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Journal articles on the topic 'Refugee Movement'
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1
Havas, Clemens, Lorenz Wendlinger, Julian Stier, Sahib Julka, Veronika Krieger, Cornelia Ferner, Andreas Petutschnig, Michael Granitzer, Stefan Wegenkittl, and Bernd Resch. "Spatio-Temporal Machine Learning Analysis of Social Media Data and Refugee Movement Statistics." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, no. 8 (July 23, 2021): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10080498.
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In 2015, within the timespan of only a few months, more than a million people made their way from Turkey to Central Europe in the wake of the Syrian civil war. At the time, public authorities and relief organisations struggled with the admission, transfer, care, and accommodation of refugees due to the information gap about ongoing refugee movements. Therefore, we propose an approach utilising machine learning methods and publicly available data to provide more information about refugee movements. The approach combines methods to analyse the textual, temporal and spatial features of social media data and the number of arriving refugees of historical refugee movement statistics to provide relevant and up to date information about refugee movements and expected numbers. The results include spatial patterns and factual information about collective refugee movements extracted from social media data that match actual movement patterns. Furthermore, our approach enables us to forecast and simulate refugee movements to forecast an increase or decrease in the number of incoming refugees and to analyse potential future scenarios. We demonstrate that the approach proposed in this article benefits refugee management and vastly improves the status quo.
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Koca, Burcu Togral. "New Social Movements: “Refugees Welcome UK”." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 2 (January 29, 2016): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n2p96.
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This study addresses the dynamics of new social movements with a special emphasis on the “Refugees Welcome UK” in the light of the Syrian refugee crisis. Since March 2011, over four millions of people have fled civil war in Syria and sought refuge mainly in neighbouring countries, such as Turkey, Jordan, Egypt and Lebanon. However, precarious living circumstances and uncertain legal status in these countries have forced hundreds of thousands of Syrians to head for Europe in quest for a better life. The European countries, on the other hand, have adopted restrictive approaches towards Syrian refugees. Among these European countries, the UK has been the most criticized one because of its indifference to the plight of Syrian refugees. Under the leadership of David Cameron, the UK has taken a restrictive stance on accepting Syrian refugees and resisted any solution attempts at the EU level. Contrary to this anti-refugee approach at the state level, there emerged social movements in support of refugees throughout the UK. The most prominent one is the “Refugees Welcome” movement engaging in various strategies, ranging from seeking donation to raising public awareness. Building upon the insights of “New Social Movements” paradigm and using documentary analysis, this article explores the dynamics of this movement, its demands and objectives, social base, organizational structure, mobilization strategies and medium of action and social location. The article seeks to contribute both to the literature on social movements and to the current debate on refugees.
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Calka, Beata, and Bruce Cahan. "Interactive map of refugee movement in Europe." Geodesy and Cartography 65, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/geocart-2016-0010.
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Abstract Considering the recent mass movement of people fleeing war and oppression, an analysis of changes in migration, in particular an analysis of the final destination refugees choose, seems to be of utmost importance. Many international organisations like UNHCR (the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) or EuroStat gather and provide information on the number of refugees and the routes they follow. What is also needed to study the state of affairs closely is a visual form presenting the rapidly changing situation. An analysis of the problem together with up-to-date statistical data presented in the visual form of a map is essential. This article describes methods of preparing such interactive maps displaying movement of refugees in European Union countries. Those maps would show changes taking place throughout recent years but also the dynamics of the development of the refugee crisis in Europe. The ArcGIS software was applied to make the map accessible on the Internet. Additionally, online sources and newspaper articles were used to present the movement of migrants. The interactive map makes it possible to watch spatial data with an opportunity to navigate within the map window. Because of that it is a clear and convenient tool to visualise such processes as refugee migration in Europe.
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Hugo, Graeme, Mohammad Jalal Abbasi-Shavazi, and Rasoul Sadeghi. "Refugee movement and development – Afghan refugees in Iran." Migration and Development 1, no. 2 (December 2012): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21632324.2012.749741.
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Khamala, Charles A. "‘When Rescuers become Refoulers: Closing Kenya’s Refugee Camps amid Terrorism Threats’ and leaving vulnerable groups out in the cold." Africa Nazarene University Law Journal 8, no. 1 (2020): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/anulj/v8/i1a1.
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Kenya’s counter-terrorism measures, following entry into Somalia, relocated refugees to designated camps. However, by violating a refugee’s freedom of movement, mass relocation contravenes the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR). Regional jurisprudence informed the Kenyan High Court’s Kituo cha Sheria v Attorney General decision holding that mass refugee relocation is indeed refoulement. It necessarily discriminates, punishes disproportionately, and may amount to a ‘failure to protect’ refugees against torture, a crime against humanity. However, the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Refugees Convention) merely prohibits hosts from returning escapees to countries where they are targeted for persecution. Conversely, refugees who are either reasonably regarded as threatening national security or reasonably suspected of serious crimes are deemed to ‘waive’ their non-refoulement right. Nonetheless, the court’s legal moralism insisted that states should prove ‘waiver’ and never torture refugees. Invoking an ‘individual criminality’ principle required proof of a refugee’s dangerousness. Suspects can furthermore not be condemned unheard. Therefore, establishing whether ‘mass waiver’ is possible, is problematic. Are blanket relocation directives justifiable simply because proving ‘reasonable belief’ of refugees committing terror acts or serious crimes are difficult? Although Samow Mumin Mohamed v Cabinet Secretary, Ministry of Interior Security and Co-Ordination condoned mass refugee relocation Refugee Consortium of Kenya v Attorney did not. Curiously, to clarify the ambiguity Kenya National Commission on Human Rights v Attorney Genera elevated the required standard of proof for ‘waiver’ under the Refugees Convention to one of ‘beyond reasonable doubt.’ Previously, in Coalition for Reform and Democracy (CORD) v Republic of Kenya legislative caps on refugee numbers were rejected. Subsequently, a new Refugee Bill (2019) proposes to legalise confining refugees to designated camps. This article applies common-law principles of the duty on rescuers to evaluate whether mass refugee relocation refoules.
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Kaiser, Tania. "Between a camp and a hard place: rights, livelihood and experiences of the local settlement system for long-term refugees in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 597–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06002102.
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Drawing on qualitative research with refugees in and outside formal settlements, this article challenges characterisations of Uganda's UNHCR-supported refugee settlement system as un-problematically successful. It shows that by denying refugees freedom of movement, the settlement system undermines their socio-economic and other rights. Refugees who remain outside the formal system of refugee registration and settlement are deprived of the refugee status to which they are entitled under international law. The article questions the conventional opposition between refugees living in and out of refugee settlements in the Ugandan context, revealing a more complex and interconnected dynamic than is often assumed. It suggests that those refugees with some external support may be able to escape the confines of remote rural settlements, where refugee agricultural livelihoods are seriously compromised by distance from markets, unfavourable climatic conditions, exhausted soil and inadequate inputs. It argues that refugee livelihoods face more rather than fewer challenges as exile becomes protracted, and concludes that the government and UNHCR's Self Reliance Strategy (SRS) has not yet managed to overcome the contradiction inherent in denying people freedom of movement, without supporting them effectively to meet their needs in the places to which they are restricted.
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Latonero, Mark, and Paula Kift. "On Digital Passages and Borders: Refugees and the New Infrastructure for Movement and Control." Social Media + Society 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 205630511876443. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118764432.
