Academic literature on the topic 'Reformisme religieux'
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Journal articles on the topic "Reformisme religieux"
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Zárate, Arthur Shiwa. "Sufi Reformism and the Politics of Enchantment in Nasser’s Egypt (1954–1970)." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 89, no. 1 (2021): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfab001.
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Abstract Although theories of disenchantment have been both utilized and critiqued by scholars of Islam, they have not received sufficient critical scrutiny within historical studies on Islamic reformism, a novel religiosity associated with modernity’s emergence in Muslim societies. Indeed, histories of Islamic reformism often portray this novel religiosity as an exclusive force of disenchantment, which is unhelpful for understanding the views of Muslims with reformist commitments and attachments to Sufi practices that invest supernatural powers into bodies and objects. Through an analysis of the Sufi Islamic reformist project of the ʿAshira Muhammadiyya organization in Egypt during the Nasser years (1954–1970), this article highlights how the history of Islamic reformism resonates with and diverges from disenchantment theories. Specifically, it foregrounds the way this Sufi reformism not only framed its objectives in terms of progress, science, and socialism but also presumed a reformist Sufi subject constituted through encounters with unseen supernatural agents.
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OSELLA, FILIPPO, and CAROLINE OSELLA. "Islamism and Social Reform in Kerala, South India." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 2-3 (2008): 317–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003198.
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AbstractThis paper critiques ethnographic tendencies to idealise and celebratesufi‘traditionalism’ as authentically South Asian. We perceive strong academic trends of frank distaste for reformism, which is then inaccurately—and dangerously buttressing Hindutva rhetoric—branded as going against the grain of South Asian society. This often goes along with (inaccurate) branding of all reformism as ‘foreign inspired’ orwah'habi. Kerala'sMujahids(Kerala Naduvathul Mujahideen [KNM]) are clearly part of universalistic trends and shared Islamic impulses towards purification. We acknowledge the importance to KNM of longstanding links to the Arab world, contemporary links to the Gulf, wider currents of Islamic reform (both global and Indian), while also showing how reformism has been producing itself locally since the mid-19th century. Reformist enthusiasm is part of Kerala-wide patterns discernable across all religious communities: 1920s and 1930s agitations for a break from the 19th century past; 1950s post-independence social activism; post 1980s religious revivalism. Kerala's Muslims (like Kerala Hindus and Christians) associate religious reformism with: a self-consciously ‘modern’ outlook; the promotion of education; rallying of support from the middle classes. There is a concomitant contemporary association of orthoprax traditionalism with ‘backward’, superstitious and un-modern practices, troped as being located in rural and low-status locations.
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Kresse, Kai. "'SWAHILI ENLIGHTENMENT'? EAST AFRICAN REFORMIST DISCOURSE AT THE TURNING POINT: THE EXAMPLE OF SHEIKH MUHAMMAD KASIM MAZRUI." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 3 (2003): 279–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603322663514.
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AbstractThis article discusses Sheikh Muhammad Kasim Mazrui, an influential yet largely ignored figure within East African Islamic reformism, which shifted from internal to external domination in the second half of the 20th century. His educational booklet 'Hukumu za sharia', written in Kiswahili, is analysed and contextualised. Advising local Muslims, by way of clear argument and reference to authoritative texts, on how to deal with controversial local practices from an Islamic point of view, it pushed for the development of self-reliance, and criticised dependence on Islamic clerics and dignitaries. The text itself displays the rational principles that the reformist movement relied on and propagated, while it also contains hints of a more dogmatic tone that was yet to dominate reformist discourse. Overall, the article establishes a wider comparison in discussing this African Islamic reformism as an 'enlightenment' movement. The focus hereby is on structure rather than substance, as Islamic reform is incompatible with secularism. Common features, however, can be seen in the emphasis on rationality and self-reliance of individual actors, as well as the internal dialectic of the movements, oscillating between liberation and dogmatism.
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ROBB, MEGAN EATON. "Women's Voices, Men's Lives: Masculinity in a North Indian Urdu newspaper." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 5 (2016): 1441–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000335.
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AbstractLiterary journals and newspapers aiming to reform the religious beliefs and domestic habits of women were common in early twentieth-century North India. Although most readings have focused on how these texts reflected male legislation of women's behaviour, we should look at Muslim reformist literature to understand male experiences; this investigation offers new insights into an emergent middle-class identity defined more by manners than birth. Readings of a previously little-researched Urdu newspaper, Madinah, and its women's section offer new insights on male experiences of reformism, characterized by profound ambivalence. Playfulness emerged in some reformist descriptions of women's voices, channelling the influence of rekhti. Ultimately Madinah cultivated pride in Islam's strict division of gender roles and conversely threatened men with shame for failing to regulate uneducated women. Descriptions of powerful, Ottoman women warriors were framed to incite men to acts of bravery, using reports from Europe as cautionary examples of the over-indulgence of women. While the newspaper offered outlets for men to express curiosity about women's experiences, ultimately reformist literature limited expressions of pleasure. Male ambivalence regarding the implications of the reformist project remained embedded in writing about women.
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OSELLA, FILIPPO, and CAROLINE OSELLA. "Introduction: Islamic reformism in South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 2-3 (2008): 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003186.
