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Journal articles on the topic 'Reformed Church in Amsterdam'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Hiebsch, Sabine. "The Coming of Age of the Lutheran Congregation in Early Modern Amsterdam." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2016-0001.

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AbstractContrary to most of the German Lands of the Empire, Lutherans in the Low Countries were a religious minority. In order to establish a congregation in the nascent Dutch republic the Amsterdam Lutherans had to manoeuver between a non-Lutheran authority, the public Reformed Church with the most rights and the highest visibility and other religious minorities. This article describes the influencing factors that helped the Lutherans in this ongoing dynamic and vulnerable process of negotiation. It shows how experiences made by the first generations of Dutch Lutherans in Antwerp were important for the choice to start as a house church. It further explores the international connections of the Amsterdam Lutherans, especially with Scandinavia, that eventually made it possible for them to own two big, publicly visible churches, while still being a religious minority.

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2

Frijhoff, Willem. "A Misunderstood Calvinist: The Religious Choices of Bastiaen Jansz Krol, New Netherland's First Church Servant." Journal of Early American History 1, no. 1 (2011): 62–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187707011x552736.

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AbstractIn the history of New Netherland the comforter of the sick Bastiaen Jansz Krol (1595-1674) is known as the first servant of the Reformed Church, before the establishment of a formal congregation with an ordained minister. Until recently, his reputation as such was quite mediocre, and the quality of his faith was questioned by the historians of the Reformed Church. In this article, the author revises this negative image thoroughly. Completing the biographical data he interprets them in the context of the early ambitions of the WIC. Arguing, moreover, that Krol was born in a Mennonite family and converted to Calvinism after his first marriage, he presents (with a full translation) the pamphlet which shows his new commitment to orthodox Calvinism. Krol's pamphlet was published previously to his appointment as comforter of the sick and may have motivated his choice by the Amsterdam consistory.

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3

Witmer, Olga. "Clandestine Lutheranism in the eighteenth-century Dutch Cape Colony*." Historical Research 93, no. 260 (April 25, 2020): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa007.

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Abstract This article examines the survival strategies of Lutheran dissenters in the eighteenth-century Dutch Cape Colony. The Cape Colony was officially a Reformed settlement during the rule of the Dutch East India Company (V.O.C.) but also had a significant Lutheran community. Until the Lutherans received recognition in 1780, part of the community chose to uphold their faith in secret. The survival of Lutheranism in the Cape Colony was due to the efforts of a group of Cape Lutheran activists and the support network they established with ministers of the Danish-Halle Mission, the Francke Foundations, the Moravian Church and the Lutheran Church in Amsterdam.

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4

Veluwenkamp, J. W. "De Nederlandse Gereformeerde Gemeente Te Archangel in De Achttiende Eeuw." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 73, no. 1 (1993): 31–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820393x00021.

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AbstractThe Dutch Reformed Parish in Archangel in the Eighteenth Century The Dutch Reformed parish in the Northern Russian seaport of Archangel probably originated in the 1630s and apparently received some sort of formal and independent status in about 1660. In the eighteenth century, the parish was a small and shrinking community. In the 1730s, it had an estimated 240 Dutch members, and by the 1770s about 110. The parish virtually coincided with the Dutch merchant community of Archangel. Many of the Dutch merchants of that town lived there with their wives, children and servants. The parish council consisted of the minister and (probably three) elders and (probably three) deacons. The minister, who usually came from the Netherlands or Germany, was hired by the Directors of the Muscovy Trade (de Directeuren van de Moskovische Handel) in Amsterdam on behalf of the parish, examined and called by the Classis of Amsterdam, and paid by the parish. The church, of course, focussed primarily on the spiritual care of the parish members. But the parish council also performed communal services in a broader sense. It provided for the teaching of children and acted as orphan's court. The parish had a school-house and employed a Dutch schoolmaster.

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Schrauwers, Albert. "“Regenten” (Gentlemanly) Capitalism: Saint-Simonian Technocracy and the Emergence of the “Industrialist Great Club” in the Mid-nineteenth Century Netherlands." Enterprise & Society 11, no. 4 (December 2010): 753–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700009526.

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The geometric pattern of Amsterdam's canals was iconic of its nineteenth-century social order. The spider's web of canals fanned out along the Amstel river in concentric rings, its barge traffic linking the city to its hinterland, the province of Holland, and to the wider Netherlands of which it is the nominal capital. These canals divided the “Venice of the North” into ninety islands linked by more than a thousand bridges. Imposing aristocratic and merchant houses stretched along the innermost canal ring, the Golden Curve of the Gentleman's Canal. At the center of the web lay de Dam, the 200 m long market square built on the first medieval dike protecting the city from the encroaching sea. The three pillars of the Dutch state framed the market square: the Royal Palace of the Merchant King, the Dutch Reformed New Church, and in the nineteenth century, the Amsterdam stock market, the world's oldest exchange.

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6

Watson, Elise. "The Jesuitesses in the Bookshop: Catholic Lay Sisters’ Participation in the Dutch Book Trade, 1650–1750." Studies in Church History 57 (May 21, 2021): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2021.9.