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Since 2014, millions of refugees and migrants have arrived at the borders of Europe. This article argues that, in making their way to safe spaces, refugees rely not only on a physical but increasingly also digital infrastructure of movement. Social media, mobile devices, and similar digitally networked technologies comprise this infrastructure of “digital passages”—sociotechnical spaces of flows in which refugees, smugglers, governments, and corporations interact with each other and with new technologies. At the same time, a digital infrastructure for movement can just as easily be leveraged for surveillance and control. European border policies, in particular, instantiate digital controls over refugee movement and identity. We review the actors, technologies, and policies of movement and control in the EU context and argue that scholars, policymakers, and the tech community alike should pay heed to the ethics of the use of new technologies in refugee and migration flows.
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Roma, Giovanna. "The Indochinese Refugee Movement: An Exploratory Case Study of the Windsor Experience." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 32, no. 2 (September 2, 2016): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40261.
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Following the fall of Saigon in 1975, thousands fled Indochina in small boats to attain political asylum in neighbouring countries. Canada played a leading role in the resettlement of thousands of Indochinese refugees, and a significant part of this national effort was led by the city of Windsor, Ontario. This article examines Windsor’s local efforts to sponsor and integrate Indochinese refugees into Canadian society. In late 1977, Windsor Mayor Bert Weeks established an ad hoc committee on Indochinese refugees. Together with volunteers from local faith communities and non-governmental organizations, the city created a vast resettlement network and assumed the sponsorship of several families, well before the wave of refugees arrived in 1979. As an exploratory work, this article provides evidence of Windsor’s pivotal role in shaping the Canadian response to the Indochinese refugee crisis and may challenge the national narrative that large Canadian cities led refugee resettlement efforts. This study is timely, as important lessons can be drawn from the Windsor experience.
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Genc, Elif. "Commoning the Komal: The Toronto Kurdish Community Centre." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 2 (August 16, 2019): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/276.
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Within the walls of this two-story storefront, a distinct alternative practice of radical politics and life is taking place. In fact, what would appear to be an extension of the Kurdish social movement, as it is understood, is being practiced against a backdrop of the refugee experience within the metropolitan city limits of Toronto. This practice of what is arguably feminist anarchism has become known in the recent years by the title “Democratic Confederalism” (Öcalan 2011). Democratic Confederalism in its feminist anarchist framework reflects our understanding of what is known within the Marxist tradition today as “the commons” (Federici & Linebaugh 2018). This paper seeks to show that the Kurdish Community Centre has, over nearly three decades, established for its members within Toronto a space that attempts to practice a radical feminist politics mirroring our understanding of “the commons”. However, similar to the dilemma of most leftist social movements, struggles with the divide between theory and praxis across space and time mark the centre’s main concerns. Exclusive to the diasporic experince, the Kurdish refugees are faced with trying to navigate their anti-state Kurdish revolutionary struggle within a nation that has provided them refuge. This paper will explore what is understood as “komal” (community) and how have these community centres come to represent the Kurdish social movement in diaspora spaces through refugee lived experiences—particularly the Kurdish woman’s.
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Miller, Todd. "“The Refugee Movement is the Movement of Today”." NACLA Report on the Americas 49, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 457–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2017.1409021.
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Syahrin, M. Alvi, and Yusa Shabri Utomo. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ASYLUM SEEKERS DAN REFUGEES LAW ENFORCEMENT IN INDONESIA AFTER PRESIDENTIAL DECREE NUMBER 125 OF 2016 ON THE TREATMENT OF FOREIGN REFUGEES." Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Keimigrasian 2, no. 2 (October 20, 2019): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.52617/jikk.v2i2.60.
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The movement of population was only a domestic issue of a country, but along with the number of countries that paid attention to Asylum Seekers and Refugee so that these issues become worldwide problem. In International law the existence of these refugee protected by the 1951 Refugee Convention and 1967 Refugee Protocol about Refugee. The Indonesian state did not ratify the Protocol so that Indonesia was not obliged to accept the asylum seekers and refugee. However, Indonesia’s strategic position makes Indonesia become a transit country for those who want to continue into the destination country. Therefore, the Government of Indonesia issued a Presidential Decree Number 125 of 2016 concerning Handling of Foreign Refugees. The problem research is how to handling asylum seekers and refugee after the publication of Presidential Decree Number 125 of 2016 concerning Handling of Foreign Refugees. This research is used empirical-normative research methods. Thus, the Government of Indonesia already has a legal basis to handle these asylum seekers and refugees. Indonesia is expected can be more instrumental in addressing the problem of asylum seekers and refugees internationally even thought Indonesia has not ratified the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol. However, in its implementation Presidential Decree Number 125 of 2016 concerning Handling of Foreign Refugees did not run smoothly. It’s because a lot of their handling has not yet referred to the Presidential Regulation.
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Dryden-Peterson, Sarah. "The Politics of Higher Education for Refugees in a Global Movement for Primary Education." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 27, no. 2 (January 18, 2012): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.34718.
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In the context of Education for All (EFA) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), global movements for expanded access to education have focused on primary education. In refugee situations, where one-quarter of refugees do not have access to primary school and two-thirds do not have access to secondary school, donors and agencies resist supporting higher education with arguments that, at great cost, it stands to benefit a small and elite group. At the same time, refugees are clear that progression to higher levels of education is integrally connected with their future livelihoods and future stability for their regions of origin. This paper examines where higher education fits within a broader framework of refugee education and the politics of its provision, with attention to the policies and priorities of UN agencies, NGOs, national governments, and refugees themselves.
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De Jong, Sara, and Ilker Ataç. "Demand and Deliver: Refugee Support Organisations in Austria." Social Inclusion 5, no. 3 (September 19, 2017): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i3.1003.
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This article analyses four emerging refugee support organisations in Austria, founded before the so-called refugee crisis in 2015. It argues that these organisations have managed to occupy a middle space between mainstream NGOs and social movements with structures of inclusive governance, a high degree of autonomy, personalised relationships with refugees, and radical critique combined with service delivery. Based on interviews with the founders of each organisation, we show that their previous NGO and social movement experience formed a springboard for the new initiatives. It not only allowed them to identify significant gaps in existing service provision, but also provided the space of confrontation with the asylum system inspiring a strong sense of outrage, which in turn developed into political critique. We argue that this critique combined with identifying the needs of asylum seekers and refugees has produced a new type of organisation, which both delivers services and articulates radical demands. Each organisation offers a space of encounter, which undoes the ‘organised disintegration’ of the asylum system.
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Kende, Anna, Nóra Anna Lantos, Anna Belinszky, Sára Csaba, and Zsófia Anna Lukács. "The politicized motivations of volunteers in the refugee crisis: Intergroup helping as the means to achieve social change." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 1 (May 15, 2017): 260–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i1.642.