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The authors in this volume discuss contemporary Islamic reformism in South Asia in some of its diverse historical orientations and geographical expressions, bringing us contemporary ethnographic perspectives against which to test claims about processes of reform and about trends such as ‘Islamism’ and ‘global Islam’. The very use of terminology and categories is itself fraught with the dangers of bringing together what is actually substantially different under the same banner. While our authors have often found it necessary, perhaps for the sake of comparison or to help orient readers, to take on terms such as ‘reformist’ or ‘Islamist’, they are not using these as terms which imply identity—or even connection—between the groups so named, nor are they reifying such categories. In using such terms as shorthand to help identify specific projects, we are following broad definitions here in which ‘Islamic modernism’ refers to projects of change aiming to re-order Muslims' lifeworlds and institutional structures in dialogue with those produced under Western modernity; ‘reformism’ refers to projects whose specific focus is the bringing into line of religious beliefs and practices with the core foundations of Islam, by avoiding and purging out innovation, accretion and the intrusion of ‘local custom’; and where ‘Islamism’ is a stronger position, which insists upon Islam as the heart of all institutions, practice and subjectivity—a privileging of Islam as the frame of reference by which to negotiate every issue of life; ‘orthodoxy’ is used according to its specific meaning in contexts in which individual authors work; the term may in some ethnographic locales refer to the orthodoxy of Islamist reform, while in others it is used to disparage those who do not heed the call for renewal and reform. ‘Reformism’ is particularly troublesome as a term, in that it covers broad trends stretching back at least 100 years, and encompassing a variety of positions which lay more or less stress upon specific aspects of processes of renewal; still, it is useful as a term in helping us to insist upon recognition of the differences between such projects and such contemporary obsessions as ‘political Islam’, ‘Islamic fundamentalism’ and so on. Authors here are generally following local usage in the ways in which they describe the movements discussed (thus, Kerala's Mujahid movement claims itself as part of a broaderIslahi—renewal—trend and is identified here as ‘reformist’).2But while broad terms are used, what the papers are actually involved in doing is addressing the issues of how specific groups deal with particular concerns. Thus, not, ‘What do reformists think about secular education?’, but, ‘What do Kerala's Mujahids in the 2000s think? How has this shifted from the position taken in the 1940s? How does it differ from the contemporary position of opposing groups? And how is it informed by the wider socio-political climate of Kerala?’ The papers here powerfully demonstrate the historical and geographical specificity of reform projects, whereas discourse structured through popular mainstream perspectives (such as ‘clash of civilizations’) ignores such embeddedness.
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Borup, Jørn. "Analogi og genealogi: protestantiske reformbuddhismer." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 68 (September 14, 2018): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i68.109103.
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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Buddhism's history can be seen as a succession of reformisms. To focus the relevance of the concept, it is understood in this article as a concept measuring significant change within the religion itself and the surrounding community. With three examples from different contexts: ‘Protestant Buddhism' in the 19th century Sri Lanka, the Shin Buddhist reform movement in the Japanese Middle Ages, and Japanese diaspora Buddhism in Hawaii, the relevance of the term is investigated in relation to both genealogical and analogical reference to the Christian Protestant Reformation.
 DANSK RESUME: Buddhismens historie kan ses som en lang række af reformismer. For at afgrænse begrebets relevans anvendes det i denne artikel om markante forandringstiltag med betydning for religionen selv og det omkringliggende samfund. Med tre eksempler fra forskellige kontekster: ‘Protestantisk buddhisme' i det 19. årh-. på Sri Lanka, shin-buddhistisk reformbevægelse i den japanske middelalder samt japansk diasporabuddhisme i Hawaii, undersøges begrebets relevans med genealogisk og analogisk reference til den kristne, protestantiske reformation.
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Youzeev, A. N. "TATAR RELIGIOUS REFORMISM (COMMON FEATURES AND SPECIFICS)." Islam in the modern world 11, no. 2 (2015): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20536/2074-1529-2015-11-2-25-34.
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Weideman, Julian. "TAHAR HADDAD AFTER BOURGUIBA AND BIN ʿALI: A REFORMIST BETWEEN SECULARISTS AND ISLAMISTS". International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, № 1 (2016): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001464.
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AbstractUnder the Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli regimes, the early 20th-century women's rights advocate Tahar Haddad (1899–1935) was a symbol of “state feminism.” Nationalist intellectuals traced the 1956 Personal Status Code to Haddad's work, and Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli claimed to “uphold” his ideals and “avenge” the persecution he suffered at the hands of the ʿulamaʾ at the Zaytuna mosque-university. Breaking with “old regime” narratives, this article studies Haddad as a reformist within Tunisia's religious establishment. Haddad's example challenges the idea that Islamic reformists “opened the door to” secularists in the Arab world. After independence, Haddad's ideas were not a starting point for Tunisia's presidents, but a reference point available to every actor in the political landscape.
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FUCHS, SIMON WOLFGANG. "Legalised Pedigrees: Sayyids and Shiʽi Islam in Pakistan". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, № 3 (2020): 489–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186320000036.
