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Journal articles on the topic 'Reformisme religieux'
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1
Zárate, Arthur Shiwa. "Sufi Reformism and the Politics of Enchantment in Nasser’s Egypt (1954–1970)." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 89, no. 1 (2021): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfab001.
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Abstract Although theories of disenchantment have been both utilized and critiqued by scholars of Islam, they have not received sufficient critical scrutiny within historical studies on Islamic reformism, a novel religiosity associated with modernity’s emergence in Muslim societies. Indeed, histories of Islamic reformism often portray this novel religiosity as an exclusive force of disenchantment, which is unhelpful for understanding the views of Muslims with reformist commitments and attachments to Sufi practices that invest supernatural powers into bodies and objects. Through an analysis of the Sufi Islamic reformist project of the ʿAshira Muhammadiyya organization in Egypt during the Nasser years (1954–1970), this article highlights how the history of Islamic reformism resonates with and diverges from disenchantment theories. Specifically, it foregrounds the way this Sufi reformism not only framed its objectives in terms of progress, science, and socialism but also presumed a reformist Sufi subject constituted through encounters with unseen supernatural agents.
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OSELLA, FILIPPO, and CAROLINE OSELLA. "Islamism and Social Reform in Kerala, South India." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 2-3 (2008): 317–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003198.
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AbstractThis paper critiques ethnographic tendencies to idealise and celebratesufi‘traditionalism’ as authentically South Asian. We perceive strong academic trends of frank distaste for reformism, which is then inaccurately—and dangerously buttressing Hindutva rhetoric—branded as going against the grain of South Asian society. This often goes along with (inaccurate) branding of all reformism as ‘foreign inspired’ orwah'habi. Kerala'sMujahids(Kerala Naduvathul Mujahideen [KNM]) are clearly part of universalistic trends and shared Islamic impulses towards purification. We acknowledge the importance to KNM of longstanding links to the Arab world, contemporary links to the Gulf, wider currents of Islamic reform (both global and Indian), while also showing how reformism has been producing itself locally since the mid-19th century. Reformist enthusiasm is part of Kerala-wide patterns discernable across all religious communities: 1920s and 1930s agitations for a break from the 19th century past; 1950s post-independence social activism; post 1980s religious revivalism. Kerala's Muslims (like Kerala Hindus and Christians) associate religious reformism with: a self-consciously ‘modern’ outlook; the promotion of education; rallying of support from the middle classes. There is a concomitant contemporary association of orthoprax traditionalism with ‘backward’, superstitious and un-modern practices, troped as being located in rural and low-status locations.
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Kresse, Kai. "'SWAHILI ENLIGHTENMENT'? EAST AFRICAN REFORMIST DISCOURSE AT THE TURNING POINT: THE EXAMPLE OF SHEIKH MUHAMMAD KASIM MAZRUI." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 3 (2003): 279–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603322663514.
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AbstractThis article discusses Sheikh Muhammad Kasim Mazrui, an influential yet largely ignored figure within East African Islamic reformism, which shifted from internal to external domination in the second half of the 20th century. His educational booklet 'Hukumu za sharia', written in Kiswahili, is analysed and contextualised. Advising local Muslims, by way of clear argument and reference to authoritative texts, on how to deal with controversial local practices from an Islamic point of view, it pushed for the development of self-reliance, and criticised dependence on Islamic clerics and dignitaries. The text itself displays the rational principles that the reformist movement relied on and propagated, while it also contains hints of a more dogmatic tone that was yet to dominate reformist discourse. Overall, the article establishes a wider comparison in discussing this African Islamic reformism as an 'enlightenment' movement. The focus hereby is on structure rather than substance, as Islamic reform is incompatible with secularism. Common features, however, can be seen in the emphasis on rationality and self-reliance of individual actors, as well as the internal dialectic of the movements, oscillating between liberation and dogmatism.
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ROBB, MEGAN EATON. "Women's Voices, Men's Lives: Masculinity in a North Indian Urdu newspaper." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 5 (2016): 1441–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000335.
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AbstractLiterary journals and newspapers aiming to reform the religious beliefs and domestic habits of women were common in early twentieth-century North India. Although most readings have focused on how these texts reflected male legislation of women's behaviour, we should look at Muslim reformist literature to understand male experiences; this investigation offers new insights into an emergent middle-class identity defined more by manners than birth. Readings of a previously little-researched Urdu newspaper, Madinah, and its women's section offer new insights on male experiences of reformism, characterized by profound ambivalence. Playfulness emerged in some reformist descriptions of women's voices, channelling the influence of rekhti. Ultimately Madinah cultivated pride in Islam's strict division of gender roles and conversely threatened men with shame for failing to regulate uneducated women. Descriptions of powerful, Ottoman women warriors were framed to incite men to acts of bravery, using reports from Europe as cautionary examples of the over-indulgence of women. While the newspaper offered outlets for men to express curiosity about women's experiences, ultimately reformist literature limited expressions of pleasure. Male ambivalence regarding the implications of the reformist project remained embedded in writing about women.
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OSELLA, FILIPPO, and CAROLINE OSELLA. "Introduction: Islamic reformism in South Asia." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 2-3 (2008): 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003186.
