Journal articles: 'Region Mesa Verde'

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Arakawa, Fumiyasu, Scott G. Ortman, M. Steven Shackley, and Andrew I. Duff. "Obsidian Evidence of Interaction and Migration from the Mesa Verde Region, Southwest Colorado." American Antiquity 76, no. 4 (October 2011): 773–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.76.4.773.

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A growing body of evidence demonstrates that ancestral Pueblo people living in the central Mesa Verde region of the U.S. Southwest maintained long-distance contacts with other Pueblo peoples. Questions of Pueblo interactions through time and across space have traditionally been addressed using ceramic sourcing data. This research uses obsidian source data to argue that, from A.D. 600 to 920, residents of the central Mesa Verde region obtained obsidian from throughout the U.S. northern Southwest, but that from A.D. 1060 to 1280 they acquired obsidian almost exclusively from the Jemez Mountains area of north-central New Mexico. In addition, importation of obsidian from the Pajarito Plateau increased during the period of population decline in the Mesa Verde region, and population expansion on the Pajarito. Characteristics of the obsidian assemblage from central Mesa Verde region sites also suggest that Jemez obsidian entered the region primarily in the form of finished arrows, arrow points, and arrow-point preforms. We argue that these patterns reflect return migration by early immigrants from the Mesa Verde region to the northern Rio Grande, an early stage in the development of a migration stream between the two regions.

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Johnson, C. David. "Mesa Verde Region Towers: A View from Above." KIVA 68, no. 4 (June 2003): 323–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2003.11758481.

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Moore, James L., Eric Blinman, and M. Steven Shackley. "Temporal Variation in Obsidian Procurement in the Northern Rio Grande and Its Implications for Obsidian Movement into the San Juan Area." American Antiquity 85, no. 1 (September 24, 2019): 152–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2019.69.

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Arakawa and colleagues (2011) use temporal changes in obsidian source patterns to link the late thirteenth-century abandonment of the Mesa Verde region to Ortman's (2010, 2012) model of Tewa migration to the northern Rio Grande. They employ Anthony's (1990) concept of reverse migration, inferring that an increase in Mesa Verde–region obsidian from a specific Jemez Mountain source reflects the scouting of an eventual migration path. Weaknesses of this inference are that only obsidian data from the Mesa Verde region were used in its development and that the model does not consider the complexities of previously documented patterns of settlement and stone raw material use in the northern Rio Grande. By examining source data from parts of northwestern and north-central New Mexico, we find that the patterning seen in the Mesa Verde obsidian data is widespread both geographically and temporally. The patterns are more indicative of a change in acquisition within a down-the-line exchange system than a reverse migration stream. Population trends on the southern Pajarito Plateau, the probable source of the acquisition change, suggest ancestral Keres rather than Tewa involvement in thirteenth-century obsidian distribution.

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Kohler, Timothy A., Scott G. Ortman, Katie E. Grundtisch, Carly M. Fitzpatrick, and Sarah M. Cole. "The Better Angels of their Nature: Declining Violence through Time Among Prehispanic Farmers of the Pueblo Southwest." American Antiquity 79, no. 3 (July 2014): 444–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.3.444.

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The central Mesa Verde and the northern Rio Grande regions housed two of the densest populations of prehispanic Pueblo peoples in the North American Southwest. We plot incidence of violent trauma on human bone through time in each region. Such violence peaked in the mid-A.D. 1100s in the central Mesa Verde, and in general was higher through time there than in the northern Rio Grande region. In the central Mesa Verde, but not in the northern Rio Grande, there is a tendency for violence to be greater in periods of low potential maize produccción per capita and high variance in maize produccción, though these structural tendencies were on occasion overridden by historical factors such as the expansion and demise of the Chacoan polity and the regional depopulation. Violence generally declined through time in the northern Rio Grande until the arrival of the Spanish, even as populations increased. We propose that this decline was due to the combination of increased social span of polities, the importance of inter-Pueblo sodalities, the nature of religious practice, “gentle commerce,“ and increased adherence to a set of nonviolent norms.

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Arakawa, Fumiyasu. "GENDERED ANALYSIS OF LITHICS FROM THE CENTRAL MESA VERDE REGION." KIVA 78, no. 3 (March 2013): 279–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0023194013z.0000000003.

