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1

Graham, Helen. "The Franco Regime." Historical Journal 32, no. 3 (1989): 757–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012565.

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2

Barrachina, Marie-Aline. "L'opposition au regime de Franco." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 22 (April 1989): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769274.

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3

Guitard, Justine. "Torero during the Franco Regime." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 47, no. 1 (2018): 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.29900.

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During the Franco regime between 1939 and 1975, when Spain was under the grip of an official national-catholic ideology whose keystones were the army and church, the torero was used as a vector for Francoist ideology. Courageous, full of national pride and a stout Christian, the torero seemed to incarnate all the virtues of the Spanish, elevated in the Francoist model into the glorified image of the “soldier-monk”. Little research has so far been conducted into parallels drawn between the torero and the “soldier-monk”. Drawing on the analysis of media documents from the Franco period, this paper sets out to address the following question. How does the correlation between the torero and the “soldier-monk” fit with the sad-faced, austere knight-like figure of the matador Manolete (1917-1947) during the 1940s? Within the bullring, spectators (aficionados) and toreros share in intense emotions and a boundless sense of religious devotion that bind them to life while passing close to death.
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4

Whealey, Robert H., and Stanley G. Payne. "The Franco Regime, 1936-1975." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (1989): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873860.

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5

Gallego, Guillermo Sanz. "Censorship under the Franco regime." Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire, no. 121 (October 1, 2015): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/temoigner.3512.

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6

Litchfield, R. Burr. "Franco Venturi's ‘crisis’ of the Old Regime." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 10, no. 2 (2005): 234–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710500111363.

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7

Oliveira, Carla Mary S. "O mundo doméstico europeu no Antigo Regime:." História, histórias 7, no. 14 (2019): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/hh.v7i14.26519.

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8

Share, Donald. "The Franquist Regime and the Dilemma of Succession." Review of Politics 48, no. 4 (1986): 549–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050003967x.

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This article explores the Spanish franquist regime's attempts to resolve a succession crisis, as the death of Francisco Franco appeared imminent in the late 1960's. It argues that Franco established the mechanisms for a smooth succession to the posts of head of state and head of government. However, these mechanisms failed to achieve Franco's major goal: the continuation of authoritarian rule after his death. Ironically, Franco's apparently ingenious “solution” to the dilemmas of succession facilitated a democratic transition that would have horrified the dictator.
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9

DE HARO DE SAN MATEO, María Verónica. "Bullfighting as television entertainment during the Franco regime." Communication & Society 29, no. 3 (2016): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.29.3.69-85.

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10

Ortiz, Carmen. "The Uses of Folklore by the Franco Regime." Journal of American Folklore 112, no. 446 (1999): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/541485.

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11

Camus Camus, Carmen. "Women, translation and censorship in the Franco Regime." MonTI. Monografías de Traducción e Interpretación, no. 3 (2011): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.6035/monti.2011.3.16.

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12

MacDonald, Joanne E., and John N. Owens. "Morphology, Physiology, Survival, and Field Performance of Containerized Coastal Douglas Fir Seedlings Given Different Dormancy-induction Regimes." HortScience 41, no. 6 (2006): 1416–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.41.6.1416.

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The effects of different dormancy-induction regimes on first-year containerized coastal Douglas fir [Pseudotsuga menziesii (Mirb.) Franco var. menziesii] seedling morphology and physiology in the nursery, as well as seedling survival and performance after one growing season in a common garden, were investigated. In early July, three dormancy-induction regimes were applied: moderate moisture stress (MS), short day (SD), and short day with moderate moisture stress (SD+MS). In early October, seedling height, root collar diameter, and shoot dry weight were unaffected by regime, but root dry weight was reduced in seedlings from the MS and SD+MS regimes compared with the SD regime. At this time, morphogenesis was completed in all terminal buds of seedlings from both SD regimes, whereas it continued in all terminal buds of seedlings from the MS regime. Furthermore, 25% to 88% of terminal buds from the SD regimes were endodormant, but none from the MS regime were endodormant. In March, budbreak occurred at the same time in seedlings from the two SD regimes and was earlier than in seedlings from the MS regime; root growth capacity was unaffected by regime. After one growing season, there were no regime differences in seedling survival, root collar diameter, shoot dry weight, root dry weight, length of the current-year leader, or number of needles on the leader.
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13

Gunther, Richard. "The Impact of Regime Change on Public Policy: The Case of Spain." Journal of Public Policy 16, no. 2 (1996): 157–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007352.

