be liberal democracy and market economy) or social breakdown (whichassumes a possible reconstruction to the norm of a harmonious state).
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Buwa, D., and H. Vuori. "Rebuilding a health care system: war, reconstruction and health care reforms in Kosovo." European Journal of Public Health 17, no. 2 (February 13, 2007): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckl114.
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WILLIAMS, ANDREW J. "‘Reconstruction’ before the Marshall Plan." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2005): 541–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006625.
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As is often the case when a concept gets a new lease of life in the newspapers there has been a resurrection of interest in recent times in the concept of ‘reconstruction’. The current American administration has now undertaken not one but two major wars that have resulted in the need for reconstruction since 2001 when George W. Bush took up office in the White House. In the previous few years there were major reconstruction efforts undertaken in Bosnia (after the 1995 Dayton Accords) and in Kosovo (after the war of 1999), to name but the most obvious. Historians have to some extent taken up this cue and have been producing edited books and even full length monographs on the ‘lessons’ that we might learn from historical reconstruction efforts. There has also been a great use of conscious historical analogy by President George W. Bush. One classic example of the recent past by President Bush in a speech to the American Enterprise Institute elicited an indignant response from a number of historians in the Financial Times on the dangers of historical analogy.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko, Ivona Ladjevac, and Mihajlo Vucic. "The analysis of un activities in resolving the issue of Kosovo and Metohija." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 4 (2012): 442–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1204442d.
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After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self- Government in Kosovo, which defined the status of the Serbian southern province as a whole and indivisible territorial entity under the interim international administration. The Constitutional Framework is regulated as a substantial transfer of state responsibilities by the peoples of Kosovo and Metohija to the provisional institutions of self-government and it should ?enjoy substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?. This institutional development is aimed at establishing constructive cooperation among various ethnic communities in order to build a common democratic state. Since this solution is not quite legally balanced, it could not go without any negative consequences in terms of national sovereignty. The suspension of sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija has eventually contributed to creating of the conditions for the socalled unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The analysis of the activities undertaken in the field of resolving the status issue after the unilateral declaration of independence of 17 February 2008 suggests that the solution for the Kosovo and Metohija should be primarily sought within the United Nations system.
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Koleci, Violeta. "MANAGEMENT AND BUSINESS EFFICIENCY OF ENTERPRISES TRADE IN KOSOVO." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 5 (December 10, 2018): 1567–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28051567v.
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An important role for the country's economic development is the adaptation of structural changes, opportunities and development conditions based on market demands for the products and services realized. The development of industry and natural resources are of particular importance in this regard.The industry contributes mostly to economic development and division of labor. It provides opportunities for the reconstruction and advancement of other economic branches such as agriculture, traffic, trade and more. The influence of industry on transforming the country's economic and social structure is high or low, depending on the level of overall economic development of the country.The post-war Kosovo economy faced great challenges, as a result of poor management for a decade and a devastating war. Nevertheless, Kosovo successfully e passed the reconstruction phase, which was quite difficult. The beginning of privatization, the dynamic development of the private sector in small and medium enterprises, with particular emphasis on the production sector, the first initiatives of the integration process with the region's economy through the signing of the Free Trade Agreement, the inclusion in the Stability Pact as unequal only the first steps of long and serious processes towards the development of market economy and integration into regional and international institutions. In the post-war period, Kosovo's economy was a consumption economy and its needs largely met by imports, using "cash" as a means of payment in the absence of organized financial institutions. The economic structure of a country, for economic development, more than any other indicator represents the development and development reality. So it is treated as the current generator at all times and in every contemporary society.In this paper we tried to define the management and efficiency of small and medium-sized businesses, and we also understood the importance and contribution of SMEs in economic development. Almost no definition is the same as what small and big business differentiates. The main factor in which theorists and economists are based is the number of employees.
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Bache, Ian, and Andrew Taylor. "The Politics of Policy Resistance: Reconstructing Higher Education in Kosovo." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 3 (September 2003): 279–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003131.
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This article considers attempts to incorporate lessons and transfer policies from Britain in the reconstruction of Higher Education in Kosovo after 1999. In doing so, it employs aspects of the lesson-drawing framework developed by Rose (1991 and 2001) and the related concepts of policy transfer and policy diffusion. Drawing on contributions from anthropology and democratization studies, we suggest development of the public policy frameworks for lesson drawing and policy transfer in circumstances characterised by asymmetric interdependence, in which the tactics and strategies of policy resistance by ‘subordinate’ recipient actors can be crucial. This article details the nature of policy resistance and sets out hypotheses for future research.
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Ingimundarson. "The Politics of Memory and the Reconstruction of Albanian National Identity in Postwar Kosovo." History and Memory 19, no. 1 (2007): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/his.2007.19.1.95.
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Eliades, M. James, Julian Lis, Joilo Barbosa, and Michael J. VanRooyen. "Post-War Kosovo: Part 2. Assessment of Emergency Medicine Leadership Development Strategy." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 16, no. 4 (December 2001): 268–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00043417.