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Speakman, Robert J., and Hector Neff. "Evaluation of Painted Pottery from the Mesa Verde Region Using Laser Ablation-Inductively Coupled Plasma-Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS)." American Antiquity 67, no. 1 (January 2002): 137–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694882.

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For decades archaeologists have struggled with the problem of accurately determining organic and mineral-based paints in pottery from the American Southwest. Using Laser Ablation-Inductively Coupled Plasma-Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS), we have developed a simple and cost-effective method that permits classification of painted surfaces into mineral and organic-based categories. By applying this method to Mesa Verde and Mancos Black-on-white pottery from the Mesa Verde Region, we were able to distinguish easily between mineral and organic-based paints. Preliminary data also suggest that multiple sub-groups of mineral-based paints exist within these ceramic types, indicating that multiple recipes for manufacturing paint may have been employed by prehistoric potters from this region.

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Crabtree, Stefani A., R. Kyle Bocinsky, Paul L. Hooper, Susan C. Ryan, and Timothy A. Kohler. "HOW TO MAKE A POLITY (IN THE CENTRAL MESA VERDE REGION)." American Antiquity 82, no. 1 (January 2017): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2016.18.

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The degree to which prehispanic societies in the northern upland Southwest were hierarchical or egalitarian is still debated and seems likely to have changed through time. This paper examines the plausibility of village-spanning polities in the northern Southwest by simulating the coevolution of hierarchy and warfare using extensions to the Village Ecodynamics Project's agent-based model. We additionally compile empirical data on the population size distribution of habitations and ritual spaces (kivas) and the social groups that used them in three large regions of the Pueblo Southwest and analyze these through time. All lines of evidence refute an “autonomous village” model during the Pueblo II period (A.D. 890–1145); rather, they support the existence of village-spanning polities during the Pueblo II and probably into the Pueblo III period (A.D. 1145–1285) in some areas. One or more polities connecting the northern Southwest, with tribute flowing to an apex in Chaco Canyon, appears plausible during Pueblo II for the areas we examine. During Pueblo III, more local organizations likely held sway until depopulation in the late thirteenth century.

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Bellorado, Benjamin A. "AN INTRODUCTION TO RECENT RESEARCH IN THE EASTERN MESA VERDE REGION." KIVA 78, no. 4 (June 2013): 339–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0023194013z.0000000006.

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Schwindt, Dylan M., R. Kyle Bocinsky, Scott G. Ortman, Donna M. Glowacki, Mark D. Varien, and Timothy A. Kohler. "The Social Consequences of Climate Change in the Central Mesa Verde Region." American Antiquity 81, no. 1 (January 2016): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.81.1.74.

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AbstractThe consequences of climate change vary over space and time. Effective studies of human responses to climatically induced environmental change must therefore sample the environmental diversity experienced by specific societies. We reconstruct population histories from A.D. 600 to 1280 in six environmentally distinct portions of the central Mesa Verde region in southwestern Colorado, relating these to climate-driven changes in agricultural potential. In all but one subregion, increases in maize-niche size led to increases in population size. Maize-niche size is also positively correlated with regional estimates of birth rates. High birth rates continued to accompany high population levels even as productive conditions declined in the A.D. 1200s. We reconstruct prominent imbalances between the maize-niche size and population densities in two subregions from A.D. 1140 to 1180 and from A.D. 1225 to 1260. We propose that human responses in those subregions, beginning by the mid-A.D. 1200s, contributed to violence and social collapse across the entire society. Our findings are relevant to discussions of how climate change will affect contemporary societies.

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Kuckelman, Kristin A. "The Depopulation of Sand Canyon Pueblo, A Large Ancestral Pueblo Village in Southwestern Colorado." American Antiquity 75, no. 3 (July 2010): 497–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.3.497.

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Archaeologists in the Mesa Verde region of the American Southwest have long sought the catalysts of the complete depopulation of the region by Pueblo farmers in the late thirteenth century. Ten years of excavations by the Crow Canyon Archaeological Center at Sand Canyon Pueblo, a large village that was occupied from approximately A.D. 1250 to 1280, yielded abundant data regarding the depopulation of the village and shed new light on causes of this intriguing regional emigration. Comparative analyses of faunal and archaeobotanical remains from middens vs. abandonment assemblages reveal a shift from farming to hunting and gathering that coincided with the onset of the Great Drought about A.D. 1276. Osteological and taphonomic analyses of human remains found in abandonment contexts reveal details of an attack during which many residents were killed and that ended the occupation of the village. These findings from Sand Canyon Pueblo suggest that climate-induced food stress and consequent violent conflict contributed to the depopulation of the Mesa Verde region in the late A.D. 1200s.