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The institutional Catholic Church in seventeenth-century Amsterdam relied on the work of inspired women who lived under an informal religious rule and called themselves ‘spiritual daughters’. Once the States of Holland banned all public exercise of Catholicism, spiritual daughters leveraged the ambiguity of their religious status to pursue unique roles in their communities as catechists, booksellers and enthusiastic consumers of print. However, their lack of a formal order caused consternation among their Catholic confessors. It also disturbed Reformed authorities in their communities, who branded them ‘Jesuitesses’. Whilst many scholars have documented this tension between inspired daughter and institutional critique, it has yet to be contextualized fully within the literary culture of the Dutch Republic. This article suggests that due to the de-institutionalized status of the spiritual daughters and the discursive print culture that surrounded them, public criticism replaced direct censure by Catholic and Reformed authorities as the primary impediment to their inspired work.

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7

Aalders, Maarten J. "Een kennismaking met Jenő Sebestyén (1884-1950)." DNK : Documentatieblad voor de Nederlandse kerkgeschiedenis na 1800 42, no. 91 (December 1, 2019): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dnk2019.91.003.aald.

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Abstract During the interwar period, the Hungarian theological professor Jenő Sebestyén was a well-known figure in the Reformed Churches in the Netherlands. He regularly visited the Netherlands and gave lots of lectures to raise money for charity work in Hungary. In 1930 the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam awarded him an honorary doctorate. After his death an In Memoriam appeared in Trouw on 8 June 1950, and on 12 April 1952 George Puchinger dedicated the issue of his magazine Polemios to this Hungarian neo-Calvinist. In the Netherlands there is little attention for him anymore. In this article I deal with three questions: how did Sebestyén come to study neo-Calvinism, what activities did he develop in that context, and what was the result of his efforts?

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8

Coertzen, Pieter. "The Dutch Reformed Church." Nederduitse Gereformeerde Teologiese Tydskrif 54 (July 18, 2013): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5952/54-0-287.

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9

Bruyn, J. "Een portret van Pieter Aertsen en de Amsterdamse portretschilderkunst 1550-1600." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 113, no. 3 (1999): 107–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501799x00445.

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AbstractThe portrait of Symon Marten Dircksz. (1504-1574) preserved in Athens (fig. I, notes 1, 2), was identified on the strength of his coat of arms. The sitter was a staunch Catholic and held high offices in the Amsterdam city government. His portrait, dated 1565, is the earliest specimen of a type that was produced during the last decades of the sixteenth century by the sons of Pieter Aertsen (1507/ 08-1574), Pieter (1540/41-1603) and Aert Pietersz. (1550-1612) (figs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9). In view of the documented relations between Pieter Aertsen and various prominent Amsterdam citizens and also because of clearly Mannerist features, the portrait may be attributed to the father. It holds a place of its own among Amsterdam portraits of the period and does not relate to any traditional portrait type either in Amsterdam or in Antwerp, where Aertsen had worked until C. 1555. In spite of similarities in the sitters' postures and the ornate background, the portraits attributable to Pieter Pietersz. and Aert Pictersz. (figs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9) show the style of a younger generation; pictorial space is rendered in a credible way and the figures also appear more three-dimensonal. A late example is the portrait of Hendrick Buyck, signed by Aert Pietersz. and dated 1605 (fig. 8, note 28). The sitter was a successful merchant and joined the Reformed Church, as did most of his brothers and sisters. His portrait contains a wealth of details which may in part point to the traditional idea of transience but also convey information of a more personal nature, as do the texts on the pages of a open cash-book. At his death in 1613 Hendrick Buyck's estate included a small number of paintings, mostly portraits, and one of The Four Evangelists by Pieter Aertsen ('Lange Pier'). This picture may be tentatively identified with one now at Aachen (fig. 10, note 46). A copy of it bears the date 1613 and was in all likelihood made for some member of the Buyck family when the original was inheritcd by the Protestant Hendrick's illegitimate son. The original bears the date 1559 and may well have already been in the possession of Hendrick's grandfather, Cornelis Buyck, who was Pieter Aertsen's neighbour until his death in 1562. POSTSCRIPT HUYBRECHT BEUCKELAER : AN ANTWERP SOLUTION FOR AN AMSTERDAM AND AN ENGLISH PROBLEM The long-standing debate as to whether or not the Monogrammist HB or Hb (figs. 11 and 12) could be identical with Joachim Bcuckclacr, was convincingly settled by Detlev Kreidl (note 27). This author not only analyzed the artist's distinct style but also showed that it was connected with that of Agnolo Bronzino, in whose studio the Monogrammist probably worked. Infrared reflectography subsequently revealed that the Kitchen-maid with a boy and a girl in Brussels (fig. 12), usually thought to be by Pieter Aertsen but attributed by Kreidl to the Monogrammist, bears the signature in full of one H[uybrecht] Beuckelaer, probably a brother of Joachim (note 27). Documents provide scant information on the artist's life. There is evidence of extensive travelling in 1567/68; a letter of 1574 was sent from Bordeaux. His earliest works date from 1563 but only in 1579 did he become a master in the Antwerp guild. This surprisingly late date may be accounted for by the assumption that until then the artist merely (or mainly) assisted other painters. Van Mander relates that Joachim Beuckelaer assisted Antonis Mor for davwages by painting the sitters' attire in their portraits. This piece of information would however seem rather to apply to Huybrecht, who (contrary to Joachim) paid much attention to the rendering of his figures' clothes. An example of his collaboration with Mor may well be the portrait of a nobleman, signed bv Mor and dated 1561, in the Mauritshuis, The Hague (fig. 15, note 64). A number of features in this picture recur in the Brussels Prodigal Son, which bears Huybrecht Beuckelaer's monogram (fig. 11). Huybrecht appears also to have been a portrait painter in his own right. The Style of his Prodigal Son may be recognized in a portrait of Thecla Occo, a member of the powerful Catholic family of that name in Amsterdam (fig. 13, notes 11 and 52). This picture suggests that Huybrecht was familiar with Mor's 1559 portrait of the wife of Jean le Cocq, now in Kassel, where a similar dog (a symbol of conjugal fidelity) lies in its mistress's arm. However, the main inspiration for the style of the Occo portrait comes from portraits Bronzino painted in the mid-1550s. This is borne out by the build of the tall figure with a slender hand dangling from an arm-rest as well as by the narrow shape of the head, enhanced by the strong shadow zone along the right side of the face (cf. fig. 14). From this (and from a similar case to be discussed below) it may be inferred that Huvbrecht visited Bronzino's workshop carly in his career, before working in Mor's studio around 1560. After 1584 there is no further mention of Huybrecht Beuckelaer in Antwerp documents. There is however evidence that he settled in England, probably after the taking of Antwerp by the Spaniards in 1585. A first clue to this effect is supplied by a portrait of Francis Cottington (1578/79-1652), later first Lord Cottington, that was sold at auction in 1922 (fig. 16, note 65). The picture is in many respects very similar to the Prodigal Son though it must, judging by the sitter's age and costume, be dated to the years around 1600, possibly to 1605 when Cottington was appointed secretary to the English ambassador in Spain. The artist's style had remained remarkably constant over the years, and so had his use of Bronzino prototypes. The latter's portrait of the youthful Lodovico Capponi (New York, Frick Collection) must have been in Huybrccht's mind when he designed young Cottington's portrait (fig. 17). There must have been quite a few portraits of distinguished English patrons by Huybrecht Beuckelaer besides the one of Cottington (which is not documented). This is supported by inventories from the years 1583-1590 which mention works by one Hubbert or Hubbard, long considered to have been a Netherlandish artist named Hubert (or Huybrecht - the artist actually used both forms of his name). The works described (notes 72, 73, 75 -77) were mostly portraits. But the earliest mention of his name occurs in connection with A Butcher and a Maid Buying Meat in the Earl of Leicester's collection in 1583. This was obviously a work in the Aertsen-Beuckelaer tradition, such as one might expect from Huybrecht Beuckelaer.