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AbstractThis article draws on a wide range of Shiʽi periodicals and monographs from the 1950s until the present day to investigate debates on the status of Sayyids in Pakistan. I argue that the discussion by reformist and traditionalist Shiʽi scholars (ʽulama) and popular preachers has remained remarkably stable over this time period. Both ‘camps’ have avoided talking about any theological or miracle-working role of the Prophet's kin. This phenomenon is remarkable, given the fact that Sayyids share their pedigree with the Shiʽi Imams, who are credited with superhuman qualities. Instead, Shiʽi reformists and traditionalists have discussed Sayyids predominantly as a specific legal category. They are merely entitled to a distinct treatment as far as their claims to charity, patterns of marriage, and deference in daily life is concerned. I hold that this reductionist and largely legalising reading of Sayyids has to do with the intense competition over religious authority in post-Partition Pakistan. For both traditionalist and reformist Shiʽi authors, ʽulama, and preachers, there was no room to acknowledge Sayyids as potential further competitors in their efforts to convince the Shiʽi public about the proper ‘orthodoxy’ of their specific views.
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Janson, Marloes. "‘We are all the same, because we all Worship God.’ The Controversial Case of a Female Saint in the Gambia." Africa 76, no. 4 (2006): 502–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0066.
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AbstractBased on ethnographic field research, this article explores religious discourses about proper ritual observance in The Gambia, a country where our understanding of processes of Islamization is largely lacking. These discourses centre upon the case of Berekuntu, a shrine guarded by a female saint in the village of Kartong. On the basis of three ‘texts’, the female saint's biographical narrative, a series of sermons delivered by reformist scholars, and a newspaper article based on an interview with the Supreme Islamic Council, the article shows that shrine and saint veneration are not relics of the past, but are part of a lively contemporary dispute about ‘authentic’ Islam and who represents it. While reformist Muslims seem to have conquered the public sphere during the last decade under the influence of President Jammeh's rule, the Sufi understanding of Islam, as embodied by the saint, still enjoys great support among the Gambian population. Although ‘reformists’ and ‘Sufis’ seem at first sight to be diametrically opposed, they sometimes borrow from each other. An analysis of the (re)negotiation of Muslim identities indicates that Islamization is not a single monolithic movement but, rather, a diffuse process happening at different levels.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Reformisme religieux"
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Dorlian, Samy. "La mouvance zaydite après l'unification yéménite de 1990 ou la réaffirmation politico-religieuse des "perdants de l'histoire"." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32025.
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Suite à la révolution du 26 septembre 1962, le Yémen du Nord a vu naître la première république de la péninsule Arabique qui a mis fin au long imamat chiite zaydite caractérisé par le primat politico-religieux des descendants du prophète Muhammad : lessâda. Dans leur grande majorité, ces membres du «groupe de statut» le plus élevé au sein de la hiérarchie sociale de l’ancien régime, ont progressivement assumé leur nouvellecondition de «perdants de l’histoire». À partir de 1970, avec la fin de la guerre «civile»entre républicains et royalistes (partisans de l’imamat), ils ont généralement fait preuve de réalisme, ainsi que d’une volonté d’intégration et d'adaptation au nouveau système tant sur le plan politique que socio-professionnel.Dans le contexte pluraliste de l’unification du pays en 1990 entre le Yémen du Nord et leYémen du Sud, certains sâda ont toutefois choisi de donner à leur appartenance confessionnelle une expression politique aux formes organisationnelles diversifiées. Cette mouvance zaydite - composée d’acteurs perçus, par le pouvoir, comme représentant l’ancien régime - a pu relever le défi de la compatibilité avec le régime républicain. En effet, ces acteurs qui se sont inscrits, en dernière instance, dans une dynamique de modernisation politique, n’ont cessé de se revendiquer de la pensée zaydite. Et au lieu d’opter pour la «sunnisation du zaydisme», comme le suggère la littérature républicaine,ce qui les aurait obligés à renier leur appartenance confessionnelle primordiale, ils ont préféré entreprendre un réformisme immanent au zaydisme. Cette double épreuve de modernisation et de réformisme a inscrit la mouvance zaydite dans un processus de construction d’un universel politique. Or, ce dernier a connu un frein à partir de juin2004, avec le déclenchement de la guerre de Saada (du nom du chef lieu de la province homonyme, frontalière de l’Arabie Saoudite au nord-ouest du pays), entre le gouvernement et les partisans de Husayn, Badr al-Dîn puis ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi(respectivement fils, père et frère). En effet, la «confessionnalisation» de la revendication politique de l’adversaire par le pouvoir a débouché sur une stigmatisation collective,provoquant des reformulations identitaires qui ont sérieusement menacé l’aspect modernisateur de la réaffirmation politico-religieuse des «perdants de l’histoire» au Yémen<br>Emerging out of the 26 September, 1962 revolution, North Yemen became not only the first republic in the Arabian Peninsula, but also ended the long-lasting rule of the ShiaZaydi Imamate, embodying the political and religious dominance of the descendants of the prophet Muhammad : the sâda. After the revolution, a majority of the members of this status group, which occupied pre-eminent positions in the social hierarchy of the ancien régime, were relegated to the condition of «losers of the history». Since 1970 and the endof Yemen’s civil war, which pitted republicans against royalists (partisans of theImamate), the sâda adopted a pragmatic political stance, evincing an eagerness to integrate into and adapt to the new system in Yemen, in political as well as in socioprofessional terms.However, within the pluralistic context of the country’s unification in 1990 between North Yemen and South Yemen, some of the sâda choose to give political expression to their Zaydi «sectarian» affiliation, which expression took diverse organizational forms.The resulting Zaydi movement - comprising actors perceived, by the government, as representing the ancien régime - was able to overcome the challenge of compatibility with the republican regime. While adopting a strategy of political modernization, it never ceased asserting its Zaydi thinking. Rather than adopting the «Sunnisation of Zaydism» -as suggested by the republican literature - which would have forced the movement to abandon its primary «sectarian» underpinnings, it opted for an internally congruous Zaydireformism. The two fold undertaking of modernization and reform, put the Zaydimovement on the path of constructing a political vision claiming to be of universal validity. However, this project stalled relatively after June 2004, following the outbreak of the Saada war (from the name of the province bordering Saudi Arabia in the northwest of Yemen), waged between government and the partisans of Husayn, Badr al-Dînand later ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi (respectively son, father and brother). Indeed, the government’s «strategy» of «sectarianization» of its adversary’s political claim, led to acollective stigmatization prompting identity reformulations which seriously threaten the modernizing aspect of the political and religious revival of the «losers of the history» in Yemen
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Hamim, Thoha. "Moenawar Chalil's reformist thought : a study of an Indonesian religious scholar (1908-1961)." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=40151.