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ABSTRACTDoes political regime matter? Parallel analyses of Spanish public expenditure and taxation policies under the authoritarian Franco regime and in the current democracy, as well as of decision-making processes under both regimes, based upon extensive in-depth interviews with relevant government officials from 1974 to 1996, indicate that political regime characteristics can have a profound impact on both policy processes and outputs. Ruling out a ‘socioeconomic’ explanation, the author concludes that striking aberrations in state spending and taxation policies in the early 1970s were systematic products of unusual features of Franquist policy-making processes, which were directly linked to the authoritarian nature of the regime itself. Subsequently, democratization has been accompanied by dramatic changes in both policy processes and outputs.
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14

Mauri Medrano, Marta. "Indoctrination and control: education in the Spanish Franco Regime." Kultura - Przemiany - Edukacja 7 (2019): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/kpe.2019.7.4.

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15

Grocott, Chris. "Britain and the Franco regime: diplomatic and imperial perspectives." Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies 16, no. 2-3 (2010): 219–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14701847.2010.533434.

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16

Geogriy, Filatov. "Francisco Franco and Social Policy in Spain in the 1960-1970s." Latin-american Historical Almanac 28, no. 1 (2020): 165–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2020-28-1-165-185.

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Social policy has been an important part of Francoist ideology since the early years of the regime. However, it was only in the 1960s, when the social security system in Spain appeared. During this time, the country experienced high economic growth, which allowed the Franco regime to increase social spending. For Francisco Franco himself, social policy in the 1960s became an important source of legitimacy of his rule. At the legislative level, the term "social services" appeared, and the state rather than private enterprises was made responsible for their provision. As a result, over the last 15 years of the Franco regime in Spain, a number of laws sought to unify the system of social services and gave more people access to them. Despite the progress, Franco's social policy preserved some previous shortcomings, i.e. a number of special social programs for certain categories of the population, as well as the fact that a significant part of social security was funded by the employees themselves.
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17

Otero-González, Uxía. "Gender Labor Policies in the Franco Dictatorship (1939–75): The Discursive Construction of Normative Femininity." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 14, no. 2 (2020): 196–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0010.

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Abstract This article analyzes the labor gender policies and the strategies of “genderization” put forward by the Franco Dictatorship in Spain. The Franco regime understood that women were the touchstone of society and key in both biological and sociocultural reproduction. Legislative regulations and sanctioned discourses accentuated the division between productive-public and reproductive-domestic spheres, relegating women to the latter. Nevertheless, to what extent did women embrace and challenge the regime's idealistic view of gender? This article contemplates female employment within and beyond official discourse. Oral sources used in this article suggest that socioeconomic reality overflowed the narrow limits of normative femininity. Not all women could enjoy the “honor” of embodying the exalted role of “perfect (house) wife” that the Franco regime had entrusted to them. In addition, this article explores changes in the ideal of femininity throughout the dictatorship. The Franco regime underwent crucial transformations during its almost 40 years of existence. This article argues that its adaptation had repercussions on sociocultural patterns and gender policies. Francoism built its early notion of normative femininity on the ideals of domesticity and Catholic morality, but (re)shaped the meanings of womanhood and (re)adjusted the legal system to fit the new circumstances that arose in the Cold War context.
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18

Lins, Eunice Simões, and Flávia Lopes. "Trevas e queda: análise do imaginário feminino na representação de fake news sobre Marielle Franco." Revista Memorare 5, no. 1 (2018): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19177/memorare.v5e1201878-96.