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The authors in this volume discuss contemporary Islamic reformism in South Asia in some of its diverse historical orientations and geographical expressions, bringing us contemporary ethnographic perspectives against which to test claims about processes of reform and about trends such as ‘Islamism’ and ‘global Islam’. The very use of terminology and categories is itself fraught with the dangers of bringing together what is actually substantially different under the same banner. While our authors have often found it necessary, perhaps for the sake of comparison or to help orient readers, to take on terms such as ‘reformist’ or ‘Islamist’, they are not using these as terms which imply identity—or even connection—between the groups so named, nor are they reifying such categories. In using such terms as shorthand to help identify specific projects, we are following broad definitions here in which ‘Islamic modernism’ refers to projects of change aiming to re-order Muslims' lifeworlds and institutional structures in dialogue with those produced under Western modernity; ‘reformism’ refers to projects whose specific focus is the bringing into line of religious beliefs and practices with the core foundations of Islam, by avoiding and purging out innovation, accretion and the intrusion of ‘local custom’; and where ‘Islamism’ is a stronger position, which insists upon Islam as the heart of all institutions, practice and subjectivity—a privileging of Islam as the frame of reference by which to negotiate every issue of life; ‘orthodoxy’ is used according to its specific meaning in contexts in which individual authors work; the term may in some ethnographic locales refer to the orthodoxy of Islamist reform, while in others it is used to disparage those who do not heed the call for renewal and reform. ‘Reformism’ is particularly troublesome as a term, in that it covers broad trends stretching back at least 100 years, and encompassing a variety of positions which lay more or less stress upon specific aspects of processes of renewal; still, it is useful as a term in helping us to insist upon recognition of the differences between such projects and such contemporary obsessions as ‘political Islam’, ‘Islamic fundamentalism’ and so on. Authors here are generally following local usage in the ways in which they describe the movements discussed (thus, Kerala's Mujahid movement claims itself as part of a broaderIslahi—renewal—trend and is identified here as ‘reformist’).2But while broad terms are used, what the papers are actually involved in doing is addressing the issues of how specific groups deal with particular concerns. Thus, not, ‘What do reformists think about secular education?’, but, ‘What do Kerala's Mujahids in the 2000s think? How has this shifted from the position taken in the 1940s? How does it differ from the contemporary position of opposing groups? And how is it informed by the wider socio-political climate of Kerala?’ The papers here powerfully demonstrate the historical and geographical specificity of reform projects, whereas discourse structured through popular mainstream perspectives (such as ‘clash of civilizations’) ignores such embeddedness.
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Borup, Jørn. "Analogi og genealogi: protestantiske reformbuddhismer." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 68 (September 14, 2018): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i68.109103.
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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Buddhism's history can be seen as a succession of reformisms. To focus the relevance of the concept, it is understood in this article as a concept measuring significant change within the religion itself and the surrounding community. With three examples from different contexts: ‘Protestant Buddhism' in the 19th century Sri Lanka, the Shin Buddhist reform movement in the Japanese Middle Ages, and Japanese diaspora Buddhism in Hawaii, the relevance of the term is investigated in relation to both genealogical and analogical reference to the Christian Protestant Reformation.
 DANSK RESUME: Buddhismens historie kan ses som en lang række af reformismer. For at afgrænse begrebets relevans anvendes det i denne artikel om markante forandringstiltag med betydning for religionen selv og det omkringliggende samfund. Med tre eksempler fra forskellige kontekster: ‘Protestantisk buddhisme' i det 19. årh-. på Sri Lanka, shin-buddhistisk reformbevægelse i den japanske middelalder samt japansk diasporabuddhisme i Hawaii, undersøges begrebets relevans med genealogisk og analogisk reference til den kristne, protestantiske reformation.
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Youzeev, A. N. "TATAR RELIGIOUS REFORMISM (COMMON FEATURES AND SPECIFICS)." Islam in the modern world 11, no. 2 (2015): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20536/2074-1529-2015-11-2-25-34.
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Weideman, Julian. "TAHAR HADDAD AFTER BOURGUIBA AND BIN ʿALI: A REFORMIST BETWEEN SECULARISTS AND ISLAMISTS". International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, № 1 (2016): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001464.
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AbstractUnder the Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli regimes, the early 20th-century women's rights advocate Tahar Haddad (1899–1935) was a symbol of “state feminism.” Nationalist intellectuals traced the 1956 Personal Status Code to Haddad's work, and Bourguiba and Bin ʿAli claimed to “uphold” his ideals and “avenge” the persecution he suffered at the hands of the ʿulamaʾ at the Zaytuna mosque-university. Breaking with “old regime” narratives, this article studies Haddad as a reformist within Tunisia's religious establishment. Haddad's example challenges the idea that Islamic reformists “opened the door to” secularists in the Arab world. After independence, Haddad's ideas were not a starting point for Tunisia's presidents, but a reference point available to every actor in the political landscape.
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FUCHS, SIMON WOLFGANG. "Legalised Pedigrees: Sayyids and Shiʽi Islam in Pakistan". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, № 3 (2020): 489–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186320000036.
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AbstractThis article draws on a wide range of Shiʽi periodicals and monographs from the 1950s until the present day to investigate debates on the status of Sayyids in Pakistan. I argue that the discussion by reformist and traditionalist Shiʽi scholars (ʽulama) and popular preachers has remained remarkably stable over this time period. Both ‘camps’ have avoided talking about any theological or miracle-working role of the Prophet's kin. This phenomenon is remarkable, given the fact that Sayyids share their pedigree with the Shiʽi Imams, who are credited with superhuman qualities. Instead, Shiʽi reformists and traditionalists have discussed Sayyids predominantly as a specific legal category. They are merely entitled to a distinct treatment as far as their claims to charity, patterns of marriage, and deference in daily life is concerned. I hold that this reductionist and largely legalising reading of Sayyids has to do with the intense competition over religious authority in post-Partition Pakistan. For both traditionalist and reformist Shiʽi authors, ʽulama, and preachers, there was no room to acknowledge Sayyids as potential further competitors in their efforts to convince the Shiʽi public about the proper ‘orthodoxy’ of their specific views.
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Janson, Marloes. "‘We are all the same, because we all Worship God.’ The Controversial Case of a Female Saint in the Gambia." Africa 76, no. 4 (2006): 502–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0066.
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AbstractBased on ethnographic field research, this article explores religious discourses about proper ritual observance in The Gambia, a country where our understanding of processes of Islamization is largely lacking. These discourses centre upon the case of Berekuntu, a shrine guarded by a female saint in the village of Kartong. On the basis of three ‘texts’, the female saint's biographical narrative, a series of sermons delivered by reformist scholars, and a newspaper article based on an interview with the Supreme Islamic Council, the article shows that shrine and saint veneration are not relics of the past, but are part of a lively contemporary dispute about ‘authentic’ Islam and who represents it. While reformist Muslims seem to have conquered the public sphere during the last decade under the influence of President Jammeh's rule, the Sufi understanding of Islam, as embodied by the saint, still enjoys great support among the Gambian population. Although ‘reformists’ and ‘Sufis’ seem at first sight to be diametrically opposed, they sometimes borrow from each other. An analysis of the (re)negotiation of Muslim identities indicates that Islamization is not a single monolithic movement but, rather, a diffuse process happening at different levels.