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AbstractSince the return of the refugee population to Kosovo, attempts at development of an emergency medical system in Kosovo have met with varied success, and have been hampered by unforeseen barriers. These barriers have been exacerbated by the lack of detailed health system assessments. A multimodal approach of data collection and analysis was used to identify potential barriers, and determine the appropriate level of intervention for emergency medicine (EM) development in Kosovo. The four step, multi-modal, data collection tool utilized: 1) demographic and health systems data; 2) focus group discussions with health-care workers; 3) individual interviews with key individuals in EM development; and 4) Q-Analysis of the attitudes and opinions of EM leaders.Results indicated that Emergency Medicine in Kosovo is under-developed. This method of combined quantitative and qualitative analysis identified a number of developmental needs in the Kosovar health system. There has been litde formal training, the EMS system lacks organization, equipment, and a reliable communication system, and centralized emergency centers, other than the center at Prishtina Hospital, are inadequate. Group discussions and interviews support the desire by Kosovar health-care workers to establish EM, and highlight a number of concerns. A Q-methodology analysis of the attitudes of potential leaders in the field, supported these concerns and identified two attitudinal groups with deeper insights into their opinions on the development of such a system.This study suggests that a multi-modal assessment of health systems can provide important information about the need for emergency health system improvements in Kosovo. This methodology may serve as a model for future, system-wide assessments in post-conflict health system reconstruction.
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Krampe, Florian. "Water for peace? Post-conflict water resource management in Kosovo." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 2 (June 15, 2016): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716652428.
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Water resource management (WRM) has increasingly come to be considered within the realm of peacebuilding. Through investigating the case of water resource management in Kosovo after 1999, this study argues that the international community has treated post-conflict water resource management as a primarily technical issue, to the neglect of its complex political nature. This has impeded the peacebuilding process in three ways. First, it consolidated the physical separation of actors through allowing separate water governance structures. Second, it avoided conflictive issues instead of actively engaging in conflict resolution. Third, it incapacitated locals by placing ownership in the hands of external actors. To redress this tripartite dilemma, this study stresses the need for research that provides deeper theoretical and empirical understanding of the political mechanisms that connect WRM to post-conflict reconstruction efforts.
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Buja, Dr Sc Ramë. "Kosovo – from Dayton to Rambouillet." ILIRIA International Review 1, no. 1 (March 7, 2016): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v1i1.196.
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A mature, wise, successful and concluding diplomatic action would be recorded if the international community would not have ignored the Yugoslav crisis in its beginning, and if it would conference less for the same matter without finding a solution, but it would hold a single international conference for the serious crisis in Yugoslavia, with serious partners and allies, lead by the USA.Why did this not happen, at least in Dayton, when such a crisis had already passed four years since its inception? The answer is rather flagellant for the international community, because unfortunately, in relevant circles of political and diplomatic force, the determination and courage for a consolidated and decisive action for a solution was not created yet.In this conference, a third one in the series (after the ones in the Hague and London) addressing the crisis in former Yugoslavia, determination, courage and bravehood was only on the side of one single international factor, the USA. It had all that, after all failing efforts of the EU in resolving this piece of the crisis, which was now being dealt with by the USA and the Dayton Conference, without having the potential or the pretence to put a halt to the wholesome crisis which had already metastasized throughout the former SFRY area.The Dayton Conference had delegated the Kosovo problem to the Contact Group, together with other matters disputable with the political order in the former Yugoslavia, until a final settlement of peace. For a long time, it was said that the Kosovo issue would have to be tackled by a future diplomatic cycle.The Dayton Peace was considered to be the concluding act of the former Yugoslav dissolution and reconstruction crisis. Disputable matters, left to the competency of the Contact Group, were more related to crisis management, preservation of provisional balances, ensuring mediation and presence of international institutions for the purpose of monitoring. The Contact Group had no power to reach decisions on political and geo-political matters. It would only operate within the framework of the Dayton Peace.[1]The Dayton Conference ruined all hopes of Albanians that something could be done to solve the Kosovo issue, with the same way Kosovo continued to trace, peaceful, subordinating and humiliating. It was ultimately recognized that other paths should be pursued to achieve the everlasting goal of freedom and independence.If what happened, or better said, if what was necessarily to happen for the future of Kosovo, the Liberation War, lead and commanded by the Kosovo Liberation Army, did not happen, Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro, the whole region, would still be living in the suffocating stink of blood and gunpowder, in the nightmare of war and genocide, which was rising to an unprecedented tragedy. The Liberation War of Kosovo, with its extent, sobered and cleared, provoked and appealed to the international community to act, as it acted, breaking the taboos established by rules of a past time, and by setting a more solid and serious cornerstone of consolidation of a new political and diplomatic system, which would be more active and more fruitful. With a view of creating a different world, a world of emancipation, hope, courage and progress, this war (KLA war, author note) ultimately detached the international community from the illusion that it had been saved from the Balkan with the Dayton Agreement. The Contact Group – was the most concrete body which could be imagined under a shadow “international community” – was in favour of a compromise, a type of a conflict regulation, which was rightfully unfavoured in the Balkan. (the Contact Group, a group of “great powers” – United States, Russia, Germany, Great Britain and France – was created in 1994, with a view of revitalizing the former International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia ( ICFY ).[2]The EU was rather complex and deeply divided in terms of the Yugoslav crisis. The three most powerful countries, Germany, France and Great Britain, had very different political approaches to the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. By such approaches, each of the states persisted to use the crisis in ensuring their individual positions inside the EU, starting from political influences and up to the future concepts of European security.[3]Setting from these discrepancies and detractions of policies and interests of greater powers of Europe, and the impossibility of approximating and unifying these extremes, to make Europe a Union in its essence and full meaning of the word, the actions of the USA in resolving the crisis are comprehensible and justifiable. Being the leader and decisive in partial attacks of the Northern Atlantic Alliance, to come to a peace conference by coercion, similar to the Dayton, it was not possible to tackle the whole Yugoslav crisis at one go, in a single conference. In fact, a prior well-studied concept had been missing, because knowing the circumstances and other factors, there would be no one to deal with the matter in terms of coming to a solution. This had another reason, the scepticism of the US in being able to cope with such a large chaos, in terms of tackling the whole Yugoslav problem, which had grown for almost a full century.[1] ALBANIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCE (Centre of Albanian Encyclopedia): Kosovo in an encyclopedic view, Toena, Tirana, 1999, pg. 139.[2] Reymond DETREZ: KOSOVO. DE UITGESTELDE OORLOG, translated from Dutch by: Mirela Shuteriqi, Tirana, 2004, pg. 143.[3] Visnja STARESINA: VJEZBE U LABORATORIJU BALLKAN, Neklada Ljevak d.o.o., Zagreb, 2004, pg.49.