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O imaginário social que constrói o mundo de representações simbólicas femininas é permeado por arquétipos que nos rementem a símbolos de vários tipos de referências, inclusive negativistas. Procuramos neste artigo traçar algumas dessas representações negativadas nas notícias falsas divulgadas sobre a vereadora do Rio de Janeiro Marielle Franco, do Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL), assassinada em março de 2018. Neste artigo, buscamos por base a teoria do trajeto antropológico do imaginário, traçado por Gilbert Durand, em que procura a compreensão simbólica do imaginário por meio de dois regimes: o Regime Diurno e o Regime Noturno, partindo do pressuposto de que todas as formas de produção simbólica que temos na sociedade são reflexos do nosso imaginário social, como por exemplo, a produção midiática.
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19

BUCHANAN, T. "Receding Triumph: British Opposition to the Franco Regime, 1945-59." Twentieth Century British History 12, no. 2 (2001): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/12.2.163.

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20

Relano Pastor, Eugenia. "Spanish Catholic Church in Franco Regime: A marriage of convenience." Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 20, no. 2 (2007): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kize.2007.20.2.275.

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21

Lis, Irene Palacio, and Cándido Ruiz Rodrigo. "Educational Historiography of the Franco Regime: Analysis and Critical Review." Paedagogica Historica 39, no. 3 (2003): 340–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230307466.

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22

McDonough, Peter, Samuel H. Barnes, and Antonio López Pina. "The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (1986): 735–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960536.

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The political transition in Spain provides a rare opportunity to monitor popular attitudes toward alternative regimes. Through the analysis of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1979–80, and 1984, we first establish that the Spanish public distinguishes not only between successive governments—the Franquist and the center-right and socialist governments of the post-Franco period—but also between Francoism and democracy as political systems. Second, we show that during the post-Franco era the criteria of legitimacy have begun to shift from formal political to social democratic values. These analytical results are achieved by comparing standard with less orthodox measures of political legitimacy and performance, and by revising conventional theories of system support. Third, we estimate the determinants of support for and opposition to the two regimes. The Franquist system remains more polarizing than does the democratic system; the constituencies of the democratic regime are considerably broader and more heterogeneous. However, while the new democratic state is comparatively inclusive and autonomous, low rates of political participation and changes in traditional socialist ideology have made the institutional bases of legitimacy ambiguous.
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23

DOWLING, ANDREW. "Prohibition, Tolerance, Co-option: Cultural Appropriation and Francoism in Catalonia, 1939–75." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (2018): 370–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000267.

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Dictatorships, autocracies and authoritarian political systems must adapt if they wish to survive. The long-lasting dictatorship of Franco's Spain (1939–75) underwent a series of internal adaptations during its almost forty years of existence. The initial project of the Franco regime, which included the destruction of its social and political enemies, lasted until the end of the Second World War. The second phase, marked by a failed autarkic experiment, ended in 1959. The economic change that followed entailed a moderate opening in political terms, whilst maintaining a dictatorial apparatus. This article examines a further feature in the evolution of the Franco regime which initially sought to impose a monolithic national identity (Spanish) by means of the repression of its national minorities (Basque, Catalan, Galician and so on). Due to the absence of a violent political movement as existed in the Basque Country in the form of ETA, Catalonia is a particularly fruitful source to examine the shifts that took place in the Franco regime's policy towards Spain's historic nationalities. This article focuses on the intermediate spaces that appeared between overt opposition on the one hand and active collaboration on the other. This article assesses the evolving policy towards Catalan culture and identity during the dictatorship. I find three main phases in the regime's strategy: repression, followed by comparative tolerance with a final phase of the co-option of Catalan culture, for the purposes of regime legitimation.
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24

Solé, Queralt. "The valley of the fallen: a new El Escorial for Spain." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (2017): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.3.1.2.