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Stapleton, Paul J. "The Cross cult, King Oswald, and Elizabethan historiography." British Catholic History 33, no. 1 (2016): 32–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2016.4.
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In Thomas Stapleton’s The History of the Church of Englande (1565), the first modern English translation of Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, the cross cult is promoted as a definitive element of English religious and national identity, via the legend of the Saxon king Oswald. The version of the legend in Stapleton’s narrative, which includes textual supplements like illustrations, appears to be intended as a corrective in light of attacks upon the cross cult made in works of religious controversy by the reformists William Turner, John Jewel, and James Calfhill, but also in works of historiography such as the 1559 edition of Robert Fabyan’s Chronicle. In response to Stapleton’s expanded presentation of the Oswald legend, John Foxe reconfigures the narrative in the 1570 Acts and Monuments or Book of Martyrs, but in a bifurcated manner, perhaps to appease members of Matthew Parker’s circle of Saxon scholars. Surprisingly, in Book Three of The Faerie Queene (1590), Edmund Spenser carries on Stapleton’s iconodule understanding of Oswald’s cross in contrast to his reformist Protestant precursors.1
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Østebø, Terje. "Islamic Reformism as Networks of Meaning." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 3 (2016): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00403002.
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This study focuses on the issue of Islamic reformism and provides insights to a highly diverse and ambiguous phenomenon. Located in contemporary Ethiopia, the case in point for the study is what I have labeled the Intellectualist movement. De-institutionalized and decentered in character, the movement was a major player on the Ethiopian religious and political scene, and contributed significantly to the shaping of generations of young Muslims from the early 1990s to up until today. The Intellectualist movement is a good example of a kind of reformism that often escapes analysts’ attention, and the argument is that movement’s informal character points to an important trend among many contemporary religious reformism: their appearance as social networks and the processural character of reform itself. Applying the concept of network of meaning, which points to how movements are loosely structured and constituted around personal and face-to-face interactions, the study emphasizes reform movements as venues for learning, for ideological production, and for the creation of new subjects. This means that they are more than instruments for direct action, but that they are fields for symbolic exchange and self-reflexive relationships engagement, which in turn constitute processes for the realization of alternative behavior and for the mobilization of action.
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Rahim, Rahimin Affandi Abd. "Traditionalism and reformism polemic in Malay–Muslim religious literature." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 17, no. 1 (2006): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410500400090.
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Aljunied, Khairudin. "Writing Reformist Histories." Public Historian 37, no. 3 (2015): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2015.37.3.10.
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This article argues that Southeast Asia is an illustrative yet much-neglected empirical terrain for the study of “outsider history-makers” and their vocations. Through an analysis of the writings of Hamka, a well-known Indonesian cleric, this article demonstrates that “outsider history-makers” in Southeast Asia have been engaged in the production of “reformist histories”—a genre of popular historical works written in an alluring and captivating way to foster a rethinking of commonplace assumptions about the evolution of religious communities, the roles of reformers in society, and the place of spirituality in human history.
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Gonzaga, Paolo. "Political Islām: From Reformism to Jihadism." Annali di Scienze Religiose 13 (January 2020): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.asr.5.121724.
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Hatina, Meir. "WHERE EAST MEETS WEST: SUFISM, CULTURAL RAPPROCHEMENT, AND POLITICS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 3 (2007): 389–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070523.
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The growing gap in power and wealth between the West and the Muslim world from the end of the 18th century onward has engendered periodic demands for the rejuvenation of Islamic thought as a prerequisite for rehabilitating the status of the Muslim community. In Egypt and the Fertile Crescent, this quest for reform was led by Muslim modernists and Salafis (advocates of a return to ancestral piety and practice) in the late 19th century. Inter alia, these reformists opposed the gatekeepers of Islamic tradition—the establishment ʿulamaء as well as the popular Sufi orders or fraternities (ṭuruq). The Sufi orders were portrayed by their reformist adversaries as at best irrelevant to social change and at worst as responsible for the backwardness of Muslim society. Criticism of customs and ceremonies in popular Islam, especially the cult of saints—denounced as a deviation from Islam—also had nationalist overtones: these rituals were attacked for fostering national passivity and a detachment from reality, in addition to eliciting ridicule by foreigners. Religious reform was thus interwoven with the quest for national pride and power.
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Becker, Felicitas. "The Virus and the Scriptures: Muslims and AIDS in Tanzania." Journal of Religion in Africa 37, no. 1 (2007): 16–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006607x166573.
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AbstractThis paper examines Tanzanian Muslims' practical and discursive stances on AIDS in relation to the context in which they are produced. The AIDS problematic is interacting with lively debates, as for the last two decades Muslim reformists have been demanding revisions to ritual practice and a more restrictive application of Muslim social norms. The state-sponsored central organisation for Tanzanian Muslims is viewed with distrust not only by reformist, but also many 'mainstream' Muslims, and there is no organisation to provide an inclusive forum for debate. Official AIDS education programmes reached provincial Muslims before the epidemic had become acute, and were initially greeted with the same formulaic, passive acceptance as many other state initiatives. Since AIDS deaths have become more frequent, recommendations for prevention have become the subject of intense debate. Understanding of the epidemic draws on local religious notions as well as Muslim teachings, and invariably focuses on ways of life rather than questions of health narrowly conceived. It indicates increasing scepticism regarding the ability of either local society or the state to achieve 'development' and wariness of the perceived closeness of science to authority. On the other hand, Muslim observers have found ways to relate scientific descriptions of the epidemic to the Qur'an and to accept the epidemic as God's will, without thereby abdicating responsibility for trying to contain it. Ultimately, individuals are on their own in formulating their understanding of the epidemic. There is no clear correlation between reformist sympathies and the acceptance or otherwise of official recommendations, as many other factors, including age, education and personal experience, influence individual stances.
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Jahanbakhsh, Forough. "Rational Shari’ah: Ahmad Qabel’s Reformist Approach." Religions 11, no. 12 (2020): 665. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11120665.