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10

Faber, Ryan. "Dort, Doleantie and Church Order." STJ | Stellenbosch Theological Journal 6, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2020.v6n4.a10.

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This article attends to the relationship between minor and major assemblies as prescribed by the foundational principles of Reformed church polity proposed by Mary-Anne Plaatjies-Van Huffel. It reviews the limited autonomy of local congregations and the authority of broader assemblies in the Church Order of Dordrecht (1618/19), the touchstone of Dutch Reformed church polity. It considers the challenge to historic Reformed church polity posed by the ecclesiology of the Doleantie, a secession from the Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk (NHK) in 1886 under the leadership of Abraham Kuyper. Finally, it evaluates a contemporary church order (of the United Reformed Churches in North America), that explicitly codifies Doleantie ecclesiology. The church order fails to embody the principles of Reformed church polity set forth by Plaatjies-Van Huffel. This article concludes that it cannot be considered a Reformed church order.

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11

Wethmar, C. J. "Die NG Kerk en Gereformeerdheid: Gestalte en uitdagings." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 1 (September 6, 2002): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i1.1251.

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The Dutch Reformed Church and the Reformed tradition: expression and challenges In this article a brief analysis is presented of the manner in which the Reformed tradition finds expression in die Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa. Such an analysis presupposes answers to the questions why such an attempt is necessary and what the identity of the Reformed tradition is. These answers are suggested in the first two sections of the article. The third section contains the envisaged outline of the manner in which the Dutch Reformed Church represents the Reformed tradition. This leads to the conclusion that the contribution which this church could strive to make to the church scene in South Africa is to promote the combination of the faith dimensions of knowledge, experience and obedience which is characteristic of the Reformed tradition.

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12

Paas, Stefan, and Hans Schaeffer. "Reconstructing Reformed Identity." Journal of Reformed Theology 8, no. 4 (2014): 382–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-00804004.

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Recently some Reformed denominations have embarked on church planting in the major cities in the Netherlands. This was done mainly for evangelistic reasons. From a quantitative perspective this project has been rather successful. However, many of the new churches deviate in some respects from official doctrines and practices of their denominations, as a consequence of contextualization. This has provoked some protest, leading to the failure in at least one case of instituting a new church plant as a full member of one of these Reformed denominations. In this article we add research data to this experience, demonstrating that this is not an isolated discussion. Moreover, we use this experience as a point of departure for an ecclesiological discussion about the continuous reformation of the church. The conclusion is that church planting is an occasion for ecclesial reconstruction with a view to mission, and we make some suggestions how this should happen.