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Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain has experienced a cycle of exhumations of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and has rediscovered that the largest mass grave of the state is the monument that glorifies the Franco regime: the Valley of the Fallen. Building work in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid, was begun in 1940 and was not completed until 1958. This article analyses for the first time the regimes wish, from the start of the works, for the construction of the Valley of the Fallen to outdo the monument of El Escorial. At the same time the regime sought to create a new location to sanctify the dictatorship through the vast transfer to its crypts of the remains of the dead of the opposing sides of the war.
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25

Castellano, Michael A., James M. Trappe, and Randy Molina. "Inoculation of container-grown Douglas-fir seedlings with basidiospores of Rhizopogonvinicolor and R. colossus: effects of fertility and spore application rate." Canadian Journal of Forest Research 15, no. 1 (1985): 10–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/x85-003.

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Basidiospores of Rhizopogonvinicolor Smith and R. colossus Smith were inoculated onto container-grown Douglas-fir (Pseudotsugamenziesii (Mirb.) Franco) seedlings and grown under two levels of soluble fertilizer and one level of slow-release fertilizer. Both fungi formed abundant ectomycorrhizae on more than 54% of feeder roots under the soluble fertilizer regimes. Slow-release fertilizer suppressed mycorrhizal formation by both fungi. Height growth was significantly increased under low fertility with all basidiospore application rates of R. colossus and the three lowest application rates of R. vinicolor. The high fertility regime produced plantable Douglas-fir seedlings with abundant ectomycorrhizae of R. colossus and R. vinicolor.
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26

Calvo-Gonzalez, Oscar. "American Military Interests and Economic Confidence in Spain under the Franco Dictatorship." Journal of Economic History 67, no. 3 (2007): 740–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050707000290.

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The security of property rights is fragile under dictatorships. This is particularly so if economic agents are uncertain as to whether the regime will last. As a result, private investment is withheld and economic performance is poor. Spain was in such a situation after World War II. However, as the Cold War intensified the United States became interested in Spain as a military ally, thereby helping to consolidate Franco's regime. This led to an increase in economic confidence and helps to explain why economic growth resumed in Spain ahead of significant changes in its autarkic economic policies.
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27

Fricke, Johanna. "History Teaching and Cultural Hegemony." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 12, no. 1 (2020): 74–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2020.120104.

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In the 1960s, facing a series of transformations within Spanish society, the Franco regime modified its self-legitimation strategy and with it its portrayal of the Spanish Civil War. Based on the analysis of nine history textbooks for various levels published between 1954 and 1970, this article demonstrates that, by aiming to neutralize increasing demands for democracy, reconciliation and peace, the Franco regime incorporated elements of the corresponding discourses into its own memory discourse. The later the year of publication and the higher the age of the intended readership, the more signs of this process of incorporation appear in the textbooks. Examples of such traces can be found in the terms used to denote the Spanish Civil War, in the textbooks’ characterizations of the two opposing sides, and in their presentation of both the Francoist governmental system and the development of Spain under Francoism.
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Davis, Ryan A. "CAUGHT IN FRANCO'S WEB: VIRTUAL MEMORIES OF PRISONS DURING THE FRANCO REGIME." Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 9, no. 1 (2008): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14636200701868035.

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29

Rosendorf, Neal Moses. "‘Hollywood In Madrid’: American Film Producers and the Franco Regime, 1950–1970." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 27, no. 1 (2007): 77–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439680601177155.

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30

Lima, Rodrigo Araújo de. "Regado com o sangue de tantos mártires." Revista Arqueologia Pública 14, no. 1 (2020): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/rap.v14i1.8654530.