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This article introduces the late Ahmad Qabel (1958–2012), a new figure among contemporary Iranian religious reformers. Qabel, a progressive mujtahid, proposed the creative theory of Shari’at-e ’Aqlani in order to reform stagnant Shari’ah rules and align the application of legal norms and precepts with the space-time considerations of modern life. Critical of the superficiality of traditional jurists, who led into abeyance the progressive rational praxis within classical Shi’i theology and jurisprudence, Qabel revived and employed these rational principles in his novel method of ijtihad. This paper has four sections: first, there will be a short biographical sketch of Ahmad Qabel. The second section surveys the trajectory of the development of Shi’i fiqh in order to set the backdrop for Qabel’s arguments. Then, I will discuss some of the major rational principles which constitute the heart of Qabel’s methodology. In the last section, the practical results of Qabel’s Shari’at-e ’Aqlani are presented through some of his unconventional fatwas, which, though solidly based within the Shari’ah, took on controversial topics such as women’s rights, religious minorities, jihad, and Islamic government.
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Domínguez Fernández, Juan Pablo. "Reformismo cristiano y tolerancia en España a finales del siglo XVIII." Hispania Sacra 65, Extra_2 (2013): 113–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/hs.2013.038.
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Klimuk, Iryna. "The contradiction between traditionalism and reformism in the context of the formation of religious identity." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 66 (February 26, 2013): 381–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2013.66.286.
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The concept of "religious identity" is now the most popular term in terms of frequency of use. Actualization of religious identity as a problem is considered in science, politics, journalism, literature and other spheres of life. The complexity and at the same time the importance of the problem under study requires an interdisciplinary approach to the study of religious identity. The development of the concept of religious identity is associated with scientific disciplines (religious studies, sociology, philosophy, anthropology). But one can not imagine the consideration of this phenomenon without taking into account the theological approach, without which the study of religious identity would be one-sided. One of the most important aspects of religion and theology, which determines the state of religiosity in modern society, is the contradiction between traditionalists and reformers. In our time, they are considered as important factors influencing the formation of the religious identity of the individual.
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Akbar, Ali. "Freedom of Religion: The Contribution of Contemporary Iranian Reformist Scholars." Religions 12, no. 6 (2021): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060384.
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This article examines a specific line of thinking shared by several contemporary reformist Iranian religious scholars who present arguments in favor of freedom of religion. Focusing on the ideas of five prominent reformist Iranian scholars—Abdolkarim Soroush (b.1945), Muhammad Mujtahed Shabestari (b.1936), Hasan Yousefi Eshkevari (b.1950), Mohsen Kadivar (b.1959), and Ahmad Qabel (d.2012)—the article argues that these thinkers’ defense of freedom of religion is based not only on their interpretations of the Qurʾān and historical Islamic sources, but also philosophical arguments in which concepts from the fields of epistemology and hermeneutics are deployed. As the article demonstrates, some of these scholars connect the notion of freedom of religion to political arguments supporting religious tolerance, or the view that, in order to guarantee religious freedom, the state must be neutral towards the religious orientation of its citizens.
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Akbar, Ali. "Muslim reformist scholars’ arguments for democracy independent of religious justification." Critical Research on Religion 8, no. 3 (2020): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303220952849.
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This article examines the ideas of three contemporary Muslim reformists, namely Abdolkarim Soroush, Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, and Muhammad Mujtahed Shabestari, concerning the relationship between democracy and the Islamic principle of shura (consultation). The article aims to demonstrate how the theological-philosophical approaches of these scholars—particularly with respect to their methods of interpreting the Qurʾan and the distinctions they draw between the pre-modern and modern worldview—have contributed to the rise of a political discourse which seeks to understand concepts such as shura and democracy within their own specific epistemological and cultural contexts. This political discourse, as the article argues, supports democracy without any narrow religious justification and promotes a form of government whose legitimacy is not based on religious sources or authority, and thus is neutral towards different religions and their followers.
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Bevir, Mark. "Welfarism, Socialism and Religion: on T. H. Green and Others." Review of Politics 55, no. 4 (1993): 639–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500018039.
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Scholars often link the emergence of welfarism and socialism to a loss of religious faith. Yet an examination of the beliefs of secularists who had lost their faith suggests that the loss of faith did not result in an emotional need that social reformism sometimes met. Nonetheless, an examination of welfarists and ethical socialists such as T. H. Green suggests that there was an intellectual or rational link between faith and social reformism. Here many Victorians and Edwardians responded to the dilemmas then besetting faith by adopting immanentist theologies, and this immanentism often sustained a moral idealism that inspired various social reformers.
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Lacroix, Stéphane. "Between Islamists and Liberals: Saudi Arabia's New “Islamo-Liberal” Reformists." Middle East Journal 58, no. 3 (2004): 345–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/58.3.11.
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The last few years in Saudi Arabia have witnessed the rise of a new trend made up of former Islamists and liberals, Sunnis and Shi'ites, calling for democratic change within an Islamic framework through a revision of the official Wahhabi religious doctrine. These intellectuals have managed to gain visibility on the local scene, notably through a series of manifestos and petitions, and their project has even received support from among the Royal Family. Indeed, the government has since then taken a number of preliminary steps towards political and religious reform. But does this mean that Saudi Arabia is about to enter the era of Post-Wahhabism?
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El-Mesawi, Mohamed El-Tahir. "Muslim Reformist Action in Nineteenth-century Tunisia." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25, no. 2 (2008): 49–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v25i2.400.
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This article revisits the origins of the Islamic reformist movement that arose in response to the challenges presented by western civilization in the nineteenth century. Tunisia was chosen because the spirit of reform manifested itself in the form of intellectual activity and socio-political action. The article highlights the features of the Tunisian experience before the French occupation in 1881, reveals the cooperation and complementary relationship between religious scholars and statesmen that gave the reform efforts their substance and form, and discusses the dynamic of the forces that were in play and helped determine the attempted reforms’ fate.
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El-Mesawi, Mohamed El-Tahir. "Muslim Reformist Action in Nineteenth-century Tunisia." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 2 (2008): 49–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.400.
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This article revisits the origins of the Islamic reformist movement that arose in response to the challenges presented by western civilization in the nineteenth century. Tunisia was chosen because the spirit of reform manifested itself in the form of intellectual activity and socio-political action. The article highlights the features of the Tunisian experience before the French occupation in 1881, reveals the cooperation and complementary relationship between religious scholars and statesmen that gave the reform efforts their substance and form, and discusses the dynamic of the forces that were in play and helped determine the attempted reforms’ fate.