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13

Groenendijk, Leendert F. "The Reformed Church and Education During the Golden Age of the Dutch Republic." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 85, no. 1 (2005): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607505x00047.

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AbstractFrom the very first, the Dutch Reformed Church addressed the issue of education. If the people were to be confessionalized in a Reformed direction, then the place to start was with the young. Its greatest concern was to ensure elementary education for boys and girls in the vernacular. The Reformed primary schools were expected to impart reading and writing skills, and, above all, to instill the Reformed faith by means of school catechization. The Reformed Church continually urged the government to banish all "papist" schools and to appoint only Reformed teachers. This essay discusses two major opportunities (namely, the Synod of Dort and the Treaty of Munster) to strengthen the positions of the Reformed schools and of the Reformed Church in the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. For several reasons the Reformed "public" Church never became the church of all. School catechization was in all probability not the hoped-for popularizer of the Reformed faith.

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Ferkov, Klaudiia-Stefania. "FORMATION OF THE REFORMED CHURCH DISTRICT WITHIN SUBCARPATHIAN RUS." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (44) (June 27, 2021): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232463.

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The article expresses the author’s attempt to outline the process of organizational and institutional design of the Reformed Church District within Subcarpathian Rus. It is noted that the Hungarian Reformed communities of the region found themselves isolated from the Reformed Church leaders after the First World War. That uncertainty negatively affected the overall tone of the Hungarian population, despite its religious affiliation. Two camps originated among the Reformed Church activists who remained on the territory of the newly formed Czechoslovakia concerning the future of the Reformed dioceses of Subcarpathian Rus. Some, including the newly elected Bishop Zinke, considered the possible alignment of the Transcarpathian dioceses to the Slovak Prytysyn Church District. Others argued for the separation and formation of an independent church district within Subcarpathian Rus. The Government circles “encouraged” that suggestion. The process of arranging the Reformed Church District within Subcarpathian Rus began almost after Saint-Germain and Trianon and ended only in 1923. As noted by the author, the relationship between the Reformed Church and the state remained complex and tense. The state did not openly restrict the autonomous rights of the church. However, several problems remained unsolved and caused conflicts: the issues of church officials’ and teachers’ citizenship, payment of congrues and promised state subventions, church school status, the language of instruction in church schools, national and religious affiliation of church school students, etc. The government was also dissatisfied with the candidacy of B. Bertok, the elected bishop of the Reformed Church of Subcarpathian Rus. For almost a decade (1932), the authorities de jure recognized the status of the Reformed Church District of Subcarpathian Rus but failed to admit Bertok’s status as the elected church head.

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15

Kuo, Henry S. "New Reformed Catholicity." Interreligious Studies and Intercultural Theology 3, no. 1-2 (April 5, 2019): 164–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/isit.38318.

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Reformed ecclesiology suffers from a lack of a concrete sense of catholicity, a lack that easily shatters unity in the church. This article broadly sketches a way in which Reformed confessions and the practice of confessing can help fill that lack, drawing from Robert Schreiter's The New Catholicity. By understanding confessing in terms of re-membering dangerous memories, Reformed catholicity has the potential for enabling the church to be a unifying witness in an age where globalizing forces have fragmented societies and inflamed troubling sentiments.

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Ragsdale, John P., and Gerdien Verstsrdelen-Gilhuis. "From Dutch Mission Church to Reformed Church in Zambia." International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 3 (1985): 566. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/218680.

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GRAY, RICHARD. "From Dutch Mission Church to Reformed Church in Zambia." African Affairs 85, no. 340 (July 1986): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097810.

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18

van den Broeke, Leon. "Non-Geographic Classes? Reformed Geography." Journal of Reformed Theology 7, no. 1 (2013): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-12341276.

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Abstract The Reformed Church in America is wrestling with an interesting question in ecclesiology and church order: is there a place within the church for so-called non-geographic classes. Non-geographic classes are classes which are not formed around a geographic regional principal, but by agreement in theological perspective or a peculiar way that a congregation is shaped. The question central to this article is then: is there a place in Reformed churches for non-geographical classes? In answering this question, the following will be considered: a similar proposal from the Gereformeerde Bond in the Netherlands Reformed Church in 1998; the geographic-regional principle; the Walloon Classis; the Classis of Holland; the Reformed Church in America; Flying, diocesan and titular bishops and finally a conclusion.

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Carson, Stafford. "Recovering Reformed catholicity." Theology in Scotland 26, S (September 11, 2019): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15664/tis.v26is.1873.

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This article begins by outlining some of the questions raised within the Church of Scotland in recent decades concerning the role and value of the Westminster Confession of Faith (WCF) as the church’s subordinate standard. In addressing these, the article asserts that the content and teaching of the WCF continue to be relevant for Reformed churches today. By examining the work that went into the drafting of the WCF, the article argues that the cohesive picture of Reformed orthodoxy and catholicity that the WCF presents has immense practical value for contemporary ministry and church renewal in a challenging cultural moment.

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Koffeman, Leo J. "‘Ecclesia Reformata Semper Reformanda’ Church Renewal from a Reformed Perspective." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 7, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 8–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ress-2015-0002.