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Stahn, Carsten. "Constitution Without a State? Kosovo Under the United Nations Constitutional Framework for Self-Government." Leiden Journal of International Law 14, no. 3 (September 2001): 531–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156501000279.
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On 15 May 2001 the Head of the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo (‘UNMIK’) signed into law Regulation 2001/9 establishing a Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government in Kosovo. The document creates a provisional institutional framework for the exercise of public authority by Kosovo's institutions of self-government during the territory's administration under United Nations rule. UNMIK delegates important parts of its responsibilities in the legislative, executive and judicial field to the local institutions envisaged in the document. At the same time, however, crucial areas remain under the direct authority of the United Nations administration. This article examines the modifications brought about by the Constitutional Framework by discussing the legal nature and the contents of the document in the light of the various legal instruments governing Kosovo's institutional system throughout the last thirty years and previous international practice in the field of state-building and territorial reconstruction.
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Sylejmani, Mimoza. "Transformation of living spaces – Changes in functional aspect." Pollack Periodica 15, no. 1 (April 2020): 241–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/606.2020.15.1.23.
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Abstract Ensuring the provision of suitable living units remains one of the most challenging issues among the architects. The economic conditions in Kosovo represent one of the factors that influenced the functional and spatial change in multi-apartment buildings. Taking into account the passing of time, economic conditions, the requirements and needs of the communities change, those affects change in the functional and spatial aspect. The construction of multi-apartment and individual buildings, as well as other buildings with other uses in the center of the cities represents a delicate issue. On the other hand, the need for reconstruction and re-destination of usage of the existing residential buildings is becoming an important topic for the society in Kosovo. The issue is somewhat sensitive regarding the multi-apartment residential buildings, given that the usable surface is increasingly limited. The next challenge for the architects will be the treatment of the existing areas, their adaption in harmony with the requirements of the new generations, social changes that Kosovo is dealing with. The entire endeavor to reach a more comfortable solution is realized through treatment of the residential spaces not only in function wise, as well as in the exterior, through the transparence in architecture. The aim of the paper is to show transformation of the living spaces through real example, in Prishtina.
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Bakke, Kristin M. "State Collapse and Reconstruction in the Periphery: Political Economy, Ethnicity and Development in Yugoslavia, Serbia and Kosovo." Nordisk Østforum 24, no. 02 (July 5, 2010): 224–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-1773-2010-02-16.
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Earnest, James. "Managing projects in war-torn societies." Journal of Management History 25, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 585–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-02-2019-0007.
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PurposePlanning and implementing reconstruction projects in areas that are affected by conflict has proven to be far more challenging than expected and has often been considered to be inappropriate response from practitioners, aid agencies and government. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore reconstruction and development projects in Kosovo given its history of non-sovereign state under United Nations administration and analyse how they were planned and executed that would more likely yield progressive outcomes for the society.Design/methodology/approachThe study was designed to explore how projects are planned and implemented, as well as help in understanding the phenomena in the historical, social, cultural and governance context within the project implementation practices of multilateral agencies in Kosovo. Applying action research principles and using a detailed case study approach to the interviews, the study identified programme strengths, weaknesses and implications of project management practice and theory and differences of opinion within the project team in project planning and implementation in their wider sense.FindingsThere is evidence that both aid organisations’ constructed project management processes and international aid agencies practices do not work effectively in a community service delivery setting. The study showed that there continue to be challenges in project processes, implementation, stakeholder coordination, communication, cost, quality, procurement and risk management.Practical implicationsForward looking and grounded in traditions, the study indicated a need to promote a better understanding of how reconstruction and development projects are undertaken at all levels of the organisation and to describe processes, procedures and tools used for the actual application of projects in war-torn societies.Originality/valueThe study is among the first academic research worldwide to examine traditional practices of project management which are wildly applied and to explore if the same processes can be applied in post-conflict settings. This study is timely and beneficial in fulfilling its responsibility to post-conflict communities.