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Zakariya, Hafiz. "THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE ISLAH MOVEMENT TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONALISM AND ISLAMIC EDUCATION IN PRE-INDEPENDENT MALAYSIA." International Journal of Heritage, Art and Multimedia 2, no. 7 (2019): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijham.27002.
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The advent of the Islah movement in Malay Peninsula during the early twentieth century challenged the status quo and the existing political and religious institutions. It created a major controversy and tension between the reformists and those supporting the existing order. Consequently, some Muslims were suspicious of the reformists. This was primarily due to their non-adherence to the Shafi’i school of Islamic law, which was adopted by the majority of Muslims not only in Malay Peninsula, but the Nusantara in general. Amid such controversy, some people overlook and even dismiss the contribution of the reformists. Therefore, this article re-examines both the short and long-term contribution of the Islah movement to Malay society.
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Sin, Piya Tan Beng. "State, Society and Religious Engineering: Towards a Reformist Buddhism in Singapore." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 19, no. 2 (2004): 319–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj19-2i.
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Brahimi, Mohamed Amine, and Houssem Ben Lazreg. "Post-Islamism and Intellectual Production: A Bibliometric Analysis of the Evolution of Contemporary Islamic Thought." Religions 12, no. 1 (2021): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010049.
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The advent of the 1990s marked, among other things, the restructuring of the Muslim world in its relation to Islam. This new context has proved to be extremely favorable to the emergence of scholars who define themselves as reformists or modernists. They have dedicated themselves to reform in Islam based on the values of peace, human rights, and secular governance. One can find an example of this approach in the works of renowned intellectuals such as Farid Esack, Mohamed Talbi, or Mohamed Arkoun, to name a few. However, the question of Islamic reform has been debated during the 19th and 20th centuries. This article aims to comprehend the historical evolution of contemporary reformist thinkers in the scientific field. The literature surrounding these intellectuals is based primarily on content analysis. These approaches share a type of reading that focuses on the interaction and codetermination of religious interpretations rather than on the relationships and social dynamics that constitute them. Despite these contributions, it seems vital to question this contemporary thinking differently: what influence does the context of post-Islamism have on the emergence of this intellectual trend? What connections does it have with the social sciences and humanities? How did it evolve historically? In this context, the researchers will analyze co-citations in representative samples to illustrate the theoretical framework in which these intellectuals are located, and its evolution. Using selected cases, this process will help us to both underline the empowerment of contemporary Islamic thought and the formation of a real corpus of works seeking to reform Islam.
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Ainouz, Mounir. "Reformbevægelsen: Liberal salafiyya i Marokko." Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 11, no. 1 (2017): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v11i1.102876.
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Formålet med denne artikel er at diskutere det marokkanske hybridfænomen, liberal salafiyya, sådan som det kom til udtryk i perioden 1930-1960. Fænomenet blev begrebsliggjort af den marokkanske tænker Muhammad ’Ābed al-Jābirī og blev deref ter defineret og afgrænset som en ideologisk skole, der opstod i Marokko i 1930’erne og fortsatte efter Marokko opnåede uafhængighed fra Frankrig i 1956. Al-Jābirī argumenterede for, at den liberale salafiyya voksede ud af en sammensmeltning af vestlig liberalisme og traditionel marokkansk salafisme under det franske protektorat (1912-1956). I Marokko kom den liberale salafiyya til at stå langt stærkere end i resten af den arabiske verden. Det blev et nationalt projekt understøttet af reformister som Allāl al-Fāsī and Muhammad al-Wazzānī, men også af Sultan Muhammad V og det konservative religiøse etablissement. De unge reformister fremlagde en “Plan de Réformes”, som krævede, at marokkanerne skulle indgå i en moderniseringsproces, men det franske protektorat afviste deres krav. Denne beslutning tilskyndede al-Fāsī og al-Wazzānī til at definere deres eget politiske projekt med henblik på at erstatte det traditionelle politiske system med et konstitutionelt monarki. Men efter en mere end fireårtier lang, sej kamp for indførelsen af et parlamentarisk system og moderne politiske institutioner, indså al-Fāsī og al-Wazzānī, at Marokko i den postkoloniale periode ikke var klar til at implementere deres politiske tanker. This article explores the Moroccan concept of liberal salafiyya between the 1930s and 1960s. The concept was defined by the Moroccan thinker Muhammad ‘Ābed al-Jābirī, who expounded the concept of an ideological school that originated in the 1930s and continued after Morocco regained its independence from France in 1956. Al-Jābirī argued that liberal salafiyya in Morocco arose from the merging of Western liberalism and Islamic traditional Salafism during the French colonial period (1912-1956). However, the ideologies of liberalism and Salafism had a different approach and adaptation in Morocco than the rest of the Arabic-Islamic world. This distinguishes Moroccan liberal Salafiyya from other expressions of Salafism in the Arabic world because it accepted liberalism as compatible with the fundamental principles of Salafiyya. Liberal Salafiyya was not only embraced by the Moroccan reformists Allāl al-Fāsī and Muhammad al-Wazzānī, but also by the Moroccan Sultan Muhammad V and the religious conservative establishment. The young reformists presented a “Plan de Réformes”, where they demanded that the Moroccans should be part of the modernization process. The colonial power rejected their demands. This decision encouraged al-Fāsī and al-Wazzānī to define their own political projects in order to substitute the traditional political system with constitutional monarchy. After more than four decades of activism and struggle for incorporating a parliamentary system and modern political institutions, al-Fāsī and al-Wazzānī realised, that postcolonial Morocco was not ready to incorporate their political views.
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Tezcan, Levent. "The Problems of Religious Modernity." Asian Journal of Social Science 33, no. 3 (2005): 506–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853105775013661.
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AbstractThis paper discusses the problems of the Islamization of modernity that are mostly ignored in the social sciences on the topic of Islam. The case study deals with a transnationalized Turkish-Islamic group of the followers of the populist theologian Said Nursi in Germany. The author presents an outline of the community character and interprets also the reactions of the community in the cross-cultural field in the aftermath of September 11, with regard to this specific culture of the group. In conclusion, he draws attention to the question of how the Islamic reformists imagine the host societies in Europe and of which symbolic repertoire has been used to connect on the current integration discourse.
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Goudarzi, Masoumeh Rad, and Alireza Najafinejad. "Contemporary Traditionalists and Reformists Iranian Jurists and the Subject of Human Rights." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 15, no. 1 (2018): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2017-0023.