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Abstract With a view to the theme of Church renewal, this article explores the role of a wellknown and popular phrase in the Reformed tradition within Protestantism, i.e. ecclesia reformata semper reformanda (‘the reformed Church should always be reformed’). Is this a helpful slogan when considering the pros and cons, the possibilities and the limitations of Church renewal? First, the historical background of this phrase is described: it is rooted in the Dutch Reformed tradition, and only in the twentieth century was it widely recognized in Reformed circles. Against this background the hermeneutical problem, linked with the principle of sola Scriptura, is presented, and put into an ecumenical perspective: the Church as grounded in the gospel. Finally, the article focuses on Church polity as an important field of renewal, taking into account Karl Barth’s interpretation of this phrase. From this perspective, a balanced and ecumenical approach of Church renewal is possible.

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Van den Belt, H. "De kerk slopen of renoveren? De vrijmaking van de plaatselijke kerken bij de oprichting (1906) en de doorstart (1909) van de Gereformeerde Bond." Theologia Reformata 62, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c5c4b8be2d72.

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Soon after the start in 1906 the ‘The Reformed League for the Liberation of the Dutch Reformed Churches,’ experienced a deep crisis. By 1909 the League, however, remade itself under the name ‘The Reformed League for the Promotion and Defence of Truth in the Dutch Reformed Church,’ a change often interpreted as a conscious shift away from the Doleantie and Abraham Kuyper’s ecclesiology. This article argues that in 1909 the Reformed League only renounced the appeal to political power for the liberation of the churches, an appeal that Kuyper was unhappy with. During its formative period the ecclesiology of the Reformed League emphasized the local congregations as the true confessional church, an emphasis that made its position within the Dutch Reformed Church vulnerable

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22

Theron, J. P. J. "Met die oog op genesingsdienste in die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk." Verbum et Ecclesia 12, no. 1 (July 18, 1991): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v12i1.1032.

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Towards healing services in the Dutch Reformed Church The position of the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa with regard to the world wide recovery of the Church’s healing ministry is discussed. Features of liturgical healing services of other denominational churches are utilised to develop a model for the Dutch Reformed Church in Initiating this kind of public ministry.

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23

Seung-Goo Lee. "Zwingli’s Contribution to the Reformed Church." Studies in Systematic Theology 31, no. ll (April 2019): 144–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31777/sst.31..201904.005.

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최영. "The Theological Principle of Reformed Church." Korean Jounal of Systematic Theology ll, no. 22 (December 2008): 11–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21650/ksst..22.200812.11.

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25

Sennema, Greg. "The Christian Reformed Church Periodical Index." Journal of Religious & Theological Information 5, no. 3-4 (June 2002): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j112v05n03_07.

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26

Strauss, Pieter. "Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk, kerkorde en onderwys." Koers - Bulletin for Christian Scholarship 81, no. 2 (October 31, 2016): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19108/koers.81.2.2256.

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The Dutch Reformed Church, church order and education. From the first church order of the General Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church in 1962, it has formulated stipulations for the church and education. In this regard the Dutch Reformed Church is unique among reformed churches. The wording of this article has changed over the years, but the main content has remained the same. The Dutch Reformed Church supports Christian education as a church, but also recognizes the competence of education authorities to finalise education standards and programmes. In 1962 the order of the Dutch Reformed Church on education also stated that the church would work on the Protestant character of the Afrikaner people. From 1990 onwards these words were omitted. The church nevertheless feels that education will allways be imbricated in a certain culture. In synodical resolutions in recent times the Dutch Reformed Church has recognized the calling of the South African state to subsidize all education enterprises that meet certain purely educational standards. Vanaf sy eerste kerkorde in 1962 koester die Algemene Sinode van die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk die ideaal van nie-kerklike Christelike onderwys. Met sy kerkordelike bepalings oor die kerk en onderwys, is die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk uniek onder gereformeerde kerke. Die bewoording van hierdie artikels het deur die jare verander, maar die hoofsaak het dieselfde gebly. Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk steun Christelike onderwys vanuit sy kerklike hoek, maar erken die interne bevoegdheid van onderwysinstellings om onderwysinhoude en standaarde te finaliseer. In 1962 het sy kerkorde bepaal dat die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk hom beywer vir die Protestants-Christelike karakter van “ons volk”, die Afrikanervolk. Die uitsondering van “ons volk” is sedert 1990 egter weggelaat ten gunste die erkenning van alle kulture in die onderwys. In sinodebesluite van die afgelope tyd ondersteun die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk die standpunt dat die Suid-Afrikaanse staatsowerheid onderwys alle lewensbeskoulik gerigte instansies subsidieer.

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Awad, Najeeb. "Where is the Gospel, What Happened to Culture? The Reformed Church in Syria and Lebanon." Journal of Reformed Theology 3, no. 3 (2009): 288–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187251609x12559402787074.