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A Arqueologia que se fez na Espanha, durante o regime Franquista, foi sem dúvida uma Arqueologia enviesada, compelida e sobretudo, cruel. Nesse artigo discorreremos sobre a relação entre o Governo e a Academia no período franquista. Temos como objetivo evidenciar os maus usos da Arqueologia, para tanto abordaremos quatro autores que tiveram importante papel na Arqueologia durante o regime de Franco, são eles: Julio Martínez Santa-Olalla; Martín Almagro Basch, Oswald Meghin e Miguel Tarradell i Mateu.
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Mahiet, Damien. "The First Nutcracker, the Enchantment of International Relations, and the Franco-Russian Alliance." Dance Research 34, no. 2 (2016): 119–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2016.0156.

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Despite the lively scholarly debate on the place of The Sleeping Beauty (1890) in the political and cultural history of the Franco-Russian alliance in the 1890s, the representation of international relations in the first production of The Nutcracker (1892) has so far received little attention. This representation includes the well-known series of character dances in the second act of the ballet, but also the use of French fashion from the revolutionary era to costume the party guests, the mechanical dolls, the toy soldiers, and even Prince Nutcracker. The fairy-tale world offered a frame that not only promoted the absolutist aspirations of Alexander III's regime, but also solved the symbolic challenge of a problematic alliance between republican France and tsarist Russia. The same visual repertoire informed diplomatic life: four years after The Nutcracker, in 1896, the décor for the state visit of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna in France duplicated that of the fairy-tale world on stage.
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Núñez Seixas, Xosé M. "Spanish Views of Nazi Germany, 1933–45: A Fascist Hybridization?" Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 4 (2018): 858–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417739366.

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From the early 1930s, admiration for Hitler and Nazi Germany became characteristic of Spanish fascists. They were fascinated by the image of National Socialism and its example of ‘national resurgence’. During the war, the influence of Nazi Germany among Spanish fascists, traditionalists and supporters of the emerging Franco regime increased. On their return, Spanish travellers to Nazi Germany portrayed an enthusiastic image of a new society, marked by strong national pride, economic resurgence, social solidarity and material welfare. Until the end of the Second World War, several thousand Spanish Fascists and supporters of the Franco Regime visited Nazi Germany as soldiers on their way to and from the Eastern front, as civil workers or as students. A study of the experiences of such individuals may broaden our perspective on how Nazi Germany influenced foreign visitors. What image of Nazi Germany did those visitors paint in their letters, diaries and memoirs? What was left from this experience in post-1945 Spanish memories?
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33

Soro, Javier Muñoz. "The media in the Spanish transition to democracy (1975–82)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 33, no. 2-3 (2020): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00024_1.

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The transformations in Spain from the 1960s onwards in relation to communication resulted in a new legislation that allowed a certain liberalization to try to legitimize the Franco regime. Despite the information repression, some media outlets (especially magazines) became channels for the dissemination of democratic ideas and spaces for debate. In addition, the lack of consolidation in the socialization of the values of the ‘18 of July’ in the first stages of the dictatorship led to a more successful technocratic socialization to favour the depoliticization and demobilization of Spanish society. The interpretations on how this communication pseudo-space was decisive, during the last years of the Franco regime, for the formation of public opinion in democratic Spain have not taken into account a significant factor that allows overcoming the opposition between the emergence of civil society and the persistence of some values from Francoism. This factor is the enormous disparity in culture and media consumption, with its reflection in education and, more generally, in economic inequality.
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Alcalde, Ángel. "War Veterans and Fascism during the Franco Dictatorship in Spain (1936–1959)." European History Quarterly 47, no. 1 (2016): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416674417.

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This article argues that analysis and contextualization of the history of the Francoist veterans of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) leads to an understanding of Franco’s dictatorship as a fascist regime typical of the late 1930s and early 1940s. It reveals the congruence of the regime with the phenomenon of neo-fascism during the Cold War era. Drawing on a large range of archival and published sources, this article examines the history of the main Francoist veterans’ organization, the Delegación Nacional de Excombatientes (DNE) of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET-JONS), between 1939 and 1959. The evolution of the Francoist veterans’ organizational structures and political discourses can be understood as part of a process of fascistization and defascistization, which provides rare insights into the overall relationship between fascism and war.
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35

Preston, Paul. "The Decline and Resurgence of the Spanish Socialist Party During the Franco Regime." European History Quarterly 18, no. 2 (1988): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148801800204.