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This thesis studies Moenawar Chalil's reformist thought, as it was patterned after that of earlier reformists. Issues which have been long formed the heritage of religious reform appear therein, ranging from a call to return to the original sources of Islam to condemnation of popular religious practices. In his approach to Qur'an-interpretation, Chalil stripped the texts of legendary traits, rejected the principle of naskh, offered a particular approach to the interpretation of the mutashabihat verses and emphasized the i'jaz 'aqli/. His aim was to revitalize the Qur'an's function as a guide for modern life and to stress its compatibility with present modes of thought. Chalil's call for the emulation of the Prophet's sunnah was designed to reestablish the latter's direct link to rulings of a legal nature. He urged greater scrutiny of the authenticity of hadiths in order to restore the simplicity of faith and to halt inappropriate practices falsely attributed to the Prophet's example. This attitude was the logical outcome of his puritan stance, which was also manifested in the scope of his ijtihad which he restricted only to matters related to the purification of 'aqidah and 'ibadah. Similarly, Chalil's total rejection of the practice of taqlid shows his puritan agenda which went beyond even that of the early reformists. This extreme position, however, led him to misunderstand the true meaning of taqlid and its role both in the procedures of the judicial system and in shaping the faith of the 'awamm. Chalil's concept of ittiba' did not assess the intellectual state of the 'awamm, whose inability to detect the reasons behind the proofs meant that they would inevitably have to remain in a state of taqlid. Similarly, his call for the abandonment of the madhhab only helped to foster a new taqlid in response to this position. Also central to Chalil's reformist thought was his revision of the understanding of the basic tenets of Islam and his correction of the tradition
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Brun, Christelle. "De la caste marchande gujarati à la communauté religieuse fatimide : construction identitaire et conflits chez les daoudi bohras (ouest de l'Inde)." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOU20031.
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A partir de l'ethnographie d'une secte minoritaire de l'islam indien, les ismaéliens daoudi bohras, cette thèse explore les processus menant à la construction identitaire en tant que communauté religieuse distincte. Les daoudi bohras, dont une large majorité vit entre Mumbai, le Gujarat et le Sind, forment à la fois une caste commerçante et une secte ismaélienne chiite avec ses propres rites. Dès l'époque coloniale, et ce jusqu'à aujourd'hui, des conflits internes ont porté sur les modalités de l'autorité suprême, celle du guide religieux le d'ai et de l'organisation par laquelle il gouverne, la dawat. Cette thèse, à travers un travail monographique, explore les différents aspects d'un conflit qui a abouti au relatif échec des réformes religieuses demandées par une branche 'progressiste'. Une première partie historique revient sur la genèse de ce communautarisme durant la période coloniale puis dans le contexte de l'émergence des nationalismes religieux en Asie du sud. Une deuxième partie explore les composantes de l'identité communautaire. Quelle est la nature de la « dawat », l'institution religieuse représentative de l'ensemble des membres? La réorganisation de cette institution s'est opérée dans la concurrence avec d'autres organisations prosélytes (hindouisme militant, islam réformé, sécularisme ressenti). Progressivement, l'association fonctionnelle de la caste, dont l'objectif premier était de représenter les intérêts du réseau mercantile, s'est affirmée comme la résurgence d'un modèle de gouvernance idéal. Tandis que les relations politiques se teintent de clientélisme, la communauté est sacralisée autour de sa puissante institution centrale<br>This thesis explores the processes which frame the identity construction as a distinctive Ismaili religious community. The research is based on a detailed ethnography study of this minority of Indian Muslims. The Dawoodi Bohras are largely settled in the region of Mumbai, Gujarat and Sind. They represent both a business caste as well as an Ismaili shia sect which nurtures its own rites. Since the colonial time, internal conflicts have confrontated the supreme authority and the “dawat” central organization. This thesis explores the various aspects of the conflict which have resulted in a relative failure of the religious reforms which were requested by a progressive branch of the community. The first part of the thesis examines the genesis of this communalism within the context of the emerging religious nationalisms in South Asia.The second part investigates the different aspects of the community identity. What is the nature of the “dawat”, the religious institution representing the dawoodi bohras? The reorganization of this institution occurred in the confrontation with the political environment (Hindutva, reformed Islam, secularism). The association of the mercantile caste, promoting the interests of the membres of the network, has gradually become sacralized and emerged like « a religious ideal society ». While the political relations of the dawat are based on clientelism, the power of this central institution is sacralized within the community
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Sadeghi-Boroujerdi, Eskandar. "Disenchanting political theology in post-revolutionary Iran : reform, religious intellectualism and the death of utopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ad199c6b-535f-4af0-a6a5-21c40734c331.