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Ribić, Vladimir. "The Political Mobilization of Serbian Communists in the First Phase of the "Antibureaucratic Revolution"." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 5, no. 3 (May 14, 2010): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v5i3.10.
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This paper offers an analysis of concrete actions and legitimations, and also of the elements of the action- and legitimation basis of the Serbian communists’ political moblization conducted during the first phase of the so-called Antibureaucratic Revolution, which began in April 1987 with Slobodan Miloševi R’s speech in Kosovo Polje, and came to an end with the intra-party showdown at the Eighth Session of the Serbian Communist Party’s Central Committee in September of the same year. The paper also provides a reconstruction of the political context in which the mobilization was conducted.
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Xiao-Planes, Xiaohong. "La construction du politique dans la Chine du début du XXe siècle. L'action des élites locales du Jiangsu." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 55, no. 6 (December 2000): 1201–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.2000.279912.
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RésuméAu début du XXe siècle, la Chine connaît une crise dramatique. La nécessité d'une modernisation devient urgente. Une mobilisation des élites locales se développe alors dans un contexte de coopération entre certains hauts fonctionnaires ministériels ou provinciaux et des réformateurs du milieu privé : industriels, marchands, lettrés. Malgré les réticences du pouvoir impérial, les élites locales imposent leur participation à l'élaboration de nouvelles structures de coopération et de partage des responsabilités entre l'État et la société. Une reconstruction politique s'ébauche ainsi. Elle aboutira à l'instauration d'un pouvoir régional, malheureusement brisé, en 1913, par le coup de force de Yuan Shikai.
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Ouellet, Nelson. "L'État face à la violence raciale durant la Reconstruction. Le cas de l'Alabama et du Tennessee (1865-1877)." Revue Française d Etudes Américaines 108, no. 2 (2006): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfea.108.0098.
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Wilén, Nina. "Entre souveraineté copartagée et coopération conditionnelle." Études internationales 42, no. 2 (September 13, 2011): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005824ar.
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Cet article souhaite examiner la reconstruction de l'État du Liberia par les acteurs externes et propose d'analyser en particulier le Programme d'assistance à la gouvernance et à la gestion de l'économie (GEMAP). Ce programme repose sur des cosignatures par des experts internationaux pour des dépenses étatiques. L'argument soutenu ici est que le Liberia se trouve dans une situation paradoxale, à mi-chemin entre une coopération conditionnelle et une cosouveraineté avec ses partenaires internationaux qui n'est ni volontaire, ni clairement imposée. Pour comprendre ce phénomène, l'auteure adopte un cadre théorique basé sur la path dependency . Cet article étudie donc le fondement et le fonctionnement du GEMAP afi n d'illustrer ce propos.
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Eme, Bernard, and Jean-Louis Laville. "Pour une approche pluraliste du tiers secteur." Nouvelles pratiques sociales 12, no. 1 (January 28, 2008): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/301439ar.
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Résumé D'entrée de jeu, les auteurs définissent le concept de tiers secteur afin de fonder une conception de celui-ci qui ne soit pas une sphère supplétive, compartimentée, des économies marchande et non marchande mais qui engendre de nouvelles dynamiques économiques inscrites dans une reconstruction de l'intégration sociale des individus et impliquant de reconsidérer la place et le rôle de l'économie marchande et de l'État-providence. Par la suite, les auteurs soulignent différents types d'économie (marchande, non marchande et non monétaire) qui doivent être en interaction pour créer des nouveaux rapports entre l'économie et la société. On parle donc d'une économie contemporaine complexe — dans laquelle figure le tiers secteur — qu'on ne peut réduire à l'économie de marché.
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Strapáčová, Michaela, and Vít Hloušek. "Budování státu a národa v podmínkách postkonfliktní rekonstrukce Kosova." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 2–3 (August 1, 2014): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.23.160.
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The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration between territorial, societal and political aspects. The conclusion presented in this article might be used as a lesson learnt from previous mistakes in work dealing with ethnically divided societies, for which it is not sufficient to provide institutional structures without an adequate socio-political reconstruction of existing conditions. If a society is not adequately adapted to the newly-established situation, the institutional structures will not be able to fulfil their key functions completely. Furthermore, it has to be clear that any possible reconstruction of institutional bases must be attempted only with a deep consideration of specific local conditions; otherwise its sustainability is doubtful.
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De Brabandere, Eric. "un Post-Conflict Peacebuilding Activities – An Economic Reconstruction Perspective." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 18, no. 1 (2014): 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413-00180007.
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The peace versus justice dilemma often presented as paramount in post-conflict situations is more complex and ignores the factual and legal importance of economic reconstruction. The economic aspect of un post-conflict peacebuilding missions, has however not received much attention over the past years. Yet, the mandates granted to international actors after conflicts have undoubtedly evolved throughout the years. From the imposition of a neutral force between the parties to a conflict, to maintaining peace and stability, the un and other international organizations have taken up various responsibilities in the administration of States and territories. The focus on economic reconstruction needs to be viewed in the context of a changed strategy towards conflicts, in which the focus is laid on ensuring that the causes of the conflict are eliminated. The 1990s, thus, signaled an important and comprehensive shift in the un’s engagement in post-conflict States, which resulted in the establishment of unprecedented missions which included important economic reconstruction activities, such as the international administration missions in Kosovo and East Timor. In recent years however, there have been no comprehensive peacebuilding missions which included major economic reforms in their mandate. There may be multiple reasons for this, but, as is argued, in essence it is the result of two factors. First, international administrative missions, by their very nature, are more adequate tools to engage in comprehensive post-conflict reconstruction efforts including far-reaching economic reforms. Secondly, international financial institution have gradually been moving away from a strict application of their free market policy, towards paying more attention to pluralist rule of law reforms which in turn will trigger economic development.