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Kantner, John, Mark D. Varien, and Richard H. Wilshusen. "Seeking the Center Place: Archaeology and Ancient Communities in the Mesa Verde Region." Journal of Field Archaeology 29, no. 1/2 (2002): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3181501.

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Van West, Carla R., and Jeffrey S. Dean. "Environmental Characteristics of thea.d.900–1300 Period in the Central Mesa Verde Region." KIVA 66, no. 1 (September 2000): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2000.11758420.

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Kohler, Timothy A. "The Final 400 Years of Prehispanic Agricultural Society in the Mesa Verde Region." KIVA 66, no. 1 (September 2000): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2000.11758427.

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Varien, Mark D., Scott G. Ortman, Timothy A. Kohler, Donna M. Glowacki, and C. David Johnson. "Historical Ecology in the Mesa Verde Region: Results from the Village Ecodynamics Project." American Antiquity 72, no. 2 (April 2007): 273–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035814.

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Using the occupation histories of 3,176 habitation sites, new estimates of maize-agriculture productivity, and an analysis of over 1,700 construction timbers, we examine the historical ecology of Pueblo peoples during their seven-century occupation (A.D. 600–1300) of a densely settled portion of the Mesa Verde archaeological region. We identify two cycles of population growth and decline, the earlier and smaller peaking in the late-A.D. 800s, the later and larger in the mid-A.D. 1200s. We also identify several episodes of immigration. Formation of aggregated settlements, which we term community centers, is positively correlated with increasing population and the time elapsed in each settlement cycle, and it persists during periods of regional population decline, but it does not correlate with climatic variation averaged over periods. Architectural and land-use practices depleted pinyon-juniper woodlands during the first cycle, but more stable field systems and greater recycling of construction timber resulted in more sustainable management of wood resources during the second cycle, despite much higher population densities. Our estimates for maize production are lower than previous estimates, especially for the A.D. 1200s, when population reached its peak in the study area. Even so, considerable potential agricultural production remained unused in the decades that immediately preceded the complete depopulation of our study area.

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Arakawa, Fumiyasu, and Kimberlee Miskell-Gerhardt. "Geoarchaeological investigation of lithic resources in the central Mesa Verde region, Colorado, USA." Geoarchaeology 24, no. 2 (March 2009): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/gea.20263.

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Bernardini, Wesley. "Kiln Firing Groups: Inter-Household Economic Collaboration and Social Organization in the Northern American Southwest." American Antiquity 65, no. 2 (April 2000): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694064.

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AbstractRecent research on trench kilns from the Mesa Verde region of the northern American Southwest (Blinman and Swink 1997) suggests that trench kilns represent collaborative firings by groups of potters. This study presents a method for estimating the sizes of these proposed kiln firing groups. A comparative analysis between firing group sizes and the size of other contemporaneous social units provides insights into socioeconomic relationships between Mesa Verde households in both dispersed and aggregated settlement contexts. This study demonstrates that different stages of a production process may involve different production groups and highlights the utility of examining each production stage individually. It further suggests the importance of searching for archaeological evidence of production beyond residential areas to other production contexts, such as firing features, if the organization of all stages of production is to be understood.

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Kuckelman, Kristin A., Ricky R. Lightfoot, and Debra L. Martin. "The Bioarchaeology and Taphonomy of Violence at Castle Rock and Sand Canyon Pueblos, Southwestern Colorado." American Antiquity 67, no. 3 (July 2002): 486–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1593823.

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Violence and the role of violence have emerged recently as topics important to understanding the prehistory of the northern Southwest. Recent excavations at Castle Rock and Sand Canyon pueblos, two thirteenth-century sites in the Mesa Verde region of southwestern Colorado, bring new data to bear on these subjects. Field contexts and the results of bone and myoglobin analyses indicate that nonlethal and lethal violence occurred in both of these villages and that additional modifications to bodies and bones occurred near the time of death. Around A.D. 1280, at least eight individuals at Sand Canyon Pueblo died violently, and at least 41 individuals died at Castle Rock. During or after the warfare event that ended the occupation of Castle Rock, some bodies were dismembered, bones were broken, crushed, and heat altered; a few bones were reamed, and the end of one bone was polished. Several incidents of violence and probable anthropophagy (the consumption of human flesh) have been documented in the Mesa Verde region for the mid-A.D. 1100s; however, this analysis of violent events in the late A.D. 1200s establishes a critical link between probable anthropophagy and warfare, and links both with the depopulation of the region.