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The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe despite the government’s hostile stance. We conducted a survey (N = 1459) among people who were active in supporting refugees and providing services to them to test the hypothesis of whether volunteers in the context of this humanitarian crisis had social change motivations similar to those engaged in direct political activism. Hierarchical regression analysis and mediation analysis revealed the importance of opinion-based identity and moral convictions as predictors of volunteerism, while efficacy beliefs and anger only predicted political activism. Our findings suggest that volunteers engaged in helping refugees based on motivations previously described as drivers of mobilization for political activism, but chose volunteerism to alleviate the problems embedded in the intergroup situation. Although the context of the refugee crisis in Hungary may have been somewhat unique, these findings have implications for other asymmetrical politicized intergroup relations in which advantaged group members can choose to offer humanitarian aid, engage in political actions to change the situation, or do both. Background The refugee crisis in the summer of 2015 mobilized thousands of volunteers in Hungary to help refugees on their journey through Europe. Because of the Hungarian government’s explicitly hostile stance toward refugees, offering volunteer help was treated as an expression of political dissent by authorities. Why was this study done? We investigated the motivations of volunteers within this political climate. The psychological motivations to engage in political protest and volunteerism can be distinguished based on previous research. Volunteerism is the intentional engagement in helping for the benefit of others; it can be long term or flare up in moments of crisis, but it does not necessarily entail intentions to bring about change. In contrast, engagement in political protest is motivated by peoples’ intentions to address injustice and achieve change. As the refugee crisis evoked both types of actions (volunteerism and political protests), it provided us with the opportunity to investigate whether volunteering was driven by (1) motivation to bring about social change, (2) identification with the pro-refugee movement, and (3) experiencing a violation to their moral principles, all of which are typical for political activists. What did the researchers do and find? We conducted a survey among people who were active in supporting refugees, or participated in political protests. 1459 participants completed our online survey. We measured their level of moral conviction, identification with the pro-refugee opinion group, anger about the situation, and belief in their group’s efficacy to achieve change. Our results showed that identification with the pro-refugee movement and moral conviction were important motivations primarily for volunteers, while belief in the efficacy of the movement and anger were more closely related to engagement in political activism. What do these findings mean? We therefore suggest that activities of pro-refugee volunteers became the means to express moral convictions and a desire for social change. We used the case of the refugee crisis to draw attention to the importance of understanding the similarities and differences in the paths toward volunteerism and political activism, in terms of peoples’ motivation to achieve change, as social movements are just as dependent on mobilizing allies for political actions as they are on mobilizing volunteers.
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BRADLEY, MEGAN. "Rethinking refugeehood: statelessness, repatriation, and refugee agency." Review of International Studies 40, no. 1 (February 11, 2013): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000514.
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AbstractHannah Arendt's characterisation of the refugee as rightless and stateless has become a touchstone for scholars grappling with the nature of forced migration and exile. While aspects of Arendt's depiction continue to resonate, the notion of refugees as stateless, rightless ‘scum of the earth’ is now in many cases anachronistic, and no longer clearly reflects the challenges now faced by the majority of the world's refugees. This is attributable to structural changes in the refugee regime, particularly the increased focus on repatriation and the reconstitution of the relationship between refugees and their states of origin, a possibility largely unforeseen by Arendt. Drawing on the example of the Guatemalan repatriation movement, this article contends that indiscriminately portraying refugees as stateless represents a potential disservice to the displaced, as it may inadvertently undermine refugees' claims against their states of origin for the redress of their rights as citizens. There is a need to expand theorising on refugees from a narrow focus on the refugee as rightless and stateless to a broader conception of the refugee as a bearer of claims for the renegotiation of her relationship with her state.
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Ab.Wahab, Andika, and Aizat Khairi. "MOVING ONWARD: TRANSNATIONALISM AND FACTORS INFLUENCING ROHINGYAS’ MIGRATION FROM BANGLADESH TO MALAYSIA." Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 4, no. 1 (June 29, 2019): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol4iss1pp49-68.
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Continuous human rights persecutions have forced nearly one million Rohingyas to flee from Myanmar and seek refuge in Bangladesh. While their forced migration to the first asylum country of Bangladesh is inevitable, some have been compelled to move onward to other transit countries. Existing studies indicate various factors influencing cross-border activities among different segments of immigrants. They also suggest that the degree of transnationalism affects different kind of people on the move, subsequently brings about unique consequences to receiving community. In this study, we aim to determine factors contributing to the onward movement of Rohingyas from their refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh to Malaysia. We utilize the broader concept of transnationalism in order to gauge the Rohingyas’ perception and the realities they face in relation to their onward movement from Bangladesh to Malaysia. This study employed three methods of data collection namely a survey, an in-depth interview and a focus group discussion in engaging the Rohingyas in Klang Valley, Malaysia. Resulting from a two-part of data collection conducted in 2013 and 2016, we found that the onward movement of Rohingyas was mostly driven by poverty, unconducive livelihood experiences, limited access to humanitarian aid, and inadequate refugee protection in Bangladesh. Meanwhile, positive Rohingyas’ perception toward Malaysia, coupled with the availability of job opportunities have attracted them to choose Malaysia as the next asylum country. While this study enriches the existing literatures on transnationalism and onward movement of refugees, it also provides empirical evidences for humanitarian assistances in Bangladesh and Malaysia. Keywords: Forced migration, onward movement, refugees, Rohingya, transnationalism. Cite as: Ab. Wahab, A. & Khairi, A. (2019). Moving onward: Transnationalism and factors influencing Rohingyas’ migration from Bangladesh to Malaysia. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 4(1), 49-68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol4iss1pp49-68
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Grewcock, Michael. "‘Our lives is in danger’: Manus Island and the end of asylum." Race & Class 59, no. 2 (July 14, 2017): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817717860.
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The Australian-funded and operated immigration detention centre on Manus Island, Papua New Guinea, serves as a frontline for Australia’s border policing measures against unauthorised refugees. The willingness of the Australian state to forcibly transfer and detain refugees at sites such as Manus Island reflects its commitment to deterring unauthorised arrivals by punishing them for their methods of travel. Comparing the outcomes of the 2016 refugee global summits and recent public inquiries into the conditions on Manus Island, this article considers the disconnect between Australia’s criminogenic border policing practices and its supposed commitments to a humanitarian refugee resettlement policy. It argues that the dominant view of resettlement as an outcome to be bestowed on ‘worthy’ refugees removes refugee agency and enables ongoing and systemic human rights abuses at sites such as Manus Island. For refugees this can only be resolved by establishing a right to free movement.
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Madziva, Roda. "Bordering Through Religion: A Case Study of Christians from the Muslim Majority World Seeking Asylum in the UK." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i3.1591.
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The current global ‘crisis’ of the refugee movement has drawn to the forefront longstanding public worries about welcoming and accommodating refugees, especially in liberal democratic States. While religion is central to refuge, very little is known about the experiences of individuals seeking refugee protection on religious grounds and even the racialisation of religious identities within the asylum adjudication system. Drawing on ethnographic research with Christians from Pakistan, who are seeking asylum in the United Kingdom (UK), this paper explores the religious discrimination that this group faces within the context of the UK’s current hostile environment. Findings reveal a complex issue of misdirected Islamophobia, along with other multi-layered forms of stereotyping. By exploring and engaging with these issues, the paper aims to highlight the complex ‘borders’ that those seeking protection on religious grounds have to negotiate as they move through the asylum adjudication system.
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Bjørkhaug, Ingunn. "Revisiting the Refugee–Host Relationship in Nakivale Refugee Settlement: A Dialogue with the Oxford Refugee Studies Centre." Journal on Migration and Human Security 8, no. 3 (September 2020): 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2331502420948465.