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AbstractThis paper is an attempt to address the question of gospel culture relationship from a Near Eastern perspective. Given the identity crisis challenge that the Reformed church of Syria and Lebanon is facing today, this paper discusses the following questions: is the gospel message, which is being enunciated by the Near Eastern Reformed ancestors of the American missionaries, applicable or not to the region's cultural and societal identity? Why are there features of conflict between the Reformed Near Eastern church's beliefs and values and the surrounding Christian cultural setting? Is this the responsibility of the missionaries or of the local, Arabic speaking Reformed church? These questions are answered by exposing two contemporary challenges that burden the Reformed church in the Near East. The first one is the relationship of the Reformed church to the theological and spiritual heritage of Eastern Christianity. And the second one is the relation of the Reformed ecclesial order, which is congregational and democratic in nature, to the Eastern ecclesial and social structure, which is hierarchical and autocratic in nature.

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Botha, C. J. "Die stand van die Gereformeerde kerkreg." Verbum et Ecclesia 14, no. 1 (September 9, 1993): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v14i1.1271.

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The stance of Reformed church polityThe author deals with the resistance against the study of church polity and stresses its necessity. He sketches the development in Protestant church polity, and then investigates the fact that the confessions function as the paradigm for a particular church. The problem with the reformed confessions is that they are based on sixteenth century exegesis. Consequently there is a growing rift between church polity and the Biblical disciplines. He argues for a debate on the issue of the reformulation of the reformed confessions, and that Mt 28:18-20 be the Scriptural "sitz im leben" of church polity and not 1 Cor 14:40.

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Borchardt, C. F. A. "Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk en die Suid-Afrikaanse Raad van Kerke." Verbum et Ecclesia 8, no. 1 (July 17, 1987): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v8i1.960.

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The Dutch Reformed Church and the South African Council of Churches The General Missionary Conference which was founded in 1904 became the Christian Council of South Africa in 1936. In 1940 a founder member, viz. the Transvaal Synod of the Dutch Reformed Church withdrew from the council. In 1968 a change of name to the South African Council of Churches reflected a deeper involvement in social and political matters and it gradually also became more representative of the black Christian point of view. Despite various invitations, the Dutch Reformed Church has not rejoined the Council and relations have been very strained, but at its last synod in 1986 the Dutch Reformed Church decided that informal discussions could be held.

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Xu, Ximian. "The Scientific Calling of the Church: Herman Bavinck's Exhortation for the Churches in Mainland China." Studies in World Christianity 27, no. 2 (July 2021): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2021.0340.

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Herman Bavinck (1854–1921) describes the twofold scientific calling of the Church. First, the Church needs to read the historic Reformed confessions contextually and distill the Reformed principles to meet its contemporary needs. Second, the Church should pursue a scientific ( wetenschappelijke) life, particularly in the university. Bavinck's twofold theological insight can be applied to the churches in mainland China. The first reminds Chinese Reformed churches of the necessity of composing a Sino-Reformed confession. The second insight exhorts churches to develop scientific life publicly. In this sense, the scientific calling of the church, which Bavinck envisaged more than a century before, can be fulfilled in the twenty-first-century mainland China. 1

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Lányi, Gábor. "“Ecclesiastical Authority Terror”. The Downgrading of the Szigetszentmiklós Reformed Parish to Mission Parish in 1956." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Reformata Transylvanica 65, no. 2 (September 20, 2020): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbtref.65.2.03.

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"On 24 May 1956, Délpest Reformed Diocese – by the consent of the Danubi-an Reformed Church District– downgraded the Szigetszentmiklós Reformed Parish to the status of mission parish. The 700 members strong, almost 400 hundred years old parish’s chief elder was also relieved of his duties whilst the consistory was dis-solved. The downgrading of the long-standing parish, the dissolution of the elected consistory, and the deprivation of its right to elect its minister gave rise to protests both inside and outside the parish. An array of scandals, disciplinary issues, and dif-ficult as well as intricate lawsuits followed. The matter also generated waves in the entire Reformed Church since the presidium of the diocese overlooked the ecclesias-tic rules and regulations, ordering the downgrade without the consent of the dioce-san assembly –also assisted by the presidium of the church district–, accepting the new situation and appointing the mission minister. The case of Szigetszentmiklós is a great example to understand the global pic-ture of the actions taken against the disloyal ministers and consistories by the ecclesi-astic governance intertwined with the one-party state. Keywords: Hungarian Reformed Church during communism, church–state relations during communism, 20th-century history of the Reformed Church in Hungary, cold war, Albert Bereczky, Szigetszentmiklós."

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Van den Belt, H. "Synodale machteloosheid en mystieke vrijzinnigheid: Louis A. Bähler (1867-1941) en de Gereformeerde Bond." Theologia Reformata 62, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5d359594c55f2.

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The publication of Buddhist mission: ‘Christian’ barbarism in Europe, translated by Louis Adriën Bähler (18671941), a Christian anarchist and pastor of the Dutch Reformed Church, led to the founding of the Reformed League in the Dutch Reformed Church (Nederlandse Hervormde Kerk). The classis censured Bähler, but Synod rehabilitated him and therefore the orthodox Reformed within the church charged that Synod’s actions revealed its powerlessness to maintain doctrinal discipline. Bähler’s Buddhist leanings have drawn much attention. This article places Bähler’s sympathy for pietism and mysticism in the broader context of his theology, one characterized by a spiritualization and moralization of the Gospel.