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MORROW, Raymond. "Théorie critique et matérialisme historique : Jürgen Habermas." Sociologie et sociétés 14, no. 2 (September 30, 2002): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/001517ar.
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Résumé Le sociologue ouest-allemand Jürgen Habermas développe un programme théorique orienté à la reconstruction du matérialisme historique et a connu une réception relativement restreinte dans le milieu francophone, malgré ses affinités avec la sociologie critique francophone contemporaine. Cette réception a été rendue difficile par plusieurs facteurs : le développement interne de son projet, sa stratégie de négation concrète qui a entraîné un dialogue avec des traditions hétérogènes, et une coupure avec l'école originale de Francfort. Il faut évaluer ses distinctions épistémologiques entre travail, interaction et critique par rapport à leur contribution au dépassement de ce qu'il estime être les trois faiblesses principales de la théorie critique traditionnelle : ses fondements normatifs ambigus, un concept de vérité philosophique et une sous-estimation des possibilités de l'État démocratique.
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Müller, Olaf L. "Pacifism as a Perspective: On the Inevitable Entanglement of Facts and Values1." Studies in Christian Ethics 31, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946817749898.
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Pacifists and their opponents disagree not only about moral questions, but most often about factual questions as well (as is illustrated by the controversy surrounding the crisis in Kosovo in 1999). According to my reconstruction of pacifism, this is not surprising, since the pacifist, legitimately, looks at the facts in the light of her system of values. Her opponent, in turn, looks at the facts in the light of an alternative value system. And the quarrel between the two parties about supposedly descriptive matters never ceases, as there is no objective reality that could settle the issue. The pacifist’s value-laden perspective on reality is informed by Christian charity and humility: a specific mixture of optimism (about human nature) and pessimism (about human powers).
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Pérez-mallaína bueno, Pablo emilio. "Le pouvoir de l'État contre les forces de la Nature : la reconstruction de Lima après le tremblement de terre de 1687." Villes en parallèle 25, no. 1 (1997): 160–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vilpa.1997.1239.
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Puzovic, Ljiljana. "An attempt of reconstruction of the collection of manuscripts of Devic monastery." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 81 (2015): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1581093p.
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The Serbian monastery Devic was built in 1434, in Drenica, a hilly region where Kosovo and Metohija meet, and where St. Joannicius of Devic lived his ascetic life, passed away and was buried. This great Serbian hermit, under the patronage of Despot Djuradj Brankovic, built the original church dedicated to the Presentation of the Virgin which gathered the whole monastic family. Probably at the same time the first collection of manuscripts was built, since the elementary liturgical books were needed for the regular liturgical life. Different conserved manuscripts between the 16th and 19th century attest transcription activities in the monastery, and, at the same time, confirm that Devic Monastery was highly estimated among the Orthodox Christians. First information about the literary fund of the monastery originate in the mid-19th century when many researchers and antique lovers visited the monastery. Testimonies about the scope and content of the Devic collection of manuscripts are quite contradictory, however we are going to try to determine in this paper which manuscripts were undoubtedly in the collection with particular attention to the ones written in the monastery. Despite very poor conditions this collection survived until the 20th century. For safety reasons one part of the collection, which was transferred in the National Library of Serbia, got destroyed during the bombing in April 1941. The rest, which was held in the monastery, was burnt down, including the temple church and the whole monastery complex, by the Albanian Fascists. What remained from the former collection were just a few copies of books which were taken out of the Devic before 1941. The monastery continues to exist till the present day, despite vandalization in 2004.
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Siitonen, Lauri. "Human security and state rebuilding in post-conflict Nepal: Peace at the cost of justice?" Regions and Cohesion 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2011.010105.