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This thesis delineates the transformation of Iran’s so-called post-revolutionary ‘religious intellectuals’ (rowshanfekran-e dini) from ideological legitimators within the political class of the newly-established theocratic-populist regime to internal critics whose revised vision for the politico-religious order coalesced and converged with the growing disillusionment and frustration of the ‘Islamic left’, a constellation of political forces within the governing elite of the Islamic Republic, that following the death of Ayatollah Khomeini increasingly felt itself marginalised and on the outskirts of power. The historical evolution of this complex, quasi-institutionalised and routinized network, encompassing theologians, jurists, political strategists and journalists, which rose to prominence in the course of the 1990s, and its critical engagement with the ruling political theology of the ‘guardianship of the jurist’, the supremacy of Islamic jurisprudence, political Islamism and all forms of ‘revolutionary’ and ‘utopian’ political and social transformation, are scrutinised in detail. In this vein, the thesis examines the various issues provoked by the rowshanfekran-e dini’s strategic deployment and translation of the concepts and ideas of a number of Western thinkers, several of which played a pivotal role in the assault on the ideological foundations of Soviet-style communism in the 1950s and 1960s. It then moves to show how this network of intellectuals and politicos following the election of Mohammad Khatami to the presidency in May 1997 sought to disseminate their ideas at the popular level by means of the press and numerous party and political periodicals, and thereby achieve ideological and political hegemony. The thesis proceeds to demonstrate the intimate connection between the project of ‘religious intellectualism’ and elite-defined notions of ‘democracy’, ‘electoral participation’, ‘reform’ and ‘political development’ as part of an effort to accumulate symbolic capital and assert their intellectual and moral leadership of the polity.
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Dilmi, Messaoud. "Etat et politique dans la pensée islamique moderne (19ème et 20ème siècles)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030029.
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Notre recherche aborde la question de l'État dans la pensée islamique moderne chez les réformateurs du 19ème siècle et les islamistes du 20ème siècle selon une approche pluridisciplinaire. Le réformisme musulman a mené le combat entre le despotisme, contre l'ignorance des populations et contre les ingérences européennes. Il était plus ouvert au constitutionnalisme qui ne diffère pas de la shûra et des finalités de la charî'a.C'est dans ce sillage que se forme la pensée des théoriciens islamistes, du moins au début avant de s'en détacher car par la suite les islamistes entreront en conflit avec le nationalisme arabe ainsi qu'avec la pensée libérale, voire avec l'État-nation. Par conséquent deux logiques s'affrontent sur la nature de l'État, les limites des pouvoirs, la légitimité, et concernant essentiellement la relation entre État national et la religion, point de la discorde. Cette relations est restée ambiguë depuis un siècle. Il en est né un État national ni religieux ni laïque mais qui a modernisé le droit des emprunts à la juridiction occidentale, sans appliquer toutefois une vraie démocratie qui respecterait les droits de l'homme et de la citoyenneté. Il y a une laïcité et une sécularisation de fait au niveau individuel comme au niveau sociétal en pays arabo-musulmans sans que cela touche le dogme, malgré les tentatives de modernisation. Mais à partir des années quatre-vingt-dix un courant émerge appelé les néo-réformateurs, qui acceptent le jeu démocratique et la souveraineté populaire. Cela constituera un grand tournant dans la pensée politique islamique<br>Our research deals with the subject of the State in 19th and 20th century Islamic modern reformist thought in accordance with a multidisciplinary approach. Islamic reformism has fought against despotism, ignorance of the populace and European interference. It was open to constitutionalism which is not different from the Shura system and goals of the Shariia. The thinking of Muslim theorists took shape within this framework, at least for a while before Islamists decided to break with it. Later, Islamists relations with both Arabic nationalism and liberal thinking, indeed with the Nation-State as a whole, became conflictual.Thus, two points of view concerning the nature of the State, the limits of power, legitimacy, and essentially the very controversial relationship between the Nation State and religion confronted each other. This relationship remained ambiguous for a century. The product has been a Nation State that is neither religious nor secular, but which has modernized the law by borrowing from the Western judicial system, without, however, applying real democracy able to respect human rights and citizenship. A de facto, secularism does exist on an individual and social level in Arab-Muslim countries without influencing the dogma, despite attempts at modernization. But from the 1990s on, a neo-reformist current of thought has emerged, which accepts democracy and sovereignty of the people. This will constitute a big turning point in Arab-Muslim political thought
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El, Hamri Jamel. ""L'idée religieuse" dans l'œuvre de l'intellectuel algérien Malek Bennabi (1905-1973) : une injonction pour la société musulmane de faire l'Histoire." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAC013.