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Strauss, Piet. "Church and state in two reformed church orders: An analysis of the orders of the Reformed Churches in South Africa and the Dutch Reformed Church post-1962." Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe 58, no. 4-2 (2018): 940–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2224-7912/2018/v58n4-2a5.

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Rehnman, Sebastian. "A Reformed Natural Theology?" European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 4, no. 1 (March 21, 2012): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v4i1.312.

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This paper aims to counter the recent opinion that there is a peculiar epistemology in the reformed Church which made it negative to natural theology. First it is shown that there was an early and unanimous adoption of natural theology as the culmination of physics and the beginning of metaphysics by sixteenth and seventeenth century philosophers of good standing in the reformed Church. Second it is argued that natural theology cannot be based on revelation, should not assume a peculiar analysis of knowledge and must not pass over demonstration.

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Janssen, Allan. "A Reformed Response to Local and Universal Dimensions of the Church." Exchange 37, no. 4 (2008): 478–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254308x340404.

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AbstractThis article begins by reviewing ways in which Reformed churches have given expression to the universal dimension of the church within its preference for the church's local expression. The marks of the church, the confession of the church, its church order and its understanding of office all give expression to the universal dimension of the church. The proposal that the universal dimension be more strongly emphasized at the 'intermediate level' will be received gladly by Reformed churches but it also challenges Reformed churches to consider the personal dimension of universality as well as to re-emphasize the universal dimension both in congregational life and at a supra-national level.

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Crafford, D. "Uitdagings vir die Ned Geref Kerk in Suidelike Afrika met Malawi en Zambië as illustrasiegebiede." Verbum et Ecclesia 11, no. 1 (July 18, 1990): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v11i1.1009.

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Challenges for the Dutch Reformed Church in Southern Africa with Malawi and Zambia as illustration areas What will be the challenges for the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa if in the coming decades its isolation from Africa could be ended because of political developments in a post-apartheid era? The Dutch Reformed Church planted indigenous churches in many African Countries like Botswana, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique and Namibia. The role of the church in Africa will be determined by its relations with these younger churches. The challenges in the fields of evangelism, church ministry, the youth and in the socioeconomic and political areas are illustrated specifically in the cases of Malawi and Zambia.

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Ashton, Helen. "Women's Ministry in the United Reformed Church." Modern Churchman 32, no. 3 (January 1990): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mc.32.3.1.

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최영. "The positive doctrine of the Reformed Church." THEOLOGICAL THOUGHT ll, no. 144 (March 2009): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35858/sinhak.2009..144.004.

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Dilworth, Mark. "Deer abbey's contribution to the Reformed Church." Innes Review 54, no. 2 (December 2003): 216–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2003.54.2.216.

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Durber, Susan. "Baptism, Unity and the United Reformed Church." Ecumenical Review 62, no. 1 (March 2010): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6623.2009.00041.x.

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Kiss, Dénes. "The CE Union and the Reformed Church." Erdélyi Társadalom 1, no. 2 (2003): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.20.

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Van der Merwe, J. M. "Hervormers wat ons nie mag vergeet nie." Verbum et Ecclesia 18, no. 2 (July 4, 1997): 356–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v18i2.569.

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Church Reformers we should not forget. On thefifth of November 1980, the Reformed Day Witness was published in Die Kerkbode by eight theologians of the Dutch Reformed Church. The Witness, as it became known, soon had storm clouds gathering in the church, because of it's content. It was a wakeup call to the church about it's prophetic call, it's guidance to government and it's role in reconciliation. Many ministers and members of the church supported The Witness while church leadership was mainly against it. In the end The Witness was silenced but the seed were sown. Many ministers and church members now knew that the Dutch Reformed Church had to take a new approach with regard to it's prophetic call and it's role in society. When we look back over what happened in the past seventeen years, history tells us that these men were prophets of their time, men that we must not forget.

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Wubs, Jacolien. "Presenting the Law: Text and Imagery on Dutch Ten Commandments Panels." Entangled Religions 7 (July 27, 2018): 78–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v7.2018.78-108.

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Many Dutch Calvinist churches house a Ten Commandments panel, installed in the late sixteenth or seventeenth century as part of the Reformed adaptation of the medieval Catholic church interior. In this article, the characteristic design of Ten Commandments panels is analyzed as a form of Calvinist visual culture. It suggests that these panels were primarilymade to be viewed rather than thoroughly read. The remarkably figurative Moses imagery on panels points at a divergence between the rigid Reformed theological image prohibition and the practice of the adaptation of the church interior. The placement of Ten Commandments panels in the Reformed church interior highlights their symbolic value: It signified the need for self-examination of the participants in the Lord’s Supper. The original spatial setting of Ten Commandments panels also shows how the newly Reformed furnishing and use of church space was rooted in its late medieval Catholic past.

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Fubara-Manuel, Benebo Fubara. "In Communion with the Trinitarian God." Exchange 44, no. 3 (September 11, 2015): 284–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341369.