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There is a possible conflict between two current policy guidelines in post-conflict countries, human security, and state rebuilding. This article analyzes how weak statehood and low human security are mutually interlinked in complex ways in the case of post-conflict Nepal. The analysis is based on economic, political, and social data, recent reports by international organizations and NGOs, as well as on statements by major politicians and political parties. A dilemma can be identified in post-conflict Nepal: in order to remedy weak statehood and decrease the level of crime, the presence of the state in the rural areas needs to be enhanced. Yet people feel mistrust toward the police and state administration, which keep many people marginalized. Therefore external actors, particularly the EU, should strengthen their support for democratization of the state while at the same time keeping an eye on the peace process.Spanish Existe un posible conflicto entre dos orientaciones de las políticas actuales en los países post-conflicto: la seguridad humana y la reconstrucción del Estado. Este artículo analiza cómo la debilidad estatal y la seguridad humana están mutuamente relacionadas entre sí de manera compleja en el caso del post-conflicto en Nepal. El análisis se basa en los datos económicos, políticos y sociales, en los últimos informes de las organizaciones internacionales y no-gubernamentales, así como en las declaraciones de los más importantes políticos y partidos políticos. Es posible identificar un dilema en el Nepal post-conflicto: con el fin de fortalecer al Estado débil y disminuir el nivel de la criminalidad, es preciso mejorar la presencia del Estado en las zonas rurales. Sin embargo, la gente siente desconfianza hacia la policía y la administración estatal, que mantienen a un gran número de personas en la marginalidad. Por lo tanto los actores externos, especialmente la UE, deben fortalecer su apoyo a la democratización del Estado a la vez que deben estar atentos al proceso de paz.French Il existe une possibilité de conflit entre les deux actuelles lignes directrices en matière de politiques dans les pays en sortie de guerre, à savoir entre la sécurité humaine et la reconstruction de l'État. Cet article analyse comment un état défaillant et une faible sécurité humaine sont reliés mutuellement de façon complexe dans le contexte d'après-guerre au Népal. L'analyse est basée sur des données économiques, politiques et sociales, des rapports récents d'organisations internationales et d'ONG, ainsi que sur les discours des plus importants politiciens et partis politiques. Un dilemme apparaît dans le cas du Népal : afin de renforcer le pouvoir de l'État et de diminuer les taux de criminalité, la présence de l'État doit être accrue dans les milieux ruraux. Or, la population montre une certaine méfiance envers la police et l'administration publique, instances considérées comme responsables de la marginalisation d'une grande partie de la société. C'est pourquoi des acteurs externes, telle l'Union Européenne, devraient renforcer leur aide à la démocratisation de l'État et surveiller en même temps le processus de paix.
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Österdahl, Inger. "Preach What You Practice. The Security Council and the Legalisation ex post facto of the Unilateral Use of Force." Nordic Journal of International Law 74, no. 2 (2005): 231–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571810054929440.
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AbstractIn recent years the UN Security Council has entered the scene of action several times after a unilateral military intervention has already taken place. The Security Council has adopted comprehensive schemes for the reconstruction of the countries intervened in and has authorised both civil and military international presences. Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq are examples of such recent situations, and Liberia is an example from the early 1990s. This article makes the argument that, through its resolutions, the Security Council contributes to the legalisation ex post facto of the unilateral interventions, whether it wants to or not. The Security Council is caught in a trap set by those who undertake the intervention without prior Security Council authorisation.The only way the Security Council could escape the retroactive legalising effect of its resolutions would be by clearly stating in the resolution its intention not to authorise the preceding intervention. Even then, it may be that the Security Council could not escape the power of its own practice. A persistent practice of adopting reconstruction resolutions ex post facto would carry greater legal weight than the professed intention not to legalise the preceding unilateral intervention.Still, authorisation ex post facto may be better than no authorisation at all.
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Ryan, Stephen. "Carrots, Sticks, and Ethnic Conflict: Rethinking Development Assistance. Edited by Milton J. Esman and Ronald J. Herring. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001. 272p. $49.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 682–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402950367.
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This excellent collection of essays takes the reader into a complex area: the relationship between economic development and ethnic conflict. It is such a tricky topic because there is consensus about neither what ethnicity is nor the contributions that economic factors make to the origins, dynamics, and resolution of ethnic strife. In fact the essays presented here steer clear of origins and resolution and focus instead on the less controversial area of how development policy impacts on the dynamics of ethnic conflicts. There is a great need for contributions in this area, because, as the introductory chapter by Herring and Esman notes, the international community is becoming more involved in humanitarian assistance and postviolence reconstruction initiatives in a number of protracted intercommunal conflicts. These include Bosnia, Kosovo, Israel and Palestine, Northern Ireland, and Lebanon. At the same time the increased awareness of ethnic conflict in the past decade has resulted in reassessments of what development means in a multicultural setting.
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Davies, L. "Balkans briefing 6. Picking up the pieces: reflections on the initial stages of the reconstruction of the health care system in Kosovo, July 1999." Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health 54, no. 9 (September 1, 2000): 705–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech.54.9.705.
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Moro, Francesco N., and Marco Mayer. "Intervento umanitario e scienza politica: un'agenda di ricerca e alcune osservazioni preliminari." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 3 (February 2009): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2008-003006.
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- The article seeks to provide a general framework to interpret humanitarian intervention with the "tools" of political science. It focuses on intervention where military force is directly applied and a phase of stabilization and reconstruction follows military operations. As such, it deals with six major cases: Kurdistan, Somalia, Haiti, Bosnia, East Timor and Kosovo. The central argument of the article is that a thorough understanding of humanitarian interventions is possible only by recurring to approaches and branches of political science that have been traditionally left out from the analysis of such phenomenon. The purpose of the article is to provide a first-cut but comprehensive approach to the analysis of humanitarian interventions, bringing in sometimes overlooked tools provided by literature political science, and to provide the basis for more thorough theoretical and empirical work on the subject. It should also shed light on relevant changes in the global security environment after the Cold War, focusing on the new opportunities, but also on the often overlooked constraints, to foreign intervention.