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Billman, Brian R., Patricia M. Lambert, and Banks L. Leonard. "Cannibalism, Warfare, and Drought in the Mesa Verde Region during the Twelfth Century A.D." American Antiquity 65, no. 1 (January 2000): 145–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694812.

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AbstractThe existence of cannibalism has emerged as one of the most controversial issues in the archaeology of the American Southwest. In this paper, we examine this issue by presenting the results of our investigation at 5MT10010, a small early Pueblo III habitation site in southwestern Colorado. Battered, broken bones from seven individuals were discovered in two adjacent pithouses at 5MT10010. Mixed and incomplete remains of four adults and an adolescent were recovered from the floor and ventilator shaft of one pithouse; the remains of two subadults were found on the floor and in various subfeatures of the second. Cut marks and percussion scars implicate humans in the disarticulation and reduction of these bodies. Evidence of heat exposure on some bone fragments and laboratory analyses of a human coprolite recovered from one of the pithouses support the interpretation that people prepared and consumed human body parts. The discovery of disarticulated human remains at 5MT10010 is one of a number of similar finds in the northern Southwest. Analysis of cases from the Mesa Verde region indicates a sharp increase in cannibalism around A.D. 1150, a time of drought and the collapse of the Chaco system. The causes, consequences, and nature of this apparent outbreak of cannibalism are examined in light of 5MT10010 and other recent finds.

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Ortman, Scott G., Mark D. Varien, and T. Lee Gripp. "Empirical Bayesian Methods for Archaeological Survey Data: An Application from the Mesa Verde Region." American Antiquity 72, no. 2 (April 2007): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035813.

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Cultural resource databases represent the single largest compilations of archaeological site data, but these databases are seldom used in research because they were designed for management purposes, evolved from paper-based inventories, contain significant interobserver variation, and record information inconsistently. In this paper we present methods designed to alleviate these problems in an analysis of more than 3,000 ancestral Pueblo habitation sites from southwestern Colorado. Our methods draw heavily upon Bayesian statistical concepts and utilize the rich excavation records of our study area to quantify the relationship between surface evidence and excavation results using probabilities. This approach offers a number of advantages over ad hoc, judgmental approaches, and produces a more empirically justified history of ancestral Pueblo settlement in our study area. We believe methods like these have great potential for reconstructing settlement patterns from survey data.

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MOBLEY-TANAKA, JEANNETTE L. "GRAY WARE PRODUCTION IN THE MESA VERDE REGION: AN ANALYSIS OF KILNS AND KILN DEBRIS." KIVA 77, no. 1 (September 2011): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/kiv.2011.77.1.002.

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Varien, Mark D., Carla R. Van West, and G. Stuart Patterson. "Competition, Cooperation, and Conflict: Agricultural Production and Community Catchments in the Central Mesa Verde Region." KIVA 66, no. 1 (September 2000): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2000.11758421.

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Palonka, Radosław. "Rock Art from the Lower Sand Canyon in the Mesa Verde Region, Southwestern Colorado, USA." KIVA 85, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 232–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2019.1643071.

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Coffey, Grant D., and Susan C. Ryan. "A spatial analysis of civic-ceremonial architecture in the central Mesa Verde Region, United States." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 47 (September 2017): 12–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2017.02.002.

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Kohler, Timothy A., and Lynne Sebastian. "Population Aggregation in the Prehistoric North American Southwest." American Antiquity 61, no. 3 (July 1996): 597–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281844.

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We attempt to clarify the role of demographic factors (size, density, history, and trajectory) in aggregation in the ancestral Puebloan Southwest, which we found obscure in Leonard and Reed (1993). In addition, we question one of the case studies from Chaco Canyon that they used to support their model, and we suggest that data from the Mesa Verde region between A.D. 700 and 1300 argue against the generality of their explanation for aggregation.

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Mcdonald, Jerry N., Sarah W. Neusius, and Vickie L. Clay. "An associated partial skeleton of Symbos cavifrons (Artiodactyla: Bovidae) from Montezuma County, Colorado." Journal of Paleontology 61, no. 4 (July 1987): 831–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022336000029164.