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Gomez Rodriguez, Amparo. "Postwar abandoned children: psychology and pedagogy at the service of the Franco Regime." Paedagogica Historica 55, no. 3 (2019): 470–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2018.1560338.

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37

Blanco Fajardo, Sergio. "Broadcasting the ‘Spanish Woman’. Nationalism and Female Radio Programmes During the Franco Regime." TMG Journal for Media History 22, no. 2 (2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/tmg.598.

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38

Rodao, Florentino. "Japan and the Axis, 1937—8: Recognition of the Franco Regime and Manchukuo." Journal of Contemporary History 44, no. 3 (2009): 431–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009409104117.

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39

Black, Jeremy. "Book Review: Fernando Guirao: The European Rescue of the Franco Regime, 1950–1975." Journal of European Studies 51, no. 2 (2021): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00472441211013111e.

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40

Edwards, Jill. "Richard Wigg.Churchill and Spain: The Survival of the Franco Regime, 1940–45.:Churchill and Spain: The Survival of the Franco Regime, 1940–45.(Routledge/Cañada Blanch Studies on Contemporary Spain.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (2008): 582–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.582a.

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41

Rufino, Rafael. "Arqueologia e nacionalismo espanhol: a prática arqueológica durante o franquismo (1939-1955)." Revista Arqueologia Pública 4, no. 1 (2015): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/rap.v4i1.8635780.

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O objetivo do artigo é discutir a relação entre Arqueologia e Nacionalismo, centrando-se no caso espanhol durante o regime do General Francisco FRanco. Inicia-se com uma exposição, em linhas gerais, das primeiras atividades de preservação dos vestígios arqueológicos levadas a cabo na Espanha, no final do século XIX. Posteriormente, analisa-se o que seria a institucionalização de uma "Arqueologia franquista", a partir da criação da Comisaría General de Excavaciones Arqueológicas - organismo que centralizou toda a atividade arqueológicas, entre 1939 e 1955. Por fim, a discussão tem como foco a Arqueologia durante o franquismo como uma Arqueologia a serviço do regime.
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42

Everett, K. T., B. J. Hawkins, and S. Kiiskila. "Growth and nutrient dynamics of Douglas-fir seedlings raised with exponential or conventional fertilization and planted with or without fertilizer." Canadian Journal of Forest Research 37, no. 12 (2007): 2552–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/x07-108.

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The effects of two operational nursery fertilization regimes on the growth and nutrient dynamics of Douglas-fir ( Pseudotsuga menziesii var. glauca (Beissn.) Franco) seedlings after planting were compared. Seedlings were grown in a nursery with nutrients added at a constant rate (conventional fertilization) or at a rate that increased exponentially by 2%·day–1 (exponential fertilization) and planted near Barriere and Victoria, British Columbia. At the time of planting, half of the conventionally fertilized seedlings were planted with slow-release fertilizer packets. Growth and nutrient allocation was observed for 2 years following planting. Although the exponential fertilization regime provided 25% more N in the nursery compared with the conventional fertilization regime, exponentially fertilized seedlings were smaller at the time of planting, did not differ significantly in foliar N concentration, and showed no lasting benefits in growth or nutrient allocation. Two years after planting, there were no significant differences between the conventional and exponential fertilization regimes in seedling height, root collar diameter, total dry mass, or whole-plant N concentration. Seedlings fertilized at the time of planting had greater height and dry mass on the Barriere site but not on the dry Victoria site and whole-plant N concentrations did not differ 2 years after planting.
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Sonlleva Velasco, Miriam, and Luis Mariano Torrego Egido. "A mí No me Daban Besos. Infancia y Educación de la Masculinidad en la Posguerra Española." Masculinities & Social Change 7, no. 1 (2018): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/mcs.2018.2560.