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Abstract The inability of traditional Shi’a jurisprudents to respond to the challenges in the field of human rights and the rights of religious minorities, which is rooted in the denial of human dignity and the emphasis on religious dignity, has led to the emergence of a new discourse among contemporary Shi’a jurisprudents in Iran in recent years. This group of jurists known as reformist jurists seeks to re-evaluate the jurisprudential laws, re-interpret the Shari’a and find a way out of the religion to reduce the existing conflict with the universal human rights standards. The opinions of this group of jurists, albeit criticized by the traditional scholars, have been welcomed by young clerics. To understand the main aspects of this jurisprudential dispute, two main questions have been considered by the researchers: What are the main principles of human rights in the thoughts of traditionalist and reformist jurists in Iran? And how differently have the reformist jurists conceptualized the subject of human rights? To answer these questions, the impact of traditional jurisprudents on the formulation of the current constitution of Iran is studied and the main differences between the views of traditional and modern jurists are evaluated.
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Badri, Farhood. "A Genuine Islamic Conceptualization of Religious Freedom." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 15, no. 1 (2018): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2018-0020.
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Abstract Departing from a critical norm research perspective, the paper first sketches the need to unveil the Eurocentric and secular bias of International Relations (IR) as a discipline in general and its constructivist norm research program in particular. With regard to human rights norms, and religious freedom in particular, the dominant liberal-secular international human rights law understanding of religious freedom marginalizes religious, and especially, Islamic grounds and understandings of this truly global norm. Indeed, it demonstrates both, the dominant ideational perspective of religious freedom as a Western human right grounded by Western-canonical thinkers, and the limits of accommodating religion and religious voices in IR. In contrast, and against the background of a post-secular IR, the paper seeks to unveil alternative and marginalized bodies of Islamic knowledge for the sake of a more comprehensive picture to be painted by IR. By reconstructing reformist Islamic thought and Islamic ideational perspectives and conceptualizations of religious freedom, the paper seeks to let these voices speak for themselves as truly genuine Islamic contributions to IR. The overall aim is threefold: to theoretically connect critical norm research and post-secular approaches with reformist Islamic thought by conceptualizing ijtihad as religious norm contestation; to unveil the double marginalized character of critical Muslim voices in IR; and finally to paint a broader and more comprehensive picture of Islam and IR by revealing an alternative Islamic genealogy of universal religious freedom.
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Loimeier, Roman. "PATTERNS AND PECULIARITIES OF ISLAMIC REFORM IN AFRICA." Journal of Religion in Africa 33, no. 3 (2003): 237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006603322663497.
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AbstractAfrican Muslim societies were characterised, in the 20th century, by the emergence of reformist movements that have gained, since the 1970s, major social, religious and political influence in a number of countries, including Northern Nigeria, Senegal, Zanzibar and Sudan. These movements of reform are, however, not recent phenomena. Rather, they look back to a history of several generations of reformist endeavour and thought that may have been influenced, to a certain extent, by external sources of inspiration. This contribution shows how the biographies of major reformist personalities such as Cheikh Touré in Senegal, Abubakar Gumi in Northern Nigeria and 'Abdallâh Sâlih al-Farsy in East Africa reflect a number of common features of Islamic reform in Africa, while their programmes of reform were shaped, at the same time, by local frame conditions.
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SUMBAL, SAADIA. "The Jamaat of Allah's Friends: Maulana Allahyar's Reformist Movement and Sacralising the Space of the Armed Forces of Pakistan." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 31, no. 1 (2020): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186320000541.
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AbstractThis article discusses a Sufi-inspired reformist movement that was set up in Chakrala (Pakistani Punjab) by Maulana Allahyar during the second half of the twentieth century. Attention is paid to the polemical religious context in which this movement arose, in part linked to the proselytising activities of local Shias and Ahmadis. Allahyar's preaching in the town created sectarian divisions within Chakrala's syncretic religious traditions. His reformist ideas also were articulated through a tablighi jamaat (missionary movement), which penetrated the armed forces of Pakistan during the military rule of Ayub Khan. Against this backdrop, the article also discusses the interface between Islam and the army, as this relationship played out in Indian prisoner-of-war camps holding captured Pakistani soldiers in the wake of the 1971 war, and so points to ways in which the mutual performance of mystical practices by Allahyar's Jamaat created a cohesive moral community.
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Brahimi, Mohamed Amine, and Houssem Ben Lazreg. "Post-Islamism and Intellectual Production: A Bibliometric Analysis of the Evolution of Contemporary Islamic Thought." Religions 12, no. 1 (2021): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010049.
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The advent of the 1990s marked, among other things, the restructuring of the Muslim world in its relation to Islam. This new context has proved to be extremely favorable to the emergence of scholars who define themselves as reformists or modernists. They have dedicated themselves to reform in Islam based on the values of peace, human rights, and secular governance. One can find an example of this approach in the works of renowned intellectuals such as Farid Esack, Mohamed Talbi, or Mohamed Arkoun, to name a few. However, the question of Islamic reform has been debated during the 19th and 20th centuries. This article aims to comprehend the historical evolution of contemporary reformist thinkers in the scientific field. The literature surrounding these intellectuals is based primarily on content analysis. These approaches share a type of reading that focuses on the interaction and codetermination of religious interpretations rather than on the relationships and social dynamics that constitute them. Despite these contributions, it seems vital to question this contemporary thinking differently: what influence does the context of post-Islamism have on the emergence of this intellectual trend? What connections does it have with the social sciences and humanities? How did it evolve historically? In this context, the researchers will analyze co-citations in representative samples to illustrate the theoretical framework in which these intellectuals are located, and its evolution. Using selected cases, this process will help us to both underline the empowerment of contemporary Islamic thought and the formation of a real corpus of works seeking to reform Islam.
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Reese, Scott S. "SALAFI TRANSFORMATIONS: ADEN AND THE CHANGING VOICES OF RELIGIOUS REFORM IN THE INTERWAR INDIAN OCEAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 1 (2012): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001255.