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Assez peu reconnu à son époque et encore largement méconnu aujourd'hui, l'intellectuel algérien Malek Bennabi (1905-1973) a pourtant fait une entrée remarquée dans la vie intellectuelle en Algérie avec sa notion de "colonisabilité " en 1949. Il se fera connaitre ensuite dans le monde musulman notamment avec ses définitions fonctionnelles de la culture et de la civilisation. Néanmoins, sa conception réformiste de la religion, nommée " idée religieuse " et ayant une fonction sociale, a été très peu analysée. Or, elle est la clé de voûte de la compréhension de la pensée de Bennabi. Pour lui, " l'idée religieuse " doit être une idée vécue comme une " vérité travaillante ", authentique avec l'islam et efficace dans le monde moderne. Il mélange des savoirs issus à la fois de la Tradition musulmane et des sciences humaines et propose de connecter l'islam authentique avec l'esprit technique cartésien. Ainsi, dans un contexte de décolonisation, Bennabi veut réaliser, par le déploiement moral et social de " l'idée religieuse " un projet de société pérenne, prospère et ouvert sur la civilisation humaine. Par le biais de cette notion " d'idée religieuse ", nous proposons, tout d'abord, de situer Bennabi dans l'histoire de l'Algérie mais aussi de l'islam contemporain. Nous voulons ensuite comprendre les fondements et les finalités de sa pensée qui est singulière au sein du réformisme musulman. Ce qui permettra enfin de mesurer l'impact de " l'idée religieuse " dans son projet de société sur trois niveaux de réflexion ; l'homme, la société, l'humanité<br>Although he is not really recognized by his contemporaries and still largely unknown today, the Algerian intellectual Malek Bennabi (1905-1973) nevertheless made a remarkable entry into the intellectual life in Algeria with his notion of "colonisabilité ". Then, he will be known in the Muslim world with its functional definitions of culture and civilization. Thus, his reformist conception of religion, having a social function, which he called "religious idea", was ignored. It is, however, the keystone of the understanding of Bennabi's thinking. For him, "The religious idea" must be an idea lived as a "working truth", being authentic with Islam and effective in the modern world. He mixes the knowledge of the Muslim Tradition with the human sciences and proposes to connect his vision of an authentic Islam with the Cartesian technical spirit. Moreover, in a context of decolonization, Bennabi wants to realize, by the moral and social deployment of the "religious idea", a project of sustainable society, which he sees as being prosperous and open to human civilization. Through this concept of "religious idea" we propose, first of all, to question the place of Bennabi in the history of Algeria but also of contemporary Islam. Then, we want to question the foundations and the purposes of his thought which is singular in Muslim reformism. Finally, this will allow us to measure the impact of the "religious idea" in its project of society on three levels of reflection: man, society, humanity
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Mousavi, Tahmineh. "Religion and state : in Rawlsian political liberalism and some contemporary Iranian religious reformists." Thesis, 2004. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/7993/1/MQ91090.pdf.
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In the United States, there is a lively debate on the relationship between religion and politics. The separation of Church and State is the assumption of most liberal thinkers. From their perspective, such separation not only protects the State from religion, but also protects religion from the State. The first part of the present research will examine the contemporary liberal debate on religion and politics, which is based on Rawls' version of political liberalism and its critics. The second part will explore three religious discourses: the traditional, ideological and democratic discourses in contemporary Islam (in the case of Iran) with particular emphasis on the democratic discourse. This paper will also demonstrate important similarities that exist between the essential claims and arguments of some contemporary Iranian religious reformists and some liberal thinkers. It comes to the conclusion that Rawlsian political liberalism has no conflict with religious ideas, but provides an ideal environment to flourish religious values in a pluralistic society. Also, it will show that Iranian Islamic reformists, in contrast to their portrayal by some researchers as opposing Western liberal democracy, endorse Rawlsian political liberalism and support it with an Islamic interpretation of life.
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El, Zabbal Wael Saleh Mahmoud. "La conception de l’État au prisme du lien entre le religieux et le politique dans la pensée égyptienne moderne et contemporaine (2011-2015) : continuités, évolutions et ruptures." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18423.
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Jury
Président : Gilles Bibeau
Directeur : Patrice Brodeur
Membre du jury : Harith Al-Dabbagh
Examinateur externe : Dominique Avon<br>À l’égard du lien entre le religieux et le politique, le XIXe siècle a été marqué par le rétablissement de grandes questions et par la mise en oeuvre de sujets innovateurs dans la pensée égyptienne par les grandes figures de al-Nahḍah (Renaissance), alors que le XXe siècle a été empreint d’une forte polarisation entre les courants du réformisme musulman, de l´islamisme holiste activiste et du libéralisme humaniste musulman. Maintenant, qu’en est-il des prises de position adoptées par les intellectuels égyptiens contemporains (2011-2015) à ce sujet ? Quelles sont leurs principales expressions de la conception de l’État au prisme de ce lien ? En quoi ces orientations courantes reflètent-elles des continuités, des évolutions ou des ruptures dans la conception de l’État par rapport à la pensée égyptienne moderne (1805-2010) ? Pour pouvoir donner des pistes de réponses à ces questions, les principaux travaux et interventions de 22 intellectuels seront étudiés et analysés, et ce, autour de la conception de l’espace public, de la source de légitimité et de la légifération, toujours au prisme du lien entre le religieux et le politique. Il s’agit principalement d’intellectuels qui, malgré leurs apports et leur influence sur la scène intellectuelle égyptienne actuelle, sont quasi absents de la littérature, surtout française et anglaise. Et c’est par le biais d´une approche interdisciplinaire, appliquée et critique que leurs discours seront examinés.<br>With respect to the relationship between the religious and the political, the 19th century was marked by the resituating within Egyptian thought of innovative questions and subjects by the great figures of the Al-Nahdah (Renaissance), while the 20th century was characterized by a pronounced polarization between Muslim reformism, activist holistic Islamism and Muslim humanistic liberalism. What of the positions of contemporary Egyptian intellectuals (2011-2015) in this regard? What are their primary expressions of conceiving the state through the prism of the relationship under discussion? How do these current approaches reflect continuities, evolutions or ruptures in conceiving the state with regard to modern Egyptian thought (1805-2010)? To propose avenues for answering these questions, the principal works and other contributions of 22 intellectuals will be studied and analyzed taking into consideration the conception of public space, of the State’s source of legitimacy and legislation, again viewed through the prism of the relationship between the religious and the political. Most of these intellectuals are virtually absent from the literature – especially the French and English – despite their contributions and their influence on the contemporary Egyptian intellectual scene. Their discourses will be examined using an interdisciplinary, applied and critical approach.