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Executive Summary Uganda has long promoted refugee self-reliance as a sustainable livelihood strategy with progressive land-allocation and free-movement-for-work policies. Framed as a dialogue with related Oxford University Refugee Studies Centre (“the Centre”) research on refugee economies, this article explores sustainable solutions that benefit refugees as well as the host populations that receive them. It explores the self-reliance opportunities that depend on the transnational, national, and local markets in which refugees participate. It acknowledges the Centre’s substantial work and welcomes its focus on economic outcomes. For Nakivale Refugee Settlement in Uganda, however, the discussion of “refugee economies” may not be complete without problematizing the effects on the host populations living alongside the refugees. Based on qualitative data collected at Nakivale in 2013 (concurrent with the Centre’s fieldwork), the article discusses the Centre’s market-based approach to refugee economies by emphasizing four essential considerations: Land distribution in Nakivale is not sustainable. Corruption strongly influences the refugee and host populations living in Nakivale. The impact on the local host population is not homogeneous. Among refugees, the Somali–Congolese relationship is exploitative, not amicable. This article discusses how Uganda’s refugee policies create economic profit for some but poverty for others. As a result, its welcoming open door is on the verge of collapse. The recommendations address alternative refugee-protection approaches that aim to lower the pressure on land allocation, enable a self-sustainable approach that protects the host population, and provide refugees with some degree of self-reliance. This discussion does not discount the Centre’s finding that entrepreneurship is an important part of such solutions. Instead, it addresses the challenges of using entrepreneurship as a durable solution — as long as Uganda’s dominant policy is self-reliance based on distribution of food and land and the refugees’ limited cultivation of that land. To addresses some of the obstacles for durable solutions in a way that protects both the refugees and the host population, this article makes four recommendations for policy and practice. With assistance from the international community, the Ugandan government should: Prioritize the welfare of its citizens who live in Nakivale in the national land-allocation strategy. Enact clear and consistent legislation regarding autochthonous land ownership and use of eviction policies, and design economic reforms to eliminate systemic corruption. Include non-agricultural income-generating activities in the self-reliance policy, and finance entrepreneurs through governmental or international funding. Allow refugees to move away from the settlement without loss of refugee status or access to assistance.
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Sherry, Bennett G. "Cul-de-sac to the West: Human Rights and Hypocrisy between Turkey and Europe in the 1980s." Asian Review of World Histories 7, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2019): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340052.
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Abstract In the 1980s, over a million Iranian asylum seekers transited through Turkey on their way west, most moving through irregular migration channels. While much has been made of Turkey’s evolving role in more recent refugee crises, this literature neglects the importance of the 1980s Iranian refugee migrations in shaping the global refugee system. By connecting the story of the international human rights movement to the Ankara office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), this paper emphasizes the role of non-state actors. Based on research in the archives of the UNHCR, this paper argues that the UNHCR and Amnesty International used human rights as a tool to pressure Turkey to open its doors to Iranian refugees in the early 1980s, and that this tactic backfired when the West closed its own doors on refugees later in the decade. The result was the increased forcible return of refugees by Turkish authorities to Iran and newly restrictive asylum policies, which would shape refugee migrations through Turkey for decades. For millions of refugees, Turkey has served as transit hub on their journey west; in the 1980s, human rights hypocrisy made it a cul-de-sac.
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Betts, Alexander. "Refugees And Patronage: A Political History Of Uganda’s ‘Progressive’ Refugee Policies." African Affairs 120, no. 479 (April 1, 2021): 243–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab012.
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Abstract Uganda’s self-reliance policy for refugees has been recognized as among the most progressive refugee policies in the world. In contrast to many refugee-hosting countries, it allows refugees the right to work and freedom of movement. It has been widely praised as a model for other countries to emulate. However, there has been little research on the politics that underlie Uganda’s approach. Why has Uganda maintained these policies despite hosting more refugees than any country in Africa? Based on archival research and elite interviews, this article provides a political history of Uganda’s self-reliance policies from independence to the present. It unveils significant continuity in both the policies and the underlying politics. Refugee policy has been used by Ugandan leaders to strengthen patronage and assert political authority within strategically important refugee-hosting hinterlands. International donors have abetted domestic illiberalism in order to sustain a liberal internationalist success story. The politics of patronage and refugee policy have worked hand-in-hand. Patronage has, in the Ugandan case, been integral to the functioning of the international refugee system. Rather than being an inevitably ‘African’ phenomenon or the unavoidable legacy of colonialism, patronage politics has been enabled by, and essential to, liberal internationalism.
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Goodwin-Gill, Guy S. "International Refugee Law: Where it Comes From, and Where It's Going…" International Journal of Legal Information 45, no. 1 (March 2017): 24–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jli.2017.11.
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AbstractDespite nearly 100 years of international organization and practice, international refugee law is confronted today with the critical challenges of globalization, securitization and an increasingly mobile world. Large-scale movements have exposed serious cracks in the European project; the EU's stated policy goal seems simply to keep refugees away. Elsewhere, numerous refugee situations are “protracted,” while persistent underdevelopment continues to drive the movement of people between States, in a context in which States appear unable to manage “irregular” migration. If a generous asylum policy is in practice, contingent on well-controlled external borders, can the basic rules of protection survive? Or are asylum and the principle of non-return to persecution (non-refoulement) at risk in a new international legal order? These are the issues addressed below.
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Van De Peer, Stefanie. "Seascapes of solidarity." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 18 (December 1, 2019): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.18.04.
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Films about refugees have been embraced by accented cinema. Indeed, exilic filmmakers continue to test the boundaries of cinema, and specifically its strong bonds with nation and land. But not all exiles are refugees. This article offers that for Arab refugees the journeys across the sea define their filmmaking and thus also the refugee film. If we acknowledge the sea as a central theme, motif and stylistic element in (some) refugee cinema, spectators may be able to experience refugee cinema more ethically. Using the concept of “Mediterranean thinking” as a central analytical tool, this article focuses on the visual representations of refugees in films made on and in the Mediterranean Sea, problematising the injustices in the representation of refugees since the so-called “refugee crisis”. With a film-philosophical approach to four films from North Africa and Syria, I emphasise how filmmakers directly or indirectly address the senses of their spectators with a cinema that highlights the instability of knowledge and power through movement and fluidity. An in-depth analysis of the visual qualities of water places fluid space and time at the centre of these refugee films. In Mediterranean refugee filmmaking, water enables an embodied experience that leads to allegiance and sympathy, in order to achieve solidarity. This approach is based on a desire to contribute to a new historiography in the service of a more just world. Transnational journeys shape the representations of refugees travelling, transforming and transcending the Mediterranean. Ultimately, this article examines how the migrant and the sea itself develop with the “refugee crisis”, visualised in a cinema adrift on the Mediterranean Sea.
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Loughnan, Claire. "Regional deterrence and ‘non-genuine’ refugees: The punitive legacy of the 1989 Comprehensive Plan of Action." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 28, no. 2 (April 19, 2019): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196819842972.
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The outsourcing of refugee protection obligations is reshaping state relations in the Asia Pacific and Southeast Asian region and has underscored a progressively punitive approach to ‘irregular’ refugee movement. Such a shift can be partially but importantly traced to the deterrent foundations of Australia's dual-track processing system, introduced as an outcome of the 1989 Comprehensive Plan of Action on Indochinese Refugees (CPA). Although the CPA was a multilateral attempt to improve access to refugee protection through a coordinated regional response, in many respects it undermined the potential for refugee protection. By examining the history and motivations of regional responses, we can trace their impact as an exercise in either affirming or disavowing regional responsibility for refugee protection, while enabling some states to retain and even increase their capacity for control in the region. Given the call by the Global Compact on Refugees for coordinated regionally responsive approaches based on humanitarian principles, the crafting of regional and global plans, their motives and their governing logic, require ongoing and careful attention to ascertain the forms of responsibility or irresponsibility for refugee protection which they might sustain over time.
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Frohnert, Pär. "Swedish Refugee Relief NGOs in the Shadow of Nazi Germany: Possibilities and Restraints in ‘the People’s Home’." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 2 (September 11, 2019): 277–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00502004.
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NGOs were established in Sweden to help refugees from Nazi Germany. The government, dominated by Social Democrats, pursued a restrictive refugee policy and refugees were dependent on NGOs for support. The Labour Movement Refugee Relief, founded by the Social Democrats and the Trade Unions, used insider tactics and had strong expert and logistical authority. The Communist Red Aid pursued outsider tactics and relentlessly criticised the government. The Subscription for Exiled Intellectuals was an independent organisation that was critical of the official policy and yet had government ties. Important conclusions are that NGOs contributed to shape legislation and succeeded in securing state subsidies from 1939, but were unable to stop the increased restrictiveness from 1938 caused by the international refugee crisis. From 1943 onwards, many more refugees arrived and the state took financial responsibility. NGOs lost their crucial role. In general, the NGOs show very different characteristics due to their specific preconditions.
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Agustín, Óscar García, and Martin Bak Jørgensen. "Solidarity Cities and Cosmopolitanism from Below: Barcelona as a Refugee City." Social Inclusion 7, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.2063.
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The so-called ‘refugee crisis’ provoked a wave of solidarity movements across Europe. These movements contrasted with attitudes of rejection against refugees from almost all EU member states and a lack of coordinated and satisfactory response from the EU as an institution. The growth of the solidarity movement entails backlash of nationalized identities, while the resistance of the member states to accept refugees represents the failure of the cosmopolitan view attached to the EU. In the article, we argue that the European solidarity movement shapes a new kind of cosmopolitanism: cosmopolitanism from below, which fosters an inclusionary universalism, which is both critical and conflictual. The urban scale thus becomes the place to locally articulate inclusive communities where solidarity bonds and coexistence prevail before national borders and cosmopolitan imaginaries about welcoming, human rights, and the universal political community are enhanced. We use the case of Barcelona to provide a concrete example of intersections between civil society and a municipal government. We relate this discussion to ongoing debates about ‘sanctuary cities’ and solidarity cities and discuss how urban solidarities can have a transformative role at the city level. Furthermore, we discuss how practices on the scale of the city are up-scaled and used to forge trans-local solidarities and city networks.
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Parker, Samuel, Anja Aaheim Naper, and Simon Goodman. "How a photograph of a drowned refugee child turned a migrant crisis into a refugee crisis: A comparative discourse analysis." for(e)dialogue 2, no. 1 (June 29, 2018): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/for(e)dialogue.v2i1.601.
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The ‘refugee crisis’ refers to the on-going movement of people crossing into Europe, in which over 3,692 migrants and refugees died in 2015. A key point in this ‘crisis’ was the publishing of photographs of one of the young children who died. Despite the death toll, representations and the resulting treatment of refugees in Europe remained ambivalent. This paper compares the representation of the ‘crisis’ across three countries (The UK, Norway and Australia) before and after the publishing of the photographs from one major broadcaster in each country using discourse analysis. It is shown that the photographs led to a more sympathetic portrayal of refugees resulting in the ‘crisis’ shifting from a ‘migrant’ to a ‘refugee crisis’. This analysis demonstrates the importance of the ways in which refugees are presented as well as the benefits of a comparative and interdisciplinary approach to discourse analysis.
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Madokoro, Laura. "The Refugee ritual: Sopron students in Canada." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 19, no. 1 (May 28, 2009): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037434ar.
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Abstract In the power politics of international migration, the relationship between migrants and the states that receive them are inherently uneven. This is particularly true of the international refugee regime and the manner in which refugees have been identified and resettled in the postwar period. This paper traces the journey of 200 student refugees from Sopron University in Hungary to the University of British Columbia in 1956, following the failure of the Hungarian Revolution. It argues that the manner in which the Sopron students were selected and then settled in Canada assumed ritualistic characteristics with which the federal government attempted to shape their identity and normalize their entry into Canadian society. Tracing the Sopron students’ refugee experience beginning with their flight from Hungary to their graduation from the University of British Columbia, this paper identifies four components to the refugee ritual: selection, movement, settlement and commemoration and argues that because the Sopron forestry students migrated as a group, they experienced the ritual experience to a far greater degree than other student refugees in Canada.
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Dreisziger, Nador F. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: The Legacy of the Refugees." Nationalities Papers 13, no. 2 (1985): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998508408022.
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The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 exerted a deep influence on the international communist movement and greatly affected the political and economic outlook in Hungary. A less well-known legacy of the uprising is what may be called the refugee experience, a momentous chapter in the history of human migration and resettlement. An examination of this experience reveals that the appearance of the Hungarian refugees in Western Europe and the New World greatly changed the development of Hungarian ethnic communities already in existence there, and that the refugees’ presence in the West continues to have lasting influence on relations between Hungary and the West.In the past, Hungary has been both a source of refugees and a refuge for them. Many times in her history has she offered refuge to persecuted minorities and fugitives driven out of their own countries by war or other calamities. She has also sent her own refugees to the four corners of the world, after such events as the Rákóczi Uprising of the early eighteenth century, the War of Independece of 1848-49, the revolutions of 1918-19, and the Second World War.
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Rodríguez López, María Teresa, and Álvaro Eduardo Caballeros Herrera. "Más allá de la frontera. Movilidad y reconfiguraciones familiares entre los chuj de México y Guatemala." Frontera norte 32 (January 1, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33679/rfn.v1i1.1972.
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In 1981, thousands of indigenous Guatemalans fled the civil war in their country, taking refuge in the first instance in Chiapas, Mexico, near the border line. In 1996 the Peace Agreements were reached, and part of the refugee population returned to Guatemala, while another fraction remained in Mexico, in localities of the states of Chiapas, Campeche, and Quintana Roo. This triple process –refuge, return, and/or definitive settlement in Mexico– resulted in new dynamics of movement and cross-border mobility, as well as in the reconfiguration of family and parental groups based on differentiated citizenship status. In this article, we provide analytical elements associated with these dynamics, based on the ethnographic observation carried out in the returnee village of Yalambojoch, in the department of Huehuetenango, municipality of Nentón, Guatemala, and in Santa Rosa el Oriente, a town in Chiapas that received refugees.
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Belova, Irina B. "“Notes on the Past” of E. A. Nikolsky as a Source for Studying World War I Refugees." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2020): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-1-59-71.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of Eugene (Yevgeny) A. Nikolsky’s memoirs concerning refugees of the Great War of 1914-18. Nikolsky was authorized by the government organization Severopomosch’ (i.e. “northern help”) established in the end of June 1915 to settle refugees of the North-Western Front. He described his first steps in the welfare of forced migrants taken before the mass refugee movement began. He evacuated over a thousand people from the Radom gubernia of the Kingdom of Poland, where he then served, deep into Russian lands. He faced then complete indifference of the Smolensk and Moscow gubernia officials to war victims and unwillingness to help them. The memoirs highlight extremely difficult situation that developed in Kobrin, Grodno gubernia, in July 1915, as swarms of refugees hoped to stay there till the end of the war and never moved eastwards. The problem was exacerbated by enemy bombing. Nikolsky described dedicated work of the infirmary staff of the St. George community of the Red Cross in Kobrin who assisted the hundreds who were hurt in the bombing of the refugee camp. The memoirs also reflect the period of highest increase of mass refugee movement in August–September 1915. In the city of Roslavl, Smolensk gubernia, E. A. Nikolsky’s working day began at dawn and continued well after midnight. Thus, the humanitarian disaster caused by huge concentration of refugees was averted. And yet, E. A. Nikolsky noted, despite the difficult situation in Roslavl, representatives of the gubernia authorities were absent, apparently believing that assistance to refugees must be the the work of the governmental organization Severopomosch’, nothing to do with them. He encountered unlawful behavior of some officials and representatives of local governments, who attempted to steal money intended for refugee accommodation at every turn. In autumn 1915, E. A. Nikolsky was engaged in food and fodder supply of refugees in the Tula, Oryol and Voronezh gubernias and had to deal with unscrupulous suppliers and corrupt representatives of Zemstvo administration who recommended them. However, in the Riga region in the first half of 1916, Nikolsky was forced to cooperate with profiteers to get food for refugees. Nikolsky's work as an official of Severopomosch’ continued until August 1917, when refugee care passed under the control of the Union of Cities.
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Carroll, Lisa. "Not Quite Migrant, Not Quite Refugee." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 47 (December 31, 2020): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.47.2.
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This article argues that climate-induced movement is neither strictly a refugee issue nor a migration issue; and that the current protection gap is linked to the fundamental mischaracterization of the movement under one of these pathways. Terminology plays a crucial role in the protections and pathways for movement that are made available for people. Not quite refugee, not quite migrant, persons undertaking climate-induced movement face a protection limbo; where the eventual need for movement is recognized yet, the movement itself is defined in such a way as to be deemed unnecessary, at least for now. The refugee status case of Mr. Ioane Teitiota, a Kiribati national, is a critical example of this protection limbo. Characterized as voluntary, courts successively held up rulings that the adverse impacts he had attempted to escape were not yet sufficiently dangerous to warrant protection. Was Mr. Teitiota supposed to simply come back later?
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Beaupre, Claude, and Franziska Fischer. "The Label ‘Refugee’ and its Impacts on Border Policies." Borders in Globalization Review 1, no. 2 (August 21, 2020): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr12202019562.
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In this paper the authors adopt a constructivist approach to explain the efforts of reborderisation following the so-called ‘Refugee Crisis’ unfolding in the European Union after a sharp influx of refugees in 2015. One of the core principles of the European Union, the freedom of movement, is heavily challenged, through the perception of security threats and economic burden that is associated with the arrival of people seeking asylum in large numbers. Through a discourse analysis centring around the label ‘refugee’, which experienced a shift in meaning, this paper aims to display the driving social force that catalysed political actions to reintroduce borders between European Union Member States as a tool to recreate the illusion of control over the influx of people. Germany and France, as pioneers of the principle of freedom of movement in Europe, serve as empirical case studies for the efforts to reinstate control through reborderisation.
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Erder, Sema. "Preliminary thoughts on the Syrian refugee movement." New Perspectives on Turkey 54 (May 2016): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2016.10.
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Schmidt, Jana. "An Uncertain Movement: Bertolt Brecht's Refugee Conversations." Journal of Narrative Theory 50, no. 3 (2020): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jnt.2020.0019.
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Vroegindewey, G. V. "(A132) Animals and Refugees." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (May 2011): s37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x11001336.
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Disasters caused by natural and human-made hazards often result in mass-movement of populations. Within these movements, companion and production animals can have significant impacts on the internally displaced persons, refugees, and disaster managers. The humanitarian agency Sphere recently identified and highlighted the fact that animal welfare and protecting the livestock of rural communities (before and after disasters) is crucial to the survival of those disaster-impacted communities. Those who are faced with the decision to move will consider the impact and risk/benefit evaluation of housing, losing companion animals, or the loss of production animals necessary for food security and economic survival. Animal impacts also include the potential to spread zoonotic or animal transboundary diseases, raise security concerns within camps, loss of future breeding stock, feeding, housing, and maintaining accountability. Issues involved with animals and refugees in the evacuation decision process, during movement, and in ad hoc, developing, and mature refugee camps will be discussed.
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Paul, Dr Sudeshna. "Birth of a Squatters’ Colony: Revisiting history through refugee narratives." ENSEMBLE 2, no. 2 (July 25, 2021): 272–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2021-0202-a028.
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Squatters’ colonies form essential feature of the social, political, cultural and topographic landscape of West Bengal. ‘Destitution and despair’ of East Bengali Hindu refugees as the ‘impetus behind’ and ‘impervious unity and unanimous struggle’ of refugees as the ‘means for success’ in establishment of these colonies have been part of the official account and popular discourse relating to refugee movement in Bengal. Refugee women’s agency in land grabbing movement and counter-eviction struggle are celebrated as the steps towards shattering the patriarchal demarcation between private and public. Present article offers a micro-sociological study of a squatters’ colony, and based on the narratives of real life experiences of colony-people who lived through the struggle of self-rehabilitation, it tends to highlight the varied nature of needs, perceptions and aspirations of refugees; contest and negotiation of power; conflict and clash between selfish/ egoistic interest and community-centred interest; political battles; and patriarchal exploitation of gender roles that were pervasive in the colony life during those days of self-rehabilitation. It also focuses on how the temptation of generalization in meta-narrative analyses tends to obscure the obvious dynamics of life- cohesion versus conflict, exploitation versus subversion of power-politics within the squatters’ colonies, which micro-level social researches may bring forward and thereby signify the scope for re-writing history.
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Mohammed, Neamat M. S. "Irregular Migration and Its Impact on Refugee Rights." Academic Journal of Nawroz University 9, no. 2 (August 20, 2020): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.25007/ajnu.v9n2a821.
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Migration is linked to its general concept and is closely related to the right of the person to freedom of movement and choice of residence inside the borders of each state and the right to leave any country and return to it, including the state. Human migratory movements have become more complex and have taken various forms and means.
At the same time, successive waves of refugee movements and their attempts to reach a safe haven away from the dangers that forced them to leave their countries and seek asylum. For this reason, international attention has been growing by international organizations and countries in following up the problems of irregular migration and confronting the negative consequences of it. The literature of the United Nations, in particular, organizations working in this regard and countries have adopted the term irregular migration because of its characters.
Addressing the problem of irregular migration with specific rules and clear international mechanisms contributes significantly to the protection of refugees and the promotion of their rights in transit countries or in the countries of destination in which they will settle, and to clarify it’s essential and important role in this regard with the provisions of the international conventions and declarations guaranteeing human rights and protecting them in such cases. In order to clarify such issues, we have chosen to explore the subject in three sections:
The first deals with the legal concept of immigration, the legal basis for its treatment and the rights enjoyed by the irregular migrant; The second section deals with the definition of asylum and its legal basis and the rights enjoyed by refugees in order to reach the most important aspects of discrimination between them; In the third section to prevent confusion between the status of migrants and refugee status, the effects of irregular migration on the asylum and refugee system and the international treatment of irregular migration and its impact on refugee rights.
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Collyer, Michael, and Russell King. "Narrating Europe's Migration and Refugee ‘Crisis’." Human Geography 9, no. 2 (July 2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861600900201.
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It is very clear – as many journalists covering the unfolding migration and refugee crisis have pointed out – that geography lies at the heart of the events taking place in Europe and the Mediterranean. It is a story of borders and routes, of distance and proximity, and of location and accessibility. The role of (re-) bordering has been fundamental in states’ attempts to ‘manage’ and ‘control’ the refugee and migrant flows and, in this respect, we observe a return to the more traditional practices of bordering – physical barriers and personnel-heavy security controls – rather than the previous processes of ‘externalizing’ and ‘internalizing’ border management. In the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans the external border of the European ‘fortress’ has been prised open, whilst the free-movement ethos of the Schengen area has been compromized by EU states’ reactions to the large-scale movement of migrants and refugees and recent acts of terrorism. In this introductory paper we bring a critical geopolitical lens into play in order to understand the European, regional and global power geometries at work, and we critically examine the political and media rhetoric around the various discursive constructions of the migrant/refugee ‘crisis’, including both the negative and the Islamophobic utterances of some European leaders and the game-changing iconicity of certain media images.
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Syamsumardian, Lisda, Abdul Rachmad Budiono, Moh Fadli, and Dhiana Puspitawati. "Traffic Policy towards the Current of Refugees and Subscribers Movement in Reforming State Sovereignty." Open Journal for Legal Studies 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 167–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojls.0302.08167s.
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Countries like Indonesia that have immigration routes will look at every foreigner’s problem from an immigration point of view. Foreigners who enter Indonesia without travel documents are considered illegal. When referring to concrete cases, generally refugees or asylum seekers may not have complete travel documents. Because it is impossible for them to be forced to leave their country, by first obtaining a visa, passport, or other correspondence. In most cases that occur, refugees or asylum seekers do not have complete travel documents. So, in order to maintain sovereignty in the authority of immigration supervision, it is very important to research related Immigration traffic. The problem raised in this paper is how the monitoring mechanism of immigration traffic, in order to reinforce the concept of sovereignty. In writing this journal the author uses a statutory approach, a case approach, and a sociological approach. The method used in this paper is a normative juridical method so that answers will be found in the form of a descriptive perspective. The conclusion in this paper is that the policy on the flow of refugee movements into Indonesia is not in accordance with the concept of sovereignty, where the regulation of the flow of refugee movements is very vulnerable to the aspects of crime (trafficking in persons, narcotics, prostitution, etc.), in fact the sovereignty of the state become a protector for refugees who come to Indonesia, from international and national crime systems, and that is often misunderstood. So, the suggestion from this research is that immigration should be given space in the framework of supervision for Refugees and Asylum Seekers, which have been under the authority of the Immigration Detention Center (RUDENIM).
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Mongey, Vanessa. "Protecting Foreigners: The Refugee Crisis on the Belize–Yucatán Border, 1847–71." Law and History Review 39, no. 1 (February 2021): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248020000322.
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AbstractTaking mid-nineteenth century Belize as a case study, this article considers the role of migration in forming political, legal, and spatial geographies in a region with weak state institutions and disputed borders. The Caste War—a series of conflicts starting in 1847 in the southeastern Mexican state of Yucatán— resulted in the movement of thousands of people into the neighboring British settlement of Belize. This population movement reshaped the interface between the metropole and the settlement. This was a colony-defining moment in the development of Belize, leading to an extension of imperial control that eventually culminated in the transition to Crown colony in 1871. The refugee crisis was tied to broader Atlantic questions around asylum, law and empire. The benevolent treatment of refugees became the gauge of a “civilized” colony until the refugee crisis turned into a race crisis. This article examines how local administrators used a humanitarian discourse to enshrine white settler colonialism in a territory suddenly inhabited by a foreign-born multi-ethnic majority. The refugee label became a way to secure British sovereignty over the territory and its inhabitants, including non-British subjects, while extracting resources from the newcomers.
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Leeson, Kellie, Prem B. Bhandari, Anna Myers, and Dale Buscher. "Measuring the Self-Reliance of Refugees." Journal of Refugee Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 86–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fez076.
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Abstract How do we know whether a refugee household is self-reliant if this is not measured? Although self-reliance has been promoted as a critical assistance strategy for refugees in recent years, there have been limited attempts to rigorously measure the concept. This field report introduces a new measurement tool to assess the movement toward self-reliance among refugee households. The development and utility of a tool to measure self-reliance are described using the pilot studies conducted in Ecuador, Egypt and Lebanon over a 9- to 18-month period. This report utilized unique panel data from 167 refugee households in Egypt and 94 households in Ecuador. The panel data was collected at two points in time (baseline and endline) using paper and pencil or Open Data Kit forms on tablets during face-to-face interviews. This panel group was used to perform the change analysis to examine the movement of households along a self-reliance continuum. Findings show that, overall, 59.8% of households in Ecuador and 64.7% of households in Egypt moved upward in composite score in self-reliance while less than 30% of households regressed in both countries. Further examination is needed to refine and evaluate the tool. The results provide an important starting point and insights into measuring self-reliance using simple indicators and an opportunity to reframe assistance around self-reliance, neither of which had previously been a focus of refugee assistance or relevant literature. It is believed that this methodology will be of use to academics and practitioners seeking to study refugee self-reliance around the world.
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Rodriguez, Jacqueline A., and Lisa A. Dieker. "Emerging Inclusive Education in the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East: A Review of the Literature." Journal of International Special Needs Education 21, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.9782/15-00018r2.
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ABSTRACT For refugee children with disabilities, international agencies provide largely humanitarian assistance, including education. However, the obstacles associated with refugee existence can impede progress in the movement towards educating children with disabilities in inclusive settings. This literature review summarizes the historical progression towards inclusive education for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA). Historical perspectives of inclusion are presented for this region and discussed in relation to policy and potential implications for teaching practice. Catalysts for change in the region, and specifically within UNRWA, are described, and actors involved in improving education for all children are presented. Finally, the emergence of inclusive education within UNRWA is described in the context of policy and programming change.
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Yanay, Hadas, and Juan Battle. "Refugee Higher Education & Participatory Action Research Methods: Lessons Learned From the Field." Radical Teacher 120 (August 18, 2021): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2021.883.
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Refugee access to higher education is devastatingly low. Recognizing the complex barriers facing refugee learners, global educational initiatives are innovating flexible learning models which promote blended online and in-person learning modalities. This article describes the implementation of a five month, online-based internship pilot offered to 21 refugee participants in qualitative and quantitative research methods, through a participatory action research (PAR) framework in five different countries -- Malawi, Kenya, South Africa, Rwanda, and Lebanon. The internship is part of the Global Education Movement (GEM), which brings refugees accredited online college degree and career development opportunities. Through direct engagement, observation of the internship and feedback from staff and participants, we highlight the ways in which the PAR model can serve as a dynamic learning approach to engage refugees in research practice and an evaluative tool of the GEM program. While the use of online learning presented several clear advantages, such as engaging multiple GEM sites simultaneously or insulating students from delayed studies due to the Coronavirus pandemic, it also revealed variations in student competencies across program sites. In this article, we review the GEM PAR internship, its lessons learned and propose recommendations for future programming.
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Franke, Mark F. N. "Refugee Registration as Foreclosure of the Freedom to Move: The Virtualisation of Refugees' Rights within Maps of International Protection." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 27, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 352–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d6807.
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The lack of solid footing in political space is what makes the human rights claims of refugees most vulnerable in the contemporary international order. However, modern international human rights law and protection are predicated on a spatialised sense of the subject of rights that is formed in opposition to and in exclusion of the refugee. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) seeks to locate refugees as part of the universe of human rights through refugee registration exercises; it attempts to map their displacement within the geography of emplaced citizenry. Its conventional efforts in this regard fail, though, and, rather, serve to illustrate how the informal international movement of refugees still exceeds and, thus, undermines the universalism of the UN vision of human rights and freedoms. Consequently, the UNHCR has recently resorted to the highly sophisticated computerised registration technology, called proGres, under its Project Profile system. While the detail and complexity of Project Profile allow for a mapping no more capable of accurately tracing the movements of refugees within the global geography of universal human rights, the complex of digitalised mapping systems brought together within Project Profile permit the production and performance of an international space in which humanitarians may expect refugees to fit. The force of the UNHCR's new registration system is to produce a manner of spatialising refugees that can legitimate and moralise their constraint within orders of international politics and security which allow little room for response to the rights claims of refugees. Rather, their claims to human rights become foreclosed within a virtual understanding of human displacement with respect to emplacement in the state.
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Buff, Rachel Ida. "Sanctuary Everywhere." Radical History Review 2019, no. 135 (October 1, 2019): 14–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7607809.
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Abstract This essay considers the historical roots of contemporary sanctuary practices. It traces these roots in the protocols adopted by the 1951 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Convention, tracing the contradictory implementation of these protocols in US policy and practice. It argues that the UNHCR Convention created a distinction between refugees and migrants that met challenges from sanctuary activists responding to the depredations of the US-backed “dirty wars” in Central America during the 1980s. The sanctuary movement contested this distinction, as did the subsequent evolution of immigration and refugee policy. In the current period, the erosion of this distinction by ascendant xenophobia also creates space for the emergence of new definitions and practices of the right to sanctuary and freedom of movement.
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Rizki, Aufar. "Presence of The Right Wing: Threatening the Refugee Crisis?" Jurnal Sentris 1, no. 1 (August 19, 2020): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v1i1.4160.97-120.
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The presence of the right wing in The Western Europe, such as The Front National in French that is led by Marine Le Pen, Alternative Für Deutschland in Germany by Alexander Gauland, and Partij Voor de Vrijheid by Geert Wilders in Netherlands, are the whimsicality phenomenon in European political scene. The rise of the right wing groups in some countries, could impend the pluralism value in the respective country. Furthermore, this movement will be inducing the humanitarian crisis, specifically the refugee crisis. European Union has asylum policy for the refugees, but precisely the migrants who received the asylum policy are somehow causing the instability and insecurity in the country they are migrated to. That is a dilemma of conducting the asylum policy; first consideration is to receive the refugees with main purpose of decreasing the humanitarian crisis, but on the other hand it could induce instability, or other consideration is to close the asylum policy as the right wing postulate, which will increase refugee crisis but give more stable nation.
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Scheibelhofer, Paul. "Feeling Strange. The Role of Emotion in Maintaining and Overcoming Borders and Boundaries." Migration Letters 17, no. 4 (July 30, 2020): 541–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i4.711.
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This article argues that a focus on emotion and affect helps to understand the processes of constructing and negotiating borders and boundaries critically. To do so, the article analyses two distinct yet connected cases in Austria: On the one hand, it discusses political discourse after the so-called “refugee crisis” of 2015 and shows, how a “politics of fear” was employed to regain control after a brief moment of relative freedom of movement. The second part of the analysis presents outcomes of an interview-based study with Austrians who engaged in a very intense form of refugee help by entering sponsorships with young male refugees. The analysis shows the role of emotions in legitimate restrictive border practices as well as their potential of creating solidarity across boundaries.
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Gammeltoft-Hansen, Thomas, and Nikolas F. Tan. "The End of the Deterrence Paradigm? Future Directions for Global Refugee Policy." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 1 (March 2017): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500103.
Full textAbstract:
Asylum seekers and refugees continue to face serious obstacles in their efforts to access asylum. Some of these obstacles are inherent to irregular migration, including dangerous border crossings and the risk of exploitation. Yet, refugees also face state-made obstacles in the form of sophisticated migration control measures. As a result, refugees are routinely denied access to asylum as developed states close their borders in the hope of shifting the flow of asylum seekers to neighboring countries. Restrictive migration control policies are today the primary, some might say only, response of the developed world to rising numbers of asylum seekers and refugees. This has produced a distorted refugee regime both in Europe and globally — a regime fundamentally based on the principle of deterrence rather than human rights protection. While the vast majority of European states still formally laud the international legal framework to protect refugees, most of these countries simultaneously do everything in their power to exclude those fleeing international protection and offer only a minimalist engagement to assist those countries hosting the largest number of refugees. By deterring or blocking onward movement for refugees, an even larger burden is placed upon these host countries. Today, 86 percent of the world's refugees reside in a low- or middle-income country, against 70 percent 20 years ago (Edwards 2016; UNHCR 2015, 15). The humanitarian consequences of this approach are becoming increasingly clear. Last year more than 5,000 migrants and refugees were registered dead or missing in the Mediterranean (IOM 2016). A record number, this makes the Mediterranean account for more than two-thirds of all registered migrant fatalities worldwide (IOM 2016). Many more asylum seekers are subjected to various forms of violence and abuse during the migratory process as a result of their inherently vulnerable and clandestine position. As the industry facilitating irregular migration grows, unfortunately so too do attempts to exploit migrants and refugees by smugglers, criminal networks, governments, or members of local communities (Gammeltoft-Hansen and Nyberg Sørensen 2013). The “deterrence paradigm” can be understood as a particular instantiation of the global refugee protection regime. It shows how deterrence policies have come to dominate responses to asylum seekers arriving in developed states, and how such policies have continued to develop in response to changes in migration patterns as well as legal impositions. The dominance of the deterrence paradigm also explains the continued reliance on deterrence as a response to the most recent “crisis,” despite continued calls from scholars and civil society for a more protection-oriented and sustainable response. The paper argues that the current “crisis,” more than a crisis in terms of refugee numbers and global protection capacity, should be seen a crisis in terms of the institutionalized responses so far pursued by states. Deterrence policies are being increasingly challenged, both by developments in international law and by less wealthy states left to shoulder the vast majority of the world's refugees. At the same time, recent events suggest that deterrence policies may not remain an effective tool to prevent secondary movement of refugees in the face of rising global protection needs, while deterrence involves increasing direct and indirect costs for the states involved. The present situation may thus be characterized as, or at least approaching, a period of paradigm crisis, and we may be seeing the beginning of the end for deterrence as a dominant policy paradigm in regard to global refugee policy. In its place, a range of more or less developed alternative policy frameworks are currently competing, though so far none of them appear to have gained sufficient traction to initiate an actual paradigm shift in terms of global refugee policy. Nonetheless, recognizing this as a case of possible paradigm change may help guide and structure this process. In particular, any successful new policy approach would have to address the fundamental challenges facing the old paradigm. The paper proceeds in four parts. Firstly, it traces the rise of the deterrence paradigm following the end of the Cold War and the demise of ideologically driven refugee protection on the part of states in the Global North. The past 30 years have seen the introduction and dynamic development of manifold deterrence policies to stymie the irregular arrival of asylum seekers and migrants. This array of measures is explored in the second part of the paper through a typology of five current practices that today make up “normal policymaking” within the deterrence regime. Third, the paper argues that the current paradigm is under threat, facing challenges to its legality from within refugee and human rights law; to its sustainability due to the increasing unhappiness of refugee-hosting states with current levels of “burden-sharing”; and to its effectiveness as direct and indirect costs of maintaining the regime mount. Finally, the paper puts forward three core principles that can lay the groundwork in the event of a paradigm shift: respect for international refugee law; meaningful burden-sharing; and a broader notion of refugee protection that encompasses livelihoods and increased preparedness in anticipation of future refugee flows.
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ter Heide, F. Jackie June, Trudy M. Mooren, Rens van de Schoot, Ad de Jongh, and Rolf J. Kleber. "Eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing therapy v. stabilisation as usual for refugees: randomised controlled trial." British Journal of Psychiatry 209, no. 4 (October 2016): 311–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.115.167775.
Full textAbstract:
BackgroundEye movement desensitisation and reprocessing (EMDR) therapy is a first-line treatment for adults with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Some clinicians argue that with refugees, directly targeting traumatic memories through EMDR may be harmful or ineffective.AimsTo determine the safety and efficacy of EMDR in adult refugees with PTSD (trial registration: ISRCTN20310201).MethodIn total, 72 refugees referred for specialised treatment were randomly assigned to 12 h of EMDR (3×60 min planning/preparation followed by 6×90 min desensitisation/reprocessing) or 12 h (12×60 min) of stabilisation. The Clinician-Administered PTSD Scale (CAPS) and Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ) were primary outcome measures.ResultsIntention-to-treat analyses found no differences in safety (one severe adverse event in the stabilisation condition only) or efficacy (effect sizes: CAPS –0.04 and HTQ 0.20) between the two conditions.ConclusionsDirectly targeting traumatic memories through 12 h of EMDR in refugee patients needing specialised treatment is safe, but is only of limited efficacy.