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This paper is a Reformed reflection on The Church: Towards a Common Vision (ctcv). It seeks to explore an aspect of the rich contribution of ctcv to the understanding of the depth of the unity that the church has received from the Trinitarian God as a gift, and to which it has been called to witness, namely, the communion that exists between God and creation. It shall argue that, whereas ctcv has worked upon several years of ecumenical labour, and whereas it is a most invaluable work in ecumenical understanding of church unity, it fails to develop a robust theology of creation and, as such, fails to do justice to the richness of communion that the church and creation has with the Trinitarian God. This reflection shall be informed by some of the historic Reformed confessions, some modern Reformed confessions and the rich history of Reformed participation in ecumenical conversations.1

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Togarasei, Lovemore. "The 'Birth' of a Prophet: Andrew Wutawunashe's Break from the Reformed Church in Zimbabwe (Formerly Dutch Reformed Church)." Exchange 35, no. 2 (2006): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254306776525717.

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AbstractThe examples of Old Testament prophets like Amos show that the call to prophecy is a life changing experience. This paper demonstrates that by looking at the 'birth' of Andrew Wutawunashe as a prophet. It opens with a brief history of the life of Wutawunashe showing how he was 'called' from pursuing university education to founding the Family of God church. It then discusses the possible reasons that led Wutawunashe to break from the Reformed Church in Zimbabwe. Although several reasons are suggested it is concluded that chief among them was his claim to prophetic inspiration.

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Khusyairi, Johny A. "SOCIAL IDENTITY AND EQUALITY IN A CHURCH FORMATION IN YOGYAKARTA." Patra Widya: Seri Penerbitan Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya. 21, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.52829/pw.279.

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One of the important issues in the formation of Javanese Reformed-Christian (JRC) church was the usage of the Javanese language. The formation of the church did not only involve transplanting theological and ritual teachings of the Dutch Reformed Churches (GKN), but also the usage and the choice of registers of the hierarchical Javanese language for Javanese congregation. This article intends to examine the importance of Javanese in the formation of Javanese Reformed-Christian church in Yogyakarta. Archival sources, particularly of the GKN, were used to examine the importance of Javanese in the establishment of this JRC church in Yogyakarta. The author concluded that the usage of Javanese terms for “church” and “pastor”, and the choice of the highest level of the language, Krama, in church ritual was intended to preserve Javanese language and convey social equality between the Javanese and the Dutch.

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Parker, Charles. "The Moral Agency and Moral Autonomy of Church Folk in the Dutch Reformed Church of Delft, 1580–1620." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 1 (January 1997): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900011970.

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The rigorous enforcement of religious discipline was a hallmark of Calvinist Churches in Reformation-era Europe. Wherever Calvinism took hold, ministers and elders went to extraordinary lengths to inculcate a Reformed morality among the members of local congregations. Since Calvinists identified the eucharistic community as the pure assembly of saints, it was necessary for Reformed consistories to defend the sanctity of the Lord's Table from all human corruption.

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Carr, Burgess. "Book Review: From Dutch Mission Church to Reformed Church in Zambia." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 9, no. 3 (July 1985): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693938500900312.

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Somogyi, Alfréd. "„Úgy veszem, hogy itt jártak…” Egy elmaradt püspöki látogatás margójára." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Reformata Transylvanica 66, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbtref.66.1.08.

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"“I Take It as If They Were Here…” A Side-Note on a Cancelled Episcopal Visitation. The study examines a letter which has extraordinary importance for the Reformed community in Czechoslovakia. It was written on behalf of President Tomáš Garrique Masaryk to the bishops of the Reformed Church in 1922. At that point in history, the Hungarian Reformed people, who came under the new rule of an entirely new state, Czechoslovakia, were able to form their new ecclesiastical dioceses. However, an independent Reformed Church of Czechoslovakia had not yet been proclaimed since they were not able to convene a synod. The leaders of the church tried to make use of all kinds of political connections to serve the need of the church. Therefore, they initiate a meeting with President Masaryk, who was having a holiday in Kistapolcsány (Topolčianky) during the autumn of 1922. All preparations made seemed to be organized well and go smoothly, even the lobby executed in the political arena indicated that the much-expected meeting would take place. However, the audience was cancelled by the office of the head of the state during the very last meeting. This study investigates the preparations of the meeting, tries to assess on the basis of historical sources its assumed significance, and offers a reflection about the possible reasons why the hearing had been cancelled. Keywords: Czechoslovakia, Reformed Church, ecclesiastical policy, audience of the president of the state, state and church relations, Tomáš Garrique Masaryk, István Pálóczi Czinke "

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Van Aarde, R. B. "Die Barmhartigheidsbediening van die NG Kerk van Natal - afhanklik en eksklusief?" Verbum et Ecclesia 21, no. 2 (September 9, 2000): 371–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v21i2.1265.

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The ministry of compassion of the Dutch Reformed Church in Natal - dependent and exclusive?This study highlights two major concerns in the history of the Dutch Reformed Church of Natal’s ministry of compassion. The church’s work became financially too dependent on government subsidies. The work originally started off with church finances, but was later financed by government. In principle there is nothing wrong with such a partnership, but the present financial dependency will have to make room for an independent ministry of compassion. The church’s ministry of compassion was also mainly focussed on the Afrikaner nation. In this the church supported the apartheid system of the day and started the perception that services of compassion are for the White community while missionary work is focussed on the Black communities. What history teaches us in this field of compassion and caring can help to rectify the ministry of compassion of the Dutch Reformed Church in KwaZulu/Natal and help the church to avoid the same mistakes in future

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