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A partial cranium and axial skeleton of an individual Symbos cavifrons were excavated in 1983 from the Mesa Verde Loess on Grass Mesa, Montezuma County, Colorado. Parts of at least 24 bones were recovered, including the first complete set of cervical vertebrae known for Symbos cavifrons. This individual, radiocarbon dated at 15,970 ± 155 yr B.P. (SI-6137), contributes to the definition of the southwestern edge of the range of the species and provides new information about the nature of the vertebral column. Pathologic constriction of the transverse canals is evident in the third and seventh cervical vertebrae. The pattern of bone distribution suggests that carnivores consumed part of this animal. The radiocarbon date also establishes the last major episode of loess deposition in the Four Corners region of the southwestern United States.

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Arakawa, Fumiyasu, and Christopher Nicholson. "Prehistoric resource procurement in the central Mesa Verde region: A study of human mobility and social interactions using GIS." International Journal of Humanities and Arts Computing 3, no. 1-2 (October 2009): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ijhac.2009.0010.

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The use of a Geographic Information System (GIS) in the study of lithic procurement patterns provides crucial information about energy expenditure and territoriality of prehistoric communities. Cost-weight analyses calculate proxy energetic expenditures of agents who transport lithic materials from a quarry to the nearest habitation site. Illustrating energy expenditure values onto maps helps us understand changes in toolstone procurement patterns through time. Comparing energy expenditure values from one time period to another also demonstrates when agents developed the sense of territoriality. This research investigates how the central Mesa Verde Puebloans utilised resources on their landscape from A.D. 600 to 1280.

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Glowacki, Donna M., Hector Neff, and Michael D. Glascock. "An Initial Assessment of the Production and Movement of Thirteenth Century Ceramic Vessels in the Mesa Verde Region." KIVA 63, no. 3 (January 1998): 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.1998.11758355.

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Bellorado, Benjamin A., and Kirk C. Anderson. "EARLY PUEBLO RESPONSES TO CLIMATE VARIABILITY: FARMING TRADITIONS, LAND TENURE, AND SOCIAL POWER IN THE EASTERN MESA VERDE REGION." KIVA 78, no. 4 (June 2013): 377–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0023194013z.0000000007.

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Burlot, Jacques, Karen Schollmeyer, Virginie Renson, Joan Brenner Coltrain, Amanda Werlein, and Jeffrey R. Ferguson. "Defining isotopic signatures of potential procurement sources: A case study in the Mesa Verde region of the US Southwest." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 41 (February 2022): 103334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103334.

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Wilshusen, Richard H., Melissa J. Churchill, and James M. Potter. "Prehistoric Reservoirs and Water Basins in the Mesa Verde Region: Intensification of Water Collection Strategies during the Great Pueblo Period." American Antiquity 62, no. 4 (October 1997): 664–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281885.

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More than 20 examples of probable prehistoric water basins with minimum storage capacities of 10,000–25,000 gallons of water are known in the Mesa Verde region of the American Southwest. The temporal placement of these artificially constructed basins, their exact uses, and their importance as public architecture have been poorly understood. We summarize the general literature on these features, give a detailed account of the excavation results of a dam and basin that we tested and dated, and then synthesize all available data from the gray literature on prehistoric water basins in our area. We argue that water basins and reservoirs in the northern Southwest typically stored domestic water for particular communities and that the first evidence of these public features is probably associated with Chaco-era communities. These features represent early experiments with large-scale water conservation and suggest a long-term commitment to locales by specific communities. Their locations along the canyon edges foreshadow shifts in settlement and increased water conservation strategies that become more pronounced in the later Great Pueblo-period villages-the last villages in this area before the migration of Puebloan people to the south after A.D. 1280.

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Safi, Kristin N. "Using Least Cost Pathways to Understand the Processes of Migration from the Mesa Verde Region during the Pueblo III Period." KIVA 80, no. 1 (September 2014): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0023194015z.00000000038.

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Reynolds, Robert G., Timothy A. Kohler, and Ziad Kobti. "The Effects of Generalized Reciprocal Exchange on the Resilience of Social Networks: An Example from the Prehispanic Mesa Verde Region." Computational & Mathematical Organization Theory 9, no. 3 (October 2003): 227–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:cmot.0000026583.03782.60.

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Badenhorst, Shaw, Jonathan C. Driver, and Susan C. Ryan. "Desirable Meat: The Social Context of Meat Procurement at Albert Porter Pueblo, a Great House Community in the Central Mesa Verde Region." KIVA 85, no. 3 (March 18, 2019): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00231940.2019.1579442.

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Arakawa, Fumiyasu, and Christopher Nicholson. "Identifying new quarries as a method for expanding research: A GIS case study from the Mesa Verde region in the American Southwest." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 33 (October 2020): 102470. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2020.102470.

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Ortman, Scott G. "Conceptual Metaphor in the Archaeological Record: Methods and an Example from the American Southwest." American Antiquity 65, no. 4 (October 2000): 613–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694419.

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This paper attempts to unify recent theorizing on cultural meaning in material culture using the notion of conceptual metaphor. Research in several disciplines suggests that conventional metaphorical concepts are central to cultural cognition. Ethnographic studies and psychological experiments indicate that conceptual metaphors are expressed in numerous forms of human expression, including speech, ritual, narrative, and material culture. Generalizations on the nature and structure of metaphor emerging from cognitive linguistic research can be used to develop methods for reconstructing ancient metaphors from archaeological evidence. In a preliminary application, I argue that pottery designs from the Mesa Verde region of the American Southwest were conceptualized as textile fabrics, and suggest that connections between these media derived from a worldview grounded in container imagery. The ability to decipher conceptual metaphors in prehistoric material culture opens up many new avenues for research, including the role of worldview in cultural evolution, and the discovery of cultural continuities between archaeological cultures and historic ethnolinguistic groups.

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Varien, Mark D., and James M. Potter. "Unpacking the Discard Equation: Simulating the Accumulation of Artifacts in the Archaeological Record." American Antiquity 62, no. 2 (April 1997): 194–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282506.

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Quantifying discard to accurately estimate the duration of site occupation is critical middle-range research necessary for understanding assemblage diversity, the nature of settlement systems and mobility strategies, and population size, and for testing any anthropological theory that depends on the accurate measurement of these variables. We address this middle-range research by employing a computer simulation to explore assumptions inherent in the discard equation and to determine the accuracy with which cooking pot refuse measures the length of site occupation. The accumulation of discarded cooking pot sherds is simulated using a strong archaeological case: the Duckfoot site, a Pueblo I residential site located in the Mesa Verde region of southwestern Colorado. We argue that estimating the length of site occupation using data from a strong archaeological case is superior to using the discard equation and ethnographic data, but that the discard equation and ethnographic data-used judiciously-can provide reasonable estimates if a strong archaeological case is not available. Results indicate that the most variable and least accurate results are generated by short-term occupations of sites by small numbers of households. We further conclude that quantifying the accumulation of discarded cooking pot sherds has considerable promise as a means of estimating the length of site occupation.

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Stewart, Joe D., and Karen R. Adams. "Evaluating Visual Criteria for Identifying Carbon- and Iron-Based Pottery Paints from the Four Corners Region Using SEM-EDS." American Antiquity 64, no. 4 (October 1999): 675–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694212.

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AbstractPaint types on black-on-white pottery in the prehistoric American Southwest have had significance for both chronological and sociocultural interpretations. Visual attributes have formed the basis for distinguishing carbon- and mineral-based paints on ancient black-on-white pottery in the American Southwest for over 60 years. In this study, an SEM-EDS (scanning electron microscope-energy dispersive X-ray spectrometer) system was first used to make an independent objective determination of the mineral or non-mineral paint present on 15 Mesa Verde White Ware sherds. Then, a group of 19 people (including experienced archaeologists and newly trained individuals) examined and classified the paint on these sherds, achieving an overall accuracy of 84.2 percent. This group also ranked in priority order the visual attributes they felt were most useful in determining pottery paint type: nature of edges (fuzzy, sharp), absorption (soaks in, sits on top), luster (shiny, dull), color range (black-gray-blue; black-brown-reddish), flakiness (doesn't flake off, flakes off), thickness (thin, thick), and surface polish (polish striations visible through paint, striations not visible through paint). In each case, the attribute applicable to carbon-based paint is listed first. The most difficult sherds for the group to identify displayed attributes of both carbon and mineral paints. A category for "mixed" paint type, already in use by archaeologists, is a reasonable third category for labeling sherd paint, as long as it does not become a "catch-all" category. For problematic sherds, the SEM-EDS can be used to characterize paint type, then the visual attributes adjusted to improve investigator accuracy in paint type determination.

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Rautman, Alison E. "Mark D. Varien & Richard H. Wilshusen (ed.). Seeking the center place: archaeology and ancient communities in the Mesa Verde region. xii+344 pages, 58 figures, 21 tables. 2002. Salt Lake City (UT): University of Utah Press; 0-87480-735-2 hardback $45." Antiquity 79, no. 306 (December 2005): 976–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00115212.

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Maldonado, Florian, James R. Budahn, Lisa Peters, and Daniel M. Unruh. "Geology, geochronology, and geochemistry of basaltic flows of the Cat Hills, Cat Mesa, Wind Mesa, Cerro Verde, and Mesita Negra, central New Mexico." Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences 43, no. 9 (September 1, 2006): 1251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/e06-018.

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The geochronology, geochemistry, and isotopic compositions of basaltic flows erupted from the Cat Hills, Cat Mesa, Wind Mesa, Cerro Verde, and Mesita Negra volcanic centres in central New Mexico indicate that each of these lavas had unique origins and that the predominant mantle involved in their production was an ocean-island basalt type. The basalts from Cat Hills (0.11 Ma) and Cat Mesa (3.0 Ma) are similar in major and trace element composition, but differences in MgO contents and Pb isotopic values are attributed to a small involvement of a lower crustal component in the genesis of the Cat Mesa rocks. The Cerro Verde rock is comparable in age (0.32 Ma) to the Cat Hills lavas, but it is more radiogenic in Sr and Nd, has higher MgO contents, and has a lower La/Yb ratio. This composition is explained by the melting of an enriched mantle source, but the involvement of another crustal component cannot be disregarded. The Wind Mesa rock is characterized by similar age (4.01 Ma) and MgO contents, but it has enriched rare-earth element contents compared with the Cat Mesa samples. These are attributed to a difference in the degree of partial melting of the Cat Mesa source. The Mesita Negra rock (8.11 Ma) has distinctive geochemical and isotopic compositions that suggest a different enriched mantle and that large amounts of a crustal component were involved in generating this magma. These data imply a temporal shift in magma source regions and crustal involvement, and have been previously proposed for Rio Grande rift lavas.

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Palonka, Radosław. "Arquitectura defensiva de la cultura Pueblo en los cañones de la región Mesa Verde, Colorado, EE.UU." Estudios Latinoamericanos 39 (December 31, 2020): 185–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.36447/estudios2019.v39.art11.

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La cultura Pueblo se desarrolló el suroeste de Norteamérica sin interrupción durante casi tres mil años, experimentando un serie de cambios y transformaciones culturales y sociales. Dichos cambios se mani-fi estan principalmente en las formas de asentamiento y arquitectura diferenciadoras de otras culturas indígenas de Norteamérica. Desde el siglo VII d.C. aproximadamente las comunidades de la cultura Pueblo erigen edifi cios de varios pisos, de materiales como adobe, piedra arenisca y madera. A diferencia de las culturas de cazadores-recolectores la cultura Pueblo se caracteriza por su asentamiento permanente y su avanzada agricultura.El siglo XIII d.C. trae una transformación de las formas de asentamiento de los Pueblo en la región Mesa Verde. Los asentamientos empiezan a trasladarse de zonas planas y abiertas a los bordes y las laderas de los cañones, o incluso a nichos y refugios rocosos de difícil acceso en las empinadas laderas de los cañones. En las rocas crecen asentamientos y ciudades, a menudo rodeados de muros de piedra y difíciles de ac-ceder; al mismo tiempo empiezan a construirse torres de piedra y túneles subterráneos. Todo ello surgía probablemente de consideraciones defensivas, relacionadas con el deterioro de las condiciones ambienta-les y climáticas, así como con el aumento de confl ictos y peleas, tanto dentro de la cultura misma, como probablemente con atacantes de otras tribus.Uno de los complejos de asentamientos Pueblo del siglo XIII, ubicado en Sand Canyon, Rock Creek Ca-nyon y Graveyard Canyon en la región de Mesa Verde, en Colorado, lleva investigándose desde el año 2011, en el marco del Proyecto Arqueológico Sand Canyon-Castle Rock. Este proyecto arqueológico polaco centra su investigación en la reconstrucción del sistