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Journal articles on the topic 'Refugees – Namibia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

GEWALD, JAN-BART. "NEAR DEATH IN THE STREETS OF KARIBIB: FAMINE, MIGRANT LABOUR AND THE COMING OF OVAMBO TO CENTRAL NAMIBIA." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (2003): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008381.

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Namibian politics and society are today dominated by people who trace their descent from the settlements and homesteads of Ovamboland in southern Angola and northern Namibia. Yet, prior to 1915, and the defeat by South Africa of the German colonial army in German South-West Africa, very few Ovambo had settled in areas to the south of the Etosha Pan. In 1915, a Portuguese expeditionary army defeated Kwanyama forces in southern Angola, and unleashed a flood of refugees into northern Namibia. These refugees entered an area that was already overstretched. Since 1912 the rains had failed and, on account of the First World War, trade and migration had come to a standstill. As a result the area was experiencing its most devastating famine ever. Unable to find sanctuary in Ovamboland, thousands of people trekked southwards into central Namibia, an area which had only just come under the control of South Africa. The famine allowed for the easy entrance of South African military administrators and labour recruiters into Ovamboland and heralded the demise of Ovambo independence. By focusing on developments in the central Namibian town of Karibib between 1915 to 1916, the article explores the move of the Ovambo into central and southern Namibia. It traces the impact of war and drought on Ovambo societies, and follows Ovambo famine migrants on their route south into areas administered by the South African military administration. Discussion also concentrates on the reception and treatment of Ovambo famine migrants in the Karibib settlement, and argues that the refugee crisis heralded the establishment of Ovambo in modern central and southern Namibia.

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2

Williams, Christian A. "SWAPO’s Struggle Children and Exile Home-Making: the Refugee Biography of Mawazo Nakadhilu." African Studies Review 63, no. 3 (2020): 593–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2019.89.

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Abstract:Mawazo Nakadhilu is a former refugee born to a Namibian father and a Tanzanian mother near Kongwa, Tanzania, in 1972. Her biography illuminates how people have made homes in Southern African exile and post-exile contexts. Williams traces Mawazo’s story from her Tanzanian childhood through her forced removal to SWAPO’s Nyango camp to her “repatriation” to Namibia. In so doing, he highlights tensions that have not previously been addressed between exiled liberation movements and their members over family situations. Moreover, he stresses the value of biographical work focused on aspects of refugees’ lives that tend to be overlooked in nationalist discourse.

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3

Ntchatcho, H. "POLITICAL AMNESTY AND REPATRIATION OF REFUGEES IN NAMIBIA." African Yearbook of International Law Online / Annuaire Africain de droit international Online 1, no. 1 (1993): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161793x00053.

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4

Mildnerová, Kateřina. "“I Feel Like Two In One”: Complex Belongings Among Namibian Czechs." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.249.

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This paper, based on the analysis of archive documents, biographical interviews and participant observation, focuses on the social and narrative construction of collective cultural identity of so-called Namibian Czechs living in Namibia. These represent a group of originally fifty-six Namibian child war refugees who received asylum and were educated in Czechoslovakia between 1985 and 1991. In order to understand their complex identity special attention has been paid to the dual education of the children in Czechoslovakia, to the role of the Czech language and the symbolical narratives in the construction of their collective cultural identity and to diverse discursive and social practices through which they shape, maintain, and reproduce their Czechness – both situationally in social interactions and narratively in a form of communicative memory.

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5

Brinkman, Inge. "Ways of Death: Accounts of Terror from Angolan Refugees in Namibia." Africa 70, no. 1 (2000): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.1.1.

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AbstractIn their accounts of the war in Angola, refugees from south-eastern Angola who now live in Rundu (Namibia) draw a distinction between warfare in the past and the events that happened in their region of origin after Angolan independence in 1975. Although they process their experiences through recounting history, these refugees maintain that the incidence of torture, mutilation and massive killing after 1975 has no precedent in the area's history and forms an entirely new development. This article investigates the reasons for this posited modernity of killing, torture and mutilation. The placement of the recent events outside local history is shown to represent an expression of outrage, anger and indignation at the army's treatment of the civilian population during the recent phase of the war. The outrage not only concerns the scale of the killing, torture and mutilation but is also linked with the issue of agency. The informants accuse UNITA army leaders in particular of wanton disregard for the lives and livelihood of their followers. They furthermore maintain that UNITA ordered ordinary soldiers to take part in killings which released powers the soldiers were unable to handle.

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6

Brinkman, Inge. "Violence, Exile and Ethnicity: Nyemba Refugees in Kaisosi and Kehemu (Rundu, Namibia)." Journal of Southern African Studies 25, no. 3 (1999): 417–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/030570799108597.

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7

Arich-Gerz, Bruno. "Muffling the Fimbifimbi." Matatu 50, no. 2 (2020): 430–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05002001.

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Abstract After a South African air raid attack against the liberation-struggling independence movement of their parents, more than four hundred young Namibian refugees—preschoolers, primary school pupils and teenagers—arrived in the German Democratic Republic in 1979. This chapter evaluates representations of the deportation of the children and their experiences in the GDR by looking at (auto)biographical depictions. With regard to the question of whether their spectacular life stories have (co-)shaped the prevailing post-independence national narrative of Namibia or not, their own perspective yields both an unambiguous and, given the conditions under which they had been sent on their odyssey in the first place, surprising result. While the former exile children have ultimately been denied the privilege of being part of the country’s elite, they do not seem to resent their near invisibility in these self-images of the nation, and seem to have come to terms with their situation (and identity) as Africans with a German past.

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8

GEWALD, JAN-BART. "‘I WAS AFRAID OF SAMUEL, THEREFORE I CAME TO SEKGOMA’: HERERO REFUGEES AND PATRONAGE POLITICS IN NGAMILAND, BECHUANALAND PROTECTORATE, 1890–1914." Journal of African History 43, no. 2 (2002): 211–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701008064.

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Writers dealing with the Herero of Botswana have tended mostly to deal with them as a single homogeneous whole. Concentrating on Ngamiland, this article outlines and discusses the arrival, at different times and for different reasons, of various groups of Herero into the territory. The article indicates that prior to the Herero–German war of 1904, the majority of Herero moved into Ngamiland on account of the activities of German colonizers and the Herero chief, Samuel Maharero. In Ngamiland, the Herero immigrants came to form a substantial source of support for the Batawana usurper, Sekgoma Letsholathebe. With the outbreak of the Herero–German war, Herero who had fled Namibia on earlier occasions now opposed the move of Samuel Maharero into Ngamiland, and found themselves supported by Sekgoma Letsholathebe. Following the deposition of Sekgoma in a coup, the position of Herero who had supported Sekgoma became increasingly tenuous and led to their move out of Ngamiland. Overall, the article presents a case study of the manner in which, in seeking to strengthen their positions within host communities, refugees of necessity come to be bound up in the internal politics of such communities.

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9

Brinkman, Inge. "Town, village and bush: war and cultural landscapes in south-eastern Angola (1966-2002)." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (2012): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02502004.

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In most of the literature on the subject, urban and rural areas are presented as real physical entities that are geographically determined. Obviously such an approach is important and necessary, but in this contribution I want to draw attention to ‘the urban’ and ‘the rural’ as ideas, as items of cultural landscape rather than as physical facts. This will result both in a history of ideas and a social history of the war in Angola as experienced by civilians from the south-eastern part of the country. The article is based on a case-study that deals with the history of south-east Angola, an area that was in a state of war from 1966 to 2002. In the course of the 1990s I spoke with immigrants from this region who were resident in Rundu, Northern Namibia, mostly as illegal refugees. In our conversations the immigrants explained how the categories ‘town’ and ‘country’ came into being during colonialism and what changes occurred after the war started. They argued that during the war agriculture in the countryside became well-nigh impossible and an opposition between ‘town’ and ‘bush’ came into being that could have lethal consequences for the civilian population living in the region. This case-study on south-east Angola shows the importance of a historical approach to categories such as ‘urbanity’ and ‘rurality’ as such categories may undergo relatively rapid change – in both discourse and practice.

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10

Shisana, Olive, and David D. Celentano. "Depressive symptomatology among Namibian adolescent refugees." Social Science & Medicine 21, no. 11 (1985): 1251–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(85)90274-6.

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11

Jakubcová, Martina. "’Jakeš’s Children’. Media Portrayal of Namibian Child Refugees in Slovakia." Ethnologia Actualis 18, no. 2 (2018): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eas-2019-0003.

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Abstract The paper provides an insight into ‘Slovak group’ of Namibian children taken to Czechoslovakia. As a form of a communist solidarity help to the country fighting for its freedom, the children were raised and educated in newly established boarding school in Považská Bystrica from September 1989. Their stay, and particularly their sudden unexpected repatriation in 1991, raised questions not only among general public, but also in print media of those days. The article therefore discusses the media portrayal of the Slovak group of Namibian children with a special accent on the shifts in media interpretations in time. The overall research combines a biographical and historical design with the use of the qualitative analysis of print media outputs.

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12

Pinehas, Lusia N., Neltjie C. van Wyk, and Ronell Leech. "Healthcare needs of displaced women: Osire refugee camp, Namibia." International Nursing Review 63, no. 1 (2016): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/inr.12241.

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13

Mwase, Ngila R. L. "The Repatriation, Rehabilitation and Resettlement of Namibian Refugees at Independence." Community Development Journal 25, no. 2 (1990): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/25.2.113.

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14

Miškařík, Pavel. "Specific Form of Identity among Namibian Czechs." Ethnologia Actualis 19, no. 2 (2019): 12–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eas-2020-0002.

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Abstract The main goal of the paper is to explain specific ways in which the group of so-called Namibian Czechs identifies itself and how we can conceptualize their specific form of identity. For this reason, the article presents specific theoretical concepts focused on identities such as diaspora or transnational and bicultural identity. In recent years, all three of these concepts are gaining more attention, and an ever-growing number of communities are labelled as diaspora, transnational, or bicultural. Affiliation with one of those categories can potentially lead to a variety of political claims for such a group. The article aims to explain which of the concepts is best suitable for the group of Namibian Czechs, a group of fifty-six former child war refugees, who were educated and accommodated in Czechoslovakia between 1985 and 1991.

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15

Miškařík, Pavel. "The Narrative Construction of Identity among the Namibian Czechs." Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne 19 (July 18, 2019): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/seia.2019.19.09.

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The main goal of this paper is to explain how the group of so-called Namibian Czechs identifies itself and how it expresses the feeling of belonging to a specific identity in its narrative. The paper is based on the analysis of biographical narrative, which was obtained by the method of oral history, and it also contains information from archival sources and participant observation. The respondents are members of a group of fifty-six children war refugees, who were educated and accommodated in Czechoslovakia between 1985 and 1991. It was a part of internationalsolidarity aid, provided to liberation movements with communist orientation. The analysis of the biographical narrative of the respondents provides us with information about the specific individual reflection on processes of self-identification and a multiplicity of certain identities.

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16

Williams, Christian A. "Dissident Refugees: A History of 200 Namibians in Zambia, 1977–1989." Journal of Southern African Studies 46, no. 5 (2020): 863–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2020.1768685.

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17

Shisana, Olive, and David D. Celentano. "Relationship of chronic stress, social support, and coping style to health among Namibian refugees." Social Science & Medicine 24, no. 2 (1987): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(87)90247-4.

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18

Schmitt, Caroline, Matthias D. Witte, and Serpil Polat. "International solidarity in the GDR and transnationality: an analysis of primary school materials for Namibian child refugees." Transnational Social Review 4, no. 2-3 (2014): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21931674.2014.964052.

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19

Witte, Matthias D., Kathrin Klein-Zimmer, and Caroline Schmitt. "Growing Up Transnationally between SWAPO and GDR—A Biographical Ethnographic Study on Namibian Refugee Children." Transnational Social Review 3, no. 2 (2013): M—28—M—33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21931674.2013.10820755.

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20

Genderjahn, Steffi, Simon Lewin, Fabian Horn, Anja M. Schleicher, Kai Mangelsdorf, and Dirk Wagner. "Living Lithic and Sublithic Bacterial Communities in Namibian Drylands." Microorganisms 9, no. 2 (2021): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/microorganisms9020235.

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Dryland xeric conditions exert a deterministic effect on microbial communities, forcing life into refuge niches. Deposited rocks can form a lithic niche for microorganisms in desert regions. Mineral weathering is a key process in soil formation and the importance of microbial-driven mineral weathering for nutrient extraction is increasingly accepted. Advances in geobiology provide insight into the interactions between microorganisms and minerals that play an important role in weathering processes. In this study, we present the examination of the microbial diversity in dryland rocks from the Tsauchab River banks in Namibia. We paired culture-independent 16S rRNA gene amplicon sequencing with culture-dependent (isolation of bacteria) techniques to assess the community structure and diversity patterns. Bacteria isolated from dryland rocks are typical of xeric environments and are described as being involved in rock weathering processes. For the first time, we extracted extra- and intracellular DNA from rocks to enhance our understanding of potentially rock-weathering microorganisms. We compared the microbial community structure in different rock types (limestone, quartz-rich sandstone and quartz-rich shale) with adjacent soils below the rocks. Our results indicate differences in the living lithic and sublithic microbial communities.

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21

Liddell, Christine. "The Social Interaction and Activity Patterns of Children from Two San Groups Living as Refugees on a Namibian Military Base." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 19, no. 3 (1988): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022188193004.

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22

MCKITTRICK, MEREDITH. "FAITHFUL DAUGHTER, MURDERING MOTHER: TRANSGRESSION AND SOCIAL CONTROL IN COLONIAL NAMIBIA." Journal of African History 40, no. 2 (1999): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185379900746x.

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In 1938 or 1939, an uninitiated and unwed girl named Nangombe living in the Uukwaluudhi district of Ovamboland, northern Namibia, became pregnant. If mission and colonial accounts are to be believed, it was not an unusual occurrence at this time, but it had profound consequences for Nangombe and those close to her. By the 1930s, the belief that pre-initiation pregnancies boded ill fortune for clan, chief and community was highly contested, but it was far from extinct. When the chief discovered the pregnancy, he expelled Nangombe. She took refuge in a neighboring society and bore a daughter. While such infants were often killed at birth, Nangombe's was not. Mother and daughter returned home within the year. The chief, enraged by their reappearance, then expelled the entire family.The problems created by Nangombe's child caused tension in her household and the family was driven to begging for food. Nangombe's mother, seeing the catastrophes already caused by the presence of her illegitimate granddaughter and fearing that worse would come, urged her daughter to kill the child. Nangombe refused, while her mother continued to offer dire predictions that their lineage would be destroyed if the child were left alive. Finally, in July 1941, Nangombe gave into her mother's pressure and strangled her daughter. Her father and the local chief reported her act to colonial officials. The colonial government of South West Africa investigated and sent her to trial with her mother, who was charged as an accessory to murder.The nature of the case changed abruptly in the colonial capital of Windhoek. Instead of trying Nangombe for murder, the Supreme Court convened to decide whether she was insane, despite testimony from her village asserting that she was sane and that the murder had been a rational act. Her mother was transformed from a co-defendant to a witness to her daughter's physical and mental health. Nangombe was diagnosed as epileptic and, on this basis, committed to a native asylum in Fort Beaufort, South Africa. She remained there until 1946, when she was released and returned home. She lived out the rest of her life in relative anonymity, little noticed in the communities where she lived and invisible to the colonial administration – a far cry from the scrutiny and public interventions which attended her young adulthood.

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23

Watson, Laurence H., Michael J. Cameron, and Fillemon Iifo. "Elephant herbivory of knob‐thorn ( Senegalia nigrescens ) and ivory palm ( Hyphaene petersiana ) in Bwabwata National Park, Caprivi, Namibia: The role of ivory palm as a biotic refuge." African Journal of Ecology 58, no. 1 (2019): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aje.12681.

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24

"REFUGEES: Botswana-DR Congo-Namibia." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 7 (2009): 18030C—18031C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2009.02455.x.

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25

Bashur, Diana. "The Applicability of Universal Basic Income in Post-Conflict Scenarios: The Syria Case." Basic Income Studies 14, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bis-2019-0005.

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Abstract Given UBI’s performance in poor and rural areas of India and Namibia and its transformative effects on livelihoods, one can foresee a potential for UBI supporting refugees and Internally Displaced Persons rebuild their lives in their country of origin. Furthermore, given UBI’s egalitarian rationale stemming from the idea of a more just society with a minimum level of economic security to all, UBI can be considered a key element of a state’s welfare system, the relevance of which cannot be overstated for countries emerging from conflict. Additionally, the field of international aid has as of recently, for efficiency considerations, started questioning its policies focused on in-kind aid, vouchers, prescribed spending in favor of cash transfers. To test UBI’s potential in post-conflict scenarios, we propose to examine its applicability in Syria, source of today’s largest refugee population.

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26

Schmitt, Caroline, and Matthias D. Witte. "Refugees across the generations. Generational relations between the ‘GDR children of Namibia’ and their children." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, February 17, 2019, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2019.1580566.