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AbstractThe Islamic reformist movement known as Salafism is generally portrayed as a relentlessly literalist and rigid school of religious thought. This article pursues a more nuanced picture of a historical Salafism that is less a movement with a single, linear origin than a dynamic intellectual milieu continually shaped by local contexts. Using 1930s Aden as a case study, the article examines how a transregional reformist discourse could be vulnerable to local interpretation and begins to unpack the transformation of Salafi activism from a broad, doctrinaire, and, above all, foreign ideology to an integral part of local religious discourse. It situates reform within an evolving Islamic discursive tradition that in part developed as a result of its own theological logic but was equally shaped by local and historically contingent institutions, social practices, and power structures. It thus explores Salafism as a dynamic tradition that could be adapted by local intellectuals to engage the problems facing their own communities.
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von Sicard, Sigvard. "Muslim Ethiopia: The Christian Legacy, Identity Politics, and Islamic Reformism." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 25, no. 4 (2014): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2014.925194.
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JONES, JUSTIN. "The Local Experiences of Reformist Islam in a ‘Muslim’ Town in Colonial India: The Case of Amroha." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 4 (2009): 871–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x08003582.
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AbstractThis paper discusses shifts within Islamic life, ritual and practice in the town of Amroha in the United Provinces of India, during the eventful period of approximately 1860–1930. Based primarily upon Urdu writings produced about or by Muslim residents of the town during this period, it examines the ways in which wider religious reformist movements such as those associated with Aligarh, Deoband and Bareilly were received and experienced within nearby smaller, supposedly marginal urban settlements. The paper argues that broader currents of religious reform were not unquestioningly accepted in Amroha, but were often engaged in a constant process of dialogue and accommodation with local particularities. The first section introduces Amroha and itssharifMuslim population, focusing upon how the town's Islamic identity was defined and described. The second section examines a plethora of public religious rites and institutions emerging during this period, includingmadrasas andimambaras, discussing how these were used by eminent local families to reinforce distinctly local hierarchies and cultural particularities. A third section considers public debates in Amroha concerning the Aligarh movement, arguing that these debates enhanced local rivalries, especially those between Shia and Sunni Muslims. A final section interrogates the growing culture of religious disputation in the town, suggesting that such debate facilitated the negotiation of religious change in a transitory social environment.
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bin Abdullah, Mustaffa, Abdul Karim bin Ali, and Sedek bin Ariffin. "Revival Thought of Sarfraz Khan in “Muslim Reformist Political Thought, Revivalist, Modernists and Free Will” in Accordance to the Framework of Egyptian Exegetes’ Thoughts (Pemikiran Pembaharuan Sarfraz Khan dalam “Muslim Reformist Political Thought, Revivalists, Modernists and Free Will” Menurut Wacana Pemikiran Mufassir Mesir)." Al-Bayān – Journal of Qurʾān and Ḥadīth Studies 14, no. 1 (2016): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22321969-12340032.
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This article discusses the reformist thoughts of Sarfraz Khan as reflected in his ideas about revivalism, modernism and free will and are compared with the Egyptian exegetes’ thoughts of Muhammad Abduh and Muhammad Rashid Rida. Their thoughts are analysed comparatively in order to highlight differences and to measure the degree of their agreement with the established methods of prominent scholars. Two issues have been selected, i.e. Khan’s view of enabling other than Arabic language in observing the prayers, and the issue of predetermination. This study shows that reformist thoughts associated to Khan are in disagreement with Egyptian exegetes’ thoughts and those who are in line with them.
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Goossaert, Vincent. "1898: the Beginning of the End for Chinese Religion?" Journal of Asian Studies 65, no. 2 (2006): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911806000003.
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On July 10, 1898, the reformist leader Kang Youwei 康有為 (1858–1927) memorialized the throne proposing that all academies and temples in China, with the exception of those included in registers of state sacrifices (sidian 祀典), be turned into schools. The Guangxu emperor was so pleased with the proposal that he promulgated an edict (shangyu 上諭) the same day taking over Kang’s phrasing. On three occasions in the following weeks, the editorial in the famous Shanghai daily Shenbao 申報 discussed the edict not as a piece of legislation aiming at facilitating the creation ex nihilo of a nationwide network of public schools, but as the declaration of a religious reform, that is, a change in religious policy that would rid China of temple cults and their specialists, Buddhists, Taoists, and spirit-mediums. This it was, indeed, although both Chinese and Western historiography have so far usually neglected to appreciate the importance of the religious element in the so-called Wuxu reforms (June 11–September 21, 1898) and later modernist policies. This importance, as we will see, can be gauged both in the writings of some of the reformist leaders, and among the populations concerned by the practical consequences.
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Graham, W. Fred, and Seong-Hak Kim. "Michel de L'Hopital: The Vision of a Reformist Chancellor during the French Religious Wars." Sixteenth Century Journal 29, no. 2 (1998): 644. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544601.
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Knecht, R. J., and Seong-Hak Kim. "Michel de L'Hopital: The Vision of a Reformist Chancellor during the French Religious Wars." American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (1998): 1600. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650021.
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Laffan, Michael. "The Forgotten Jihad under Japan: Muslim Reformism and the Promise of Indonesian Independence." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 64, no. 1-2 (2021): 125–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341532.
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Abstract In this article I seek to make sense of the apparent contradiction of a call for jihad made under the auspices of the Japanese empire during its occupation of Java from March 1942 to September 1945. Why was Mas Mansur (1896–1946), the Indonesian religious figure and national hero who made the call, so supportive of the Japanese military administration? And why is this act so seldom remembered? As I hope to explain, Japan had already figured in the reformist Muslim imagination as a patriotic anti-western model for decades, creating a constituency that was initially open to Japanese overtures framed around mobilising national sentiment. Equally some Japanese advocates of southern expansion had thought about such framings while downplaying their preferred vision for a Greater East Asia that would not include an independent Indonesia. How this collaboration played out, with the Japanese eventually conceding ground on Islamic terms to gain national bodies, is a story worth retelling. In so doing I stress that Indonesia – lying at the intersection of pan-Islamic and pan-Asian imaginaries – should figure more prominently in global studies of Japanese policies regarding Islam in Asia or yet anti-Westernism in general.
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Farhadov, Ali. "Religious reforms in the Islamic world in the 19th and 20th centuries." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 01 (2021): 218–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202101statyi22.