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From the end of the decade of 1930, Spain was subjected to an iron distinction of sexes. The Franco dictatorship created two molds: one for man and one for woman. Education became the potter who, through his teachings, was shaping those gender models. The conversion of the scholar into a man or woman according to their sex and the assumption of the roles, stereotypes and meanings that this appropriation implied was the goal of education in those years. Many studies have explored how postwar girls were turned into self-sacrificing women thanks to the educational influences they received, but there are hardly any researches that try to problematize the role played by the school in the reproduction of the masculinity model promoted by the Regime. The work that we present, parts of the review of the existing literature on masculinity in the Franco regime to enter the knowledge of the male education of those years. The childhood memories of two postwar children and the memories of their experiences will allow us to identify and value the model of masculinity in which they were educated.
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Nesti, Arnaldo. "Introduction: le catholicisme espagnol dix ans après la mort de Franco." Social Compass 33, no. 4 (1986): 337–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776868603300401.

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In this introduction, A. Nesti lays out the principle characte ristics of the nature and dialectic of contemporary Spanish Catho licism: the dependence of Spain on foreign investments, the role of the monarchy at the time of the change in regime, the forma tion of a political class for whom the anti-Franco struggle was unknown, the impulse in favour of change within the boundaries of civil society and the Church, and the europeanization of the Iberian peninsula.
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45

Sullivan, Karen, and Elena Bandín. "Censoring metaphors in translation: Shakespeare's Hamlet under Franco." Cognitive Linguistics 25, no. 2 (2014): 177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cog-2014-0016.

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AbstractIn the three versions of Hamlet translated during the Franco regime in Spain, metaphors related to the censored themes of sex and religion were altered or removed. In this study, we employ the Metaphor Identification Procedure (Pragglejaz Group 2007) to identify all metaphors involving sex and religion in Shakespeare's Hamlet and its three Franco-era Spanish translations. We find that under the influence of censorship, authors employ many of the strategies for metaphor translation also used for uncensored texts, such as those identified by Newmark (1981), van den Broeck (1981), and Toury (1995). However, we argue that censorship encourages strategies judged as less preferable, more extreme, or which are not usually discussed in translation studies. These strategies appear to be selected specifically to remove the material subject to censorship, whether this is found in the source domain (vehicle) or the target domain (tenor) of a metaphor.
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Fernández-Gil, María Jesús. "Anne Frank in the ultra-Catholic Franco period." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 31, no. 3 (2019): 420–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.18047.fer.

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Abstract This paper examines Spaniards’ responses to the Americanised construction of Anne Frank and her diary. In addition to analysing the context in which the first translation into Castilian Spanish was published, consideration is given to the transformative moves that the original text and the Broadway and Hollywood rewritings of the diary underwent when they were made available in Spain in the second half of the 1950s. Special attention is paid to the discursive reconfiguration of the mythicised view built around the figure of Anne Frank in the United States and to its challenge and exploitation in the ultra-Catholic years of Franco’s regime. In that sense, one of the major driving forces behind this paper is answering the question of whether or not the reception of this text in Francoist Spain was affected by the fact that its author was an adolescent, a Jew, and a woman.
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Pons, Maria A. "Capture or agreement? Why Spanish banking was regulated under the Franco regime, 1939–75." Financial History Review 6, no. 1 (1999): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096856500000024x.

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48

Dowling, Andrew. "The Leading Role of the Party: Catalan Communism and the Franco Regime, 1939–1975." European History Quarterly 43, no. 3 (2013): 489–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691413491053.

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Rees, Tim. "R. Wigg (2008).Churchill and Spain. The Survival of the Franco Regime, 1940–1945." Diplomacy & Statecraft 22, no. 1 (2011): 175–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2011.550176.

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50

Anaya, Pilar Ortuo. "The EEC, the Franco regime, and the Socialist group in the European Parliament, 196277." International Journal of Iberian Studies 14, no. 1 (2001): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis.14.1.26.

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