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27

Brinkman, Inge. "Town, village and bush: war and cultural landscapes in south-eastern Angola (1966-2002)." Afrika Focus 25, no. 2 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v25i2.4945.

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In most of the literature on the subject, urban and rural areas are presented as real physical entities that are geographically determined. Obviously such an approach is important and necessary, but in this contribution I want to draw attention to ‘the urban’ and ‘the rural’ as ideas, as items of cultural landscape rather than as physical facts. This will result both in a history of ideas and a social history of the war in Angola as experienced by civilians from the south-eastern part of the country. The article is based on a case-study that deals with the history of south-east Angola, an area that was in a state of war from 1966 to 2002. In the course of the 1990s I spoke with immigrants from this region who were resident in Rundu, Northern Namibia, mostly as illegal refugees. In our conversations the immigrants explained how the categories ‘town’ and ‘country’ came into being during colonialism and what changes occurred after the war started. They argued that during the war agriculture in the countryside became well-nigh impossible and an opposition between ‘town’ and ‘bush’ came into being that could have lethal consequences for the civilian population living in the region. This case-study on south-east Angola shows the importance of a historical approach to categories such as ‘urbanity’ and ‘rurality’ as such categories may undergo relatively rapid change – in both discourse and practice. Key words: landscape (town, country and bush), war, south-east Angola

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28

Jürgens, Norbert, Imke Oncken, Jens Oldeland, Felicitas Gunter, and Barbara Rudolph. "Welwitschia: Phylogeography of a living fossil, diversified within a desert refuge." Scientific Reports 11, no. 1 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41598-021-81150-6.

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AbstractWelwitschia mirabilis is one of the most extraordinary plant species on earth. With a fossil record of 112 My and phylogenetically isolated within the order Gnetales, the monotypic genus Welwitschia has survived only in the northern Namib Desert in Angola and Namibia. Despite its iconic role, the biogeography, ecological niche, and evolutionary history of the species remain poorly understood. Here we present the first comprehensive map of the strongly disjunct species range, and we explore the genetic relationships among all range fragments based on six SSR markers. We also assess the variation of the environmental niche and habitat preference. Our results confirm genetic divergence, which is consistent with the hypothetical existence of two subspecies within Welwitschia. We identify an efficient geographical barrier separating two gene pools at 18.7°S in northern Namibia. We also identify further diversification within each of the two subspecies, with several different gene pools in ten isolated range fragments. Given the presence of well-isolated populations with unique gene pools and the association with different bioclimatic variables, rock types, and habitats within arid river catchments, we can hypothesize that the present intraspecific diversity may have evolved at least in part within the present refuge of the northern Namib Desert.

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29

Williams, Christian A. "Defining and aiding “the Namibian refugee”: a history of the Chaplaincy to Namibians in Exile, 1974-76." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines, September 8, 2021, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2020.1869049.

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30

Van Wyk, A. S. "The militarisation of the Platfontein San (!Xun and Khwe): The initial years 1966–1974." Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa 10, no. 4 (2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/td.v10i4.93.

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The resettlement of 372 San (Bushmen) soldiers with dependents from 31/201 and 203 Battalions in Namibia to Schmidtsdrift in the Northern Cape during March 1990 was the last chapter in the process of militarisation of the !Xun and Khwe communities. However, there is a popular perception that the South African Defence Force (SADF) was primarily responsible for the militarisation of this particular San community, with the founding of 31 Battalion during 1974. This ignores the fact that the !Xun and Khwe originated in Angola, where they were actively involved with the Portuguese security forces. With one exception, only superficial mention is made in the literature about the role of the San soldiers in Angola before independence in November 1975. This article shows that the militarisation of the San actually started in 1966, when members of the !Xun were recruited by the Portuguese Security Police (PIDE) and successfully used against the Angolan liberation movements MPLA, FNLA and UNITA. The lifestyle of the San before the PIDE era is discussed, as is the period in which they were raised to a superior status as flecha fighters. This period of military prowess ended with the independence of Angola and resulted in the !Xun and Khwe seeking refuge with the SADF. These geo-political events led to the founding of 31 Battalion, situated in the Western Caprivi, where former flecha soldiers were retrained and incorporated into SADF structures. In closing, brief mention is made of the resettlement of the !Xun and Khwe to Schmidtsdrift in South Africa.

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