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Dinçer, Ender, Sabri Hacıoğlu, Sırrı Kar, Nergis Emanet, Annika Brinkmann, Andreas Nitsche, Aykut Özkul, Yvonne-Marie Linton, and Koray Ergünay. "Survey and Characterization of Jingmen Tick Virus Variants." Viruses 11, no. 11 (November 17, 2019): 1071. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/v11111071.
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We obtained a Jingmen tick virus (JMTV) isolate, following inoculation of a tick pool with detectable Crimean-Congo hemorrhagic fever virus (CCHFV) RNA. We subsequently screened 7223 ticks, representing 15 species in five genera, collected from various regions in Anatolia and eastern Thrace, Turkey. Moreover, we tested specimens from various patient cohorts (n = 103), and canine (n = 60), bovine (n = 20) and avian specimens (n = 65). JMTV nucleic acids were detected in 3.9% of the tick pools, including those from several tick species from the genera Rhipicephalus and Haemaphysalis, and Hyalomma marginatum, the main vector of CCHFV in Turkey. Phylogenetic analysis supported two separate clades, independent of host or location, suggesting ubiquitous distribution in ticks. JMTV was not recovered from any human, animal or bird specimens tested. Near-complete viral genomes were sequenced from the prototype isolate and from three infected tick pools. Genome topology and functional organization were identical to the members of Jingmen group viruses. Phylogenetic reconstruction of individual viral genome segments and functional elements further supported the close relationship of the strains from Kosovo. We further identified probable recombination events in the JMTV genome, involving closely-related strains from Anatolia or China.
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Leroux, Jean. "Structuralisme et empirisme: l'approche ensembliste des théories physiques." Dialogue 25, no. 1 (1986): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001221730004292x.
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La parution de la monographic de Sneed,The Logical Structure of Mathematical Physics(1971) a suscité un renouveau d'intérêt en philosophie contemporaine des sciences. Cet ouvrage arrivait à un moment où l'épistémologie des sciences, telle que développée dans les milieux germaniques et anglo-saxons, accusait de graves insuffisances dans la reconstruction rationnelle du développement historique des théories physiques. Mis sur la défensive par les thèses et arguments historiques de Kuhn et de Feyerabend, ces milieux « orthodoxes » devaient reconnaitre l'état embryonnaire de ce qui devait être uneépistémologie diachroniquedes sciences, une épistémologie du changement scientifique où les méthodes d'analyse formelle puissent être aussi mises á contribution. A cela s'ajoutait un certain malaise, une certaine stagnation de la problématique, plus synchronique, de l'approche traditionnelle issue du mouvement empiriste logique. Le probleme de la dichotomielangage théorique—langage observationnel, ainsi que son fidèle compagnon, le problème destermes théoriques, le statut épistémologique desrègies de correspondance, la dèfinition du concept d'analyticitéen science, autant de questions qui avaient été discutées et critiquées, à maintes reprises, pour aboutir à des résultats peu concluants aux yeux des philosophes, comme à ceux des physiciens préoccupés des fondements de leur discipline et à qui la teneur de cette discussion semblait souvent étrangère à la pratique scientifique.
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Hadžiristić, Tea. "Unveiling Muslim Women in Socialist Yugoslavia: the Body between Socialism, Secularism, and Colonialism." Religion and Gender 7, no. 2 (February 19, 2017): 184–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.10137.
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The creation of the second Yugoslavia (1943–1992) heralded the legal and economic emancipation of women, a social change deeply indebted to the role of female combatants in the Partisan army, and catalyzed by post-war state-building. The Anti- Fascist Women’s Front (AFŽ) was a primary agent in rapid social changes that followed. Along with education and literacy campaigns, from 1947–1950 local chapters of the AFŽ organized campaigns to unveil Muslim women in Yugoslavia, as the practice was deemed incompatible with economic and political participation as well as multiethnic unity. This paper focuses on the Bosnian case, though unveiling also took place in Macedonia, Kosovo, Serbia, and Montenegro. This paper investigates how state secularism put women’s ‘emancipated’ bodies to the fore as signifiers of progress and modernity. The process of unveiling in Yugoslavia is analyzed both within the context of the reconstruction and the consolidation of the socialist state, and the nexus of ideological conflicts in the region. Unveiling drew on Orientalist discourses, as well as the promise of a radical socialist future and an indigenous Yugoslav feminism, while popular support for the AFŽ problematizes notions of the oppressive nature of state-sanctioned feminism. The paper interrogates the discourses surrounding these campaigns of unveiling, as they draw on and confound various dichotomies.
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Idrizi, Bashkim, and Mirdon Kurteshi. "Web System for Online and Onsite Usage of Geoinformation by Surveying Sector in Kosovo. Case Study: Ferizaj Municipality." Geosfera Indonesia 4, no. 3 (November 25, 2019): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/geosi.v4i3.13469.
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The purpose of research to determine and contribute in more efficient services to geoinformation stakeholders, as well as to give positive impact on increasing income in geo business sector, voluntary based web system for online usage of geoinformation in Kosovo has been developed. The method used was puting in to one place many sourcec via WMS and WFS services, by creating thematic SDI, in order to have online system with dynamic data comming from official databases with update from last day on 5 pm. System is open for usage by all interested parts, however official registration is required. It contains geoinformation from many databases such as cadastral, orthophoto, municipal, and basemaps from open layers. The results show that the system is extendable and it is permanently including new datasets based on the user requirements. All available data is linked via web services, which gives an opportunity to users to use the updated version of datasets as they are published by responsible institution via www (world wide web).