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Köstenberger, Margaret Elizabeth. "A critique of feminist and egalitarian hermeneutics and exegesis : with special focus on Jesus' approach to women." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2374.
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The subject of the present dissertation is a critique of feminist hermeneutics and exegesis with special focus on Jesus' approach to women. The dissertation commences with a discussion of the topic's relevance and a disclosure of this interpreter's presuppositions. This is followed by a survey of gender-conscious approaches to interpreting Scripture, including feminism, egalitarianism, and complementarianism. Also discussed are the nature of hermeneutics and relevant New Testament passages. The main body of the dissertation consists of a description and critique of the feminist and egalitarian interpretation of Scripture passages setting forth Jesus' approach to women.
Chapter 2 starts with a description and assessment of the contributions by three major proponents of radical feminism, Mary Daly, Virginia Ramey Mollenkott, and Daphne Hampson. This is followed by a discussion of the work of reformist feminists Letty Russell, Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza (including a critique of Fiorenza's reconstruction of the place of women in early Christianity), and Rosemary Radford Ruether. Chapter 2 concludes with a treatment of literary approaches by more recent feminist writers.
The discussion of egalitarian literature on Jesus and women in Chapter 3 is divided into three periods: the early years (1966-1986); the maturing movement (1987-1999); and recent contributions (2000-2004). Writers whose work is assessed include Krister Stendahl, Letha Scanzoni and Nancy Hardesty, Paul Jewett, Mary Evans, Ben Witherington, Gilbert Bilezikian, Aida Spencer, Richard Longenecker, Grant Osborne, Ruth Tucker, R. T. France, Stanley Grenz, Linda Belleville, William Webb, and others.
The final chapter of the dissertation (Chapter 4) contains a discussion of select exegetical insights from a study of New Testament passages on Jesus' approach to women, a comparison of feminist and egalitarian hermeneutics and exegesis of Jesus and women, a proposal concerning a proper hermeneutic on Jesus and women, and a summary of findings as well as a brief presentation of the dissertation's overall contribution and areas for further dialogue.<br>Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology<br>D. Th. (Systematic Theology)
Books on the topic "Reformisme religieux"
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Yusuf, Saladin Hamat. Dr. Hamat Yusuf: Birokrat religius yang reformis. Pustaka Refleksi, 2006.
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Hyung-Jun, Kim. Reformist Muslim: The Islamic Transformation of Contemporary Socio-Religious Life. ANU E Press, 2007.
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State, society, and religious engineering: Towards a reformist Buddhism in Singapore. Eastern Universities Press, 2003.
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State, society, and religious engineering: Towards a reformist Buddhism in Singapore. 2nd ed. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009.
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Kim, Hyung-Jun. Reformist Muslims in a Yogyakarta Village: The Islamic Transformation of Contemporary Socio-Religious Life. ANU Press, 2007.
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Michel de L'Hôpital: The vision of a reformist chancellor during the French religious wars. Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1997.
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Gupta, O. P. Vedic inequality and Hinduism: A reformist agenda- dalit emancipation and return to Vedic brotherhood. New Age Books, 2006.
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Tan, Lee. Buddhist Revitalization and Chinese Religions in Malaysia. Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726436.
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Buddhist Revitalization and Chinese Religions in Malaysia tells the story of how a minority community comes to grips with the challenges of modernity, history, globalization, and cultural assertion in an ever-changing Malaysia. It captures the religious connection, transformation, and tension within a complex traditional belief system in a multi-religious society. In particular, the book revolves around a discussion on the religious revitalization of Chinese Buddhism in modern Malaysia. This Buddhist revitalization movement is intertwined with various forces, such as colonialism, religious transnationalism, and global capitalism. Reformist Buddhists have helped to remake Malaysia’s urban-dwelling Chinese community and have provided an exit option in the Malay and Muslim majority nation state. As Malaysia modernizes, there have been increasing efforts by certain segments of the country’s ethnic Chinese Buddhist population to separate Buddhism from popular Chinese religions. Nevertheless, these reformist groups face counterforces from traditional Chinese religionists within the context of the cultural complexity of the Chinese belief system.
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Tahtah, M. Entre Pragmatisme Reformisme Et Modernisme: Le Role Politico-Religieux De Khattabi Dans Le Rif. Peeters Bvba, 2000.
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Haddad, Mohamed. Muslim Reformism - A Critical History: Is Islamic Religious Reform Possible? Springer, 2020.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Reformisme religieux"
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Sumbal, Saadia. "Reformist Islam and Sufism." In Islam and Religious Change in Pakistan. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003119364-2.