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The article is devoted to the history of religious reforms in the Islamic world. The goal of the reform of Islamic thinking is to return to the roots, the Koran, to cleanse the religion of heresy, and later the incorrect elements introduced into it. Islamic laws and the way of life outside of them should be open to the new, since the peculiarity of Islam is the newness of religion for every time. According to the Muslim reformists, the renewal, first of all, must occur in Islamic thinking.
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DeGREGORIO, SCOTT. "Monasticism and Reform in Book IV of Bede's ‘Ecclesiastical History of the English People’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 61, no. 4 (2010): 673–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690999145x.
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The reform of the Northumbrian Church constitutes a predominant theme in much that Bede wrote in his later years. Recent analyses of his later biblical commentaries have confirmed this, although a tendency remains to treat his historiographic masterpiece, theEcclesiastical history of the English people, completed in c. 731, as only aloofly reformist in outlook. This article contests such a view through an analysis of the narrative and characters of book iv, which when scrutinised can be seen to amplify some of the key reform-oriented issues voiced in Bede's last and most openly reformist work, theLetter to Egbert.
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Ryad, Umar. "A Printed Muslim “Lighthouse” in Cairo al-Manār's Early Years, Religious Aspiration and Reception (1898-1903)." Arabica 56, no. 1 (2009): 27–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005809x398636.
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AbstractOn the basis of fresh documents the article tried to reconstruct a historical description of the establishment of the most well-known reformist magazine al-Manār. The personal papers of its founder Muhammad Rašīd Ridā uncover new information about the background of his journalistic plans and religious aspirations after his arrival in Egypt in 1897. The paper reconsiders Ridā's early religious formation and apprenticeship in his homeland Syria; his position in the printing press in Egypt; the early funding of his magazine; his early integration in the Egyptian life; the early circulation of al-Manār; and his perspectives on the craft of printing in serving religious sciences.
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Madaninejad, Banafsheh. "Religious Secularity." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 3 (2016): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i3.920.
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Naser Ghobadzadeh’s Religious Secularity presumes that Muslim thinkers nolonger consider an Islamic state as the desired political system. This aversionto a theocratic state is perhaps felt most by those Iranian reformist thinkerswho have had to operate in such a state since the 1979 Islamic revolution. Theauthor claims that in its place, the Muslim world has devised a new theoreticalcategory called “religious secularity,” which allows for a religiously secularstate to, at least theoretically, present itself as an alternative to an Islamic one.He defines this religiously secular attitude as one that refuses to eliminate religionfrom the political sphere, but simultaneously carves out a space for secularpolitics by narrowly promoting only the institutional separation of religionand state.He claims that this concept has two goals: to (1) restore the clergy’s genuinespiritual aims and reputation and (2) show that Islam is compatible withthe secular democratic state. In Iran, rather than launching overt attacks againstthe theocratic state, this discourse of religious secularity has created a more“gentle, implicit and sectarian manner in challenging the Islamic state.” Unlikein pre-revolutionary times when there were both religious and non-religiousideologies vying for an audience, Ghobadzadeh suggests that in Iran today,“the alternative discourses are religious and concentrate on liberating religiousdiscourse from state intervention.”The author pays homage to Abdullahi An-Na’im and claims to be usingIslam and the Secular State: Negotiating the Future of Shari‘a (2008) as aconceptual framework. As far as subfields within political science go,Ghobadzadeh’s Religious Secularity is also similar in form to NaderHashemi’s Islam, Secularism, and Liberal Democracy (2009) and, as such,can be considered a work of theoretical comparative political science ...
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Hidayah, Nur. "How Reformist Islamic Theology Influences Muslim Women’s Movement: The Case of Liberal-Progressive Muslims in Indonesia." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 2, no. 1 (2020): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v2i1.15.
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Reformist Muslim ideology has been perceived to liberate Muslim women from the shackles of patriarchal religious and cultural norms. This article analyzes the extent to which contemporary reformist Islamic theology influences Muslim women’s movement in the light of Muslim debates on women and gender issues. In doing so, it focuses on the case of Islamic reform by Indonesian liberal-progressive Muslims since the late New Order and its influence on the Muslim women’s movement in the country. This article argues that Islamic reform promoted by contemporary liberal-progressive Muslims has given a significant contribution to the development of Muslim women’s movement. It has laid the ground for an Islamic paradigm shift on the discourse on Islam and gender. The opening of the gate of ijtihad and respect for modernity espoused by reformist Muslims have provided tools for radical change in Islamic discourse on gender while still ground such change on an Islamic basis. It has empowered Muslim women to claim for the rights in religious knowledge production and build a critical mass of Muslim women who take an active part in the struggle for gender and social justice. However, the development of Muslim women’s movement has been far more vibrant through its engagement with the dynamic of its surrounding socio-political circumstances and though critical dialogue with broader currents of feminist thoughts. Such complex genealogies have enabled Muslim women’s movement to claim its own identity as indigenous Islamic feminism that poses multiple critiques to any unjust systems that deprive Muslim women of their rights.
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Maughan, Steven S. "Sisters and Brothers Abroad: Gender, Race, Empire and Anglican Missionary Reformism in Hawai‘i and the Pacific, 1858–75." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.18.
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British Anglo-Catholic and high church Anglicans promoted a new set of foreign missionary initiatives in the Pacific and South and East Africa in the 1860s. Theorizing new indigenizing models for mission inspired by Tractarian medievalism, the initiatives envisioned a different and better engagement with ‘native’ cultures. Despite setbacks, the continued use of Anglican sisters in Hawai‘i and brothers in Melanesia, Africa and India created a potent new imaginative space for missionary endeavour, but one problematized by the uneven reach of empire: from contested, as in the Pacific, to normal and pervasive, as in India. Of particular relevance was the Sandwich Islands mission, invited by the Hawaiian crown, where Bishop T. N. Staley arrived in 1862, followed by Anglican missionary sisters in 1864. Immensely controversial in Britain and America, where among evangelicals in particular suspicion of ‘popish’ religious practice ran high, Anglo-Catholic methods and religious communities mobilized discussion, denunciation and reaction. Particularly in the contested imperial space of an independent indigenous monarchy, Anglo-Catholics criticized what they styled the cruel austerities of evangelical American ‘puritanism’ and the ambitions of American imperialists; in the process they catalyzed a reconceptualized imperial reformism with important implications for the shape of the late Victorian British empire.