Keywords: web map, geoportal, geoinformation, web services, Kosovo
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Bajcinovci, Bujar, and Florina Jerliu. "Achieving Energy Efficiency in Accordance with Bioclimatic Architecture Principles." Environmental and Climate Technologies 18, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rtuect-2016-0013.
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Abstract By using our natural resources, and through inefficient use of energy, we produce much waste that can be recycled as a useful resource, which further contributes to climate change. This study aims to address energy effective bioclimatic architecture principles, by which we can achieve a potential energy savings, estimated at thirty-three per cent, mainly through environmentally affordable reconstruction, resulting in low negative impact on the environment. The study presented in this paper investigated the Ulpiana neighbourhood of Prishtina City, focusing on urban design challenges, energy efficiency and air pollution issues. The research methods consist of empirical observations through the urban spatial area using a comparative method, in order to receive clearer data and information research is conducted within Ulpiana’s urban blocks, shapes of architectural structures, with the objective focusing on bioclimatic features in terms of the morphology and microclimate of Ulpiana. Energy supply plays a key role in the economic development of any country, hence, bioclimatic design principles for sustainable architecture and energy efficiency, present an evolutive integrated strategy for achieving efficiency and healthier conditions for Kosovar communities. Conceptual findings indicate that with the integrated design strategy: energy efficiency, and passive bioclimatic principles will result in a bond of complex interrelation between nature, architecture, and community. The aim of this study is to promote structured organized actions to be taken in Prishtina, and Kosovo, which will result in improved energy efficiency in all sectors, and particularly in the residential housing sector.
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Stosic, Ljiljana. "The bay of Cattaro (Kotor) school of icon-painting 1680-1860." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445187s.
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Relying on post-Byzantine tradition, eleven painters from five generations of the Dimitrijevic-Rafailovic family, accompanied by Maksim Tujkovic, painted several thousand icons and several hundred iconostases between the late seventeenth and the second half of the nineteenth century. They worked in major Orthodox Christian monasteries in Montenegro, Kosovo and Metohija, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Dalmatia, but their works can mostly be found in modest village churches in the Bay of Kotor (Cattaro) and on the South Adriatic coast. The decoration of these churches was financially supported by the local population headed by elders. Along with a reconstruction of their biographies and a chronological overview of their major works, this paper seeks to trace stylistic changes in the Bay of Kotor school of icon-painting. While simply varying a thematic repertory established in earlier periods, the painters from the Bay of Kotor were gradually introducing new details and themes adopted from Western European Baroque art under indirect influences coming from the monastery of Hilandar, Corfu, Venice and Russia. This process makes this indigenous school of icon-painting, which spanned almost two centuries, comparable to the work of Serbian traditional religious painters (zografs) and illuminators active north of the Sava and Danube rivers after the Great Migration of the Serbs (1690). Despite differences between the two, which resulted from different cultural and historical circumstances in which Serbs lived under Ottoman, Venetian and Habsburg rules, similarities in iconography and style, which were inspired by an urge to counteract proselytic pressures, are considerably more important.
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Chamoux, Par F. "La Cyrénaïque, des origines à 321 a.C., d'après les fouilles et les travaux récents." Libyan Studies 20 (January 1989): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006592.
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En 1953, j'avais exprimé le voeu que les antiquités de la Cyrénaïque, que les archéologues italiens avaient si remarquablement étudiées entre 1912 et 1942, fussent à nouveau l'objet de recherches régulières, dès que les épreuves dues à la guerre auraient été surmontées. Ce voeu a été pleinement exaucé. Dès la fin des hostilités, comme j'avais pu le constater sur place en janvier–février 1946, puis en mai–juin 1947, l'Administration militaire britannique avait pris en charge la sauvegarde des monuments et des sites. L'oeuvre réalisée par les responsables successifs de cette administration, à travers mille difficultés et avec des moyens modestes, fut fort efficace. A partir de 1953, elle fut poursuivie et développée par R. G. Goodchild, nommé Controller of Antiquities pour la Cyrénaïque dans le cadre du nouvel Etat libyen. Il suscita et contrôla la reprise des recherches sur le terrain, en même temps qu'il créait de toutes pièces un Service des antiquités dont les jeunes archéologues libyens, en grande partie formés par lui, fournirent les cadres. Avec leur concours, il exécuta lui-même des fouilles, des restaurations de monuments, des prospections à travers le pays, conduites avec une méthode exemplaire, en particulier à Cyrène et à Apollonia. Les missions étrangères, accueillies avec faveur, ouvrirent des chantiers: les Britanniques à Benghazi et à Tocra, les Américains à Ptolémaïs, les Français à Apollonia. Mais surtout la mission archéologique italienne, animée par S. Stucchi, revint travailler à Cyrène à partir de 1958 et, depuis trente ans, accomplit un admirable travail de publication dans tous les domaines, exploitant à Cyrène les fouilles antérieures, en les complétant par des sondages, et procédant parallèlement à la reconstruction des monuments quand l'état des ruines le permet.