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Sumbal, Saadia. "Reformist Islam and Majlis-i-Ahrar's politics of nationalism." In Islam and Religious Change in Pakistan. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003119364-3.
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Chater, Khalifa. "A Rereading of Islamic Texts in the Maghrib in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries: Secular Themes or Religious Reformism?" In Islamism and Secularism in North Africa. Palgrave Macmillan US, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-61373-1_3.
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Spannaus, Nathan. "Reform Within the Scholarly Tradition." In Preserving Islamic Tradition. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190251789.003.0007.
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Qursawi’s reformist project focuses on tahqiq as a means of ensuring religious correctness, against the predominance of taqlid, which he saw as perpetuating misguidance, and of questioning conventional positions on the divine attributes and the timing of the isha (night) prayer. It is not fundamentalist or scripturalist, but rather relies on established Hanafi-Maturidi forms of reasoning and methods of interpretation, tied to sound sources of religious knowledge—scripture and authoritative consensus. This chapter presents the underlying logic and approach of his reformism as a coherent whole within the postclassical scholarly tradition. It also compares Qursawi’s thought with that of the 18th-century reformers in Voll’s Hijaz network, arguing that while Qursawi has no connection with this network, the similarities show how reform can be (independently) articulated in different settings. Qursawi’s reformism is ultimately shaped by the Central Asian scholarly tradition and the circumstances under Russian imperial rule.
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Kadivar, Mohsen. "The Principles of Compatibility between Islam and Modernity." In Human Rights and Reformist Islam. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474449304.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the relationship of Islam and modernity as a collection of issues which includes human rights. Muslim reformists have brought together modernity and intellectualism on the one hand, with Islam on the other. In this intellectual and faith movement, human rights and divine obligation, individual freedom and social justice, collective wisdom and religious ethics, human rationality and the divine prophecy, peacefully coexist. The thinkers of reformist Islam have accepted the Islamic message together with the jewel of modernity. The characteristics of reformist Islam or the principles of the compatibility of Islam and modernity are as follows. First principle: re-reading the texts of religion on the basis of its higher ends; Second principle: the high place of reason in the understanding of religion; Third principle: the permanent right to choose how to live; Fourth principle: the possibility of legislation and public policy on the basis of religious values.
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"The Reformists and Religious Intellectuals." In The Eternal Revolution. I.B.Tauris, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350988613.ch-003.
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El Shamsy, Ahmed. "The Backlash against Postclassicism." In Rediscovering the Islamic Classics. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691174563.003.0008.
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This chapter introduces some of the key figures in the emerging networks of reformist ʿulamāʾ (the Muslim scholarly class). In particular, the chapter discusses Maḥmūd Shukrī al-Ālūsī in Baghdad and Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī in Damascus. It describes their efforts and motivations in discovering, circulating, and printing classical books. The chapter focuses on the search for and publication of writings specifically on religious thought and practice by these reformists. The reformist ʿulamāʾ were a small but active and intellectually high-powered group who diverged from the scholarly mainstream of their day by attacking esoteric Sufi beliefs and practices as superstitious, irrational, and contrary to Islamic ideals and by criticizing the Islamic legal status quo, which they saw as a fossilized doctrine unresponsive to the actual challenges Muslims were facing.
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"7. Towards a Reformist Buddhism." In State, Society and Religious Engineering. ISEAS Publishing, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789812309136-012.
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Unsworth, Amy. "Discourses on Science and Islam: A View from Britain." In Science, Belief and Society. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529206944.003.0013.
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In this chapter examining discourses on science and Islam, I first briefly highlight a dominant contemporary discourse among non-Muslims, which tends to cast Islam as a particularly backward and unintellectual religion requiring scientific enlightenment. I point out historical precedents for this viewpoint, before turning to examine a specific discourse on science and Islam among Muslims, in which the Qur’an is deemed to be scientifically miraculous, a view that has its roots in the Salafi reformist movement. Drawing on data from focus groups conducted with British Muslims of South Asian heritage actively engaged with institutions influenced by Salafi reformism, I argue that these popular scientific interpretations of the Qur’an may hold particular appeal for Muslims in Britain who are, as members of a religious minority viewed with suspicion, frequently required to “explain themselves” and defend their religious beliefs and practices. I also discuss survey data examining views of science among Muslims, making suggestions for how such work could be refined and extended in the future.
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Kadivar, Mohsen. "Human Rights, Secularism and Religion." In Human Rights and Reformist Islam. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474449304.003.0008.
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The focus of this chapter is a comparative study between Läcité (secularism) and religious beliefs in the domain of human rights. These issues are discussed in this chapter: axes of the challenges of religions and human rights, the secular approach to human rights, the religious approach to human rights, categorisation of the orders of the public sphere as compared with religious and secular values, and particulars of the challenges of religion and secularism. Among the most important examples of the challenges between Läcité (secularism) and religiosity in the public sphere, one can cite elementary education not only in public schools but also in compulsory public education, as well as media, free sexual relations outside marriage, homosexuality and mercy killings (euthanasia). In these cases, it is not wise to deny shared religious values as a source of reference. Involuntary euthanasia is absolutely prohibited. Non-voluntary euthanasia (regardless of whether it is passive or active) is permitted by decision of a committee. The challenge is voluntary euthanasia. Religious believers reject voluntary euthanasia, especially its active variants.