Academic literature on the topic 'Refugee camps – Nigeria, Eastern'

The crises from the northeastern part of Nigeria and neighbouring countries especially around the Lake Chad region (Cameroun and Chad) have created a lot of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees in the country. This has led to creation of such camps that are scattered all over the country, that is, in the North East, South, South East and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. A lot of humanitarian crises occur in such camps, the most disturbing of which is a violation of certain fundamental human rights, like right to liberty and right to dignity, exploitation and sexual assault. This has led to the creation of Refugee and IDP camps. This article examined the role that law clinics can play in addressing the legal issues highlighted. The history and development of legal education in Nigeria and how it gave birth to law clinics was traced. Moreover, the causes of creation of refugee and IDP camps were discussed. The article recommends that law clinics, through social justice, access to justice and client interview, can play a tremendous role in addressing the legal problems faced by the inhabitants of the camps, and this will also help achieve one of the learning outcomes of the course which deals with humanitarian law. The article further states that the presence/role of law clinics will not only benefit the students of the law clinic and the inhabitants of the camps but also benefit the Federal Government of Nigeria through data collection and statistics from these camps, and it will be a means for the government to curtail human rights violation in such areas.

Informed choice is an important aspect for decision making regarding the uptake and adherence to family planning methods. The women in Bhutanese Refugee camps of Nepal have family planning services available through the primary health centers located within the refugee camps. Objective: This study was conducted to find out the factors related to use of family planning methods by married women of reproductive age in the Bhutanese Refugee camps of eastern Nepal. Results: The study has a response rate of 100.0%. The mean age of the respondents was 29.3 years. Primary health center of the camp was the most commonly known (60.9%) place for accessing family planning methods. One third of the respondents discussed family planning methods with their husbands. The rest didn’t discuss as they felt intimidated by their husband. Almost 90.0% respondents had ever used a family planning method and the most common reason for using a method was the influence of a peer (62.3%). Conclusion: Further studies on exploring the discussion between husband and wives regarding the use of family planning is needed so that appropriate interventions can be identified. The role of the peer could be further explored to assist women to make an informed choice of their family planning method.

The objective of this paper is to characterise internal forced migrants displaced in North Eastern part of Nigeria as the result of conflicts, and natural disasters. It was estimated that nearly 1.8 million out of the total of more than 2.1 million internally displaced people in Nigeria dwell in this region. Data obtained from the United Nations International Organisation for Migration (IOM, Nigeria), was used to attain the research’s goal using Geo-Information techniques (GIS analysis) and statistical analysis. Results revealed that 55 percent of internally displaced people are female while 45 percent are male; it also revealed that 60 percent of IDPs in Northeast Nigeria are dwelling in host communities, while the remaining 40 percent are found in formal and informal camps. The study also revealed that 99.9 percent of the migrants flee because of conflicts and communal clashes, while 0.1 percent escape due to natural disaster. It further revealed that the majority of IDPs were displaced in the year 2015 due to an increase in the number of conflicts and insurgent activities in the region. Finally, this research found that Borno state has the highest number of IDPs, formal and informal camps, and host community settlements.

Wars and conflicts have caused millions of people to seek asylum outside their homelands and the issue of refugee camps has become a pressing subject in international policy discussions. Conflicts continue to escalate in different parts of the world, especially in Middle Eastern countries. In 1948, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict forced displacement of many Palestinian people. The resulting camps have developed into cluster camp shelters of three to four stories in the West Bank, Gaza, and other regions around historical Palestine; some are perceived to be like gated communities. Being self-sufficient environments, refugee camps have rarely been approached from the perspective of urban psychology. This research deals with sensory perceptual analysis of Balata, the largest refugee camp in the West Bank of Palestinian Territories. Balata is situated in Nablus and has raised four generations of refugees since its establishment. In order to explore the spatial characteristics of such specific environmental experiences, the research adopted a mixed-method approach – systematically evaluating the related literature on sensory perceptual spaces and applying content analysis methods. The study modified the sensory slider tool of Malnar and Vodvarka according to the framework matrix based on the content analysis. Moreover, the case study analysis consisted of observation of the chosen area and 30 in-depth interviews with refugees who were forced out of their homes and settled in the camp as well as some who were born in the camp. The research results show that investigating what camp residents perceive of the five senses can capture meaningful sensory perceptual experiences and can generate a holistic mental image of the refugee camp. Particularly, perceptions of the built environment reflect the difficulty of life experiences. The study concludes that the characteristics of camps in this seventy-year-old conflict environment may not be found in other parts of the world.

AbstractIn the immediate aftermath of World War I, the newly formed League of Nations saw Middle Eastern refugees—particularly displaced Armenians and Assyrians scattered in camps across the Eastern Mediterranean—as venues for working out new forms of internationalism. In the late 1940s, following the British abandonment of the Palestine Mandate and the subsequent Zionist expulsion of most of the Palestinian Arab population, the new United Nations revived this concept of a refugee crisis requiring international intervention. This paper examines the parallel ways in which advocates for both the nascent League of Nations and the United Nations made use of mass refugee flows to formulate arguments for new, highly visible, and essentially permanent iterations of international authority across the Middle East.

Nearly one million Rohingya Refugees are living in Cox’s Bazar—a south-eastern district of Bangladesh; among them, more than half a million have fled Myanmar since August 2017. There are always some impacts of refugee settlements on the host environment. Hence, this study has made an initiative to investigate the changes of vegetation covers in four refugee occupied Unions of Teknaf and Ukhia Upazila. Analysing the remotely sensed Landsat imageries using Normalized Difference Vegetation Index method, the spatial extent of sparse vegetation, moderate vegetation, and dense vegetation before and after the occurrence of 2017 Influx have been quantified. The result reveals that nearly 21,000 acres of dense vegetation and more than 1700 acres of moderate vegetation have been reduced within the period of one year in-between 2017 and 2018. On the other hand, during the same period, the refugee sites have been expanded by almost 6000 acres. The main reasons for this drastic reduction of vegetation include the construction of refugee camps by felling the forest and consumption of firewood by refugees from the surrounding forest of their camps. Arrangement of alternative cooking fuel, relocation of refugees, reforestation, and accelerating the repatriation process may reduce the further degradation of vegetation.
 J. Environ. Sci. & Natural Resources, 11(1-2): 9-16 2018

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-136)<br>The study focuses on the impact of the Boko Haram Muslim terrorist group on the socioeconomic well‐being and livelihood of the population in the north‐east of Nigeria. To research the social, economic, religious and political impact of attacks leading to the disruption of people in the north‐east who fled their homes for the safety of southern refugee camps, the study relies on three research questions to be answered, namely: Does the Boko Haram terrorist group pose a threat to the socio‐economic well‐being of people in north‐eastern Nigeria? How have Boko Haram terrorist attacks impacted on the livelihood of the population? What is a viable solution or intervention strategy to deal with the impact of and fight against terrorism in Nigeria in particular? The study adopts an in‐depth qualitative methodology. Different related research techniques are used in data collection and analysis. Focus group discussions, in‐depth interviews and documentary sources have different complementary strengths, which are more comprehensive when used together. Questionnaires will guide the discussions with groups of internally displaced people, who are the units of analysis. Data is gathered through snowball sampling of willing, available respondents to understand and explain their personal views and experiences, creating the meanings they have constructed around their disrupted livelihoods and well‐being in refugee camps. An overarching, broad conflict perspective is chosen, related to Dahrendorf’s views on power struggles of dominant interest groups, authority, inequality and marginalisation of opponents, which also includes complementary concepts of religiously inspired fundamentalist theory focusing on indoctrination, dominance, manipulation and marginalisation of interest groups. This broad conflict perspective will investigate the social, economic, political and religious impacts of Boko Haram in Nigeria. The findings indicate that the Boko Haram attacks had a negative effect on the livelihood of citizens and displaced persons in refugee camps, as well as on the social cohesion and development of the north‐eastern Nigerian state. Conflict resolution and intervention strategies will be implemented to curb the violence. Societal transformation is recommended for infrastructural development and job creation to solve poverty and gainfully cater for educated, unemployed youths, now recruited into the ranks of the Boko Haram Muslim sect.<br>Sociology<br>M.A. (Sociology)

The military operation to unseat Mobutu forms the subject of this chapter. It opens with the blistering assault of the Rwandan Patriotic Army on the giant refugee camps outside Goma and Bukavu. Hundreds of thousands were repatriated, but the génocidaire hard core escaped into the Congolese rainforest. The failure to eradicate this threat would prove deeply consequential: it meant that the hunt for Interahamwe in Congo competed for Kabarebe’s attention with the campaign against Mobutu, leaving little time to focus on the all-important political task of building the AFDL into a true liberation movement. This was further complicated by emerging rivalries inside the AFDL which pitted the Congolese protagonists against each other—notably Kabila versus his fellow Katangese of the Tigres Katangais—but also the RPF against their Angolan comrades of the MPLA. Though the AFDL was a Pan-Africanist affair with military support and political encadrement from Eritrea, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Uganda, South Africa and Zambia, the two main providers of hard muscle—Kigali and Luanda—found themselves stumbling into a “race to Kinshasa,” when AFDL troops crossed from Eastern Congo into Western Congo around the border town of Tshikapa.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A &amp; M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&amp;M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

The flight of refugees has been part of the human condition since the beginning of time. Recent events in the Middle East have caused a mass migration of refugees from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Their primary destination has been Europe, more specifically, the affluent, better industrialized countries of central and northern Europe. However, the European law currently requires that refugees must be processed at the first port of entry to Europe. In most cases, this involves the eastern Aegean Sea islands of Greece. Here the refugee camps have become overcrowded and underfunded, and have little medical care and security. The Greek government has limited resources and the response for support from the more affluent European countries has been underwhelming. Here we summarize the lack of health security from the refugee perspective of those that are awaiting entry to Europe and are encamped in Greece.

Across the world, media has been used to promote policies, including those associated with general public health and those targeting vulnerable groups such as internally displaced persons (IDPs). Since 2002, North-eastern Nigeria has suffered immensely from the Boko Haram insurgency causing thousands of deaths and the displacement of persons. Drawing on secondary data and employing descriptive analysis, the chapter discusses the common health crises IDPs in Nigeria face and addresses how media advocacy can be adopted in improving better health interventions for IDPs in Nigeria. The study found that the poor health care interventions in IDP camps are direct reflections of the poor health system of the Nigerian state. It recommends media advocacy both for the immediate intervention of relevant actors especially the government in providing better health care for IDPs as well as the long-term interventions in the initiation of better health care policies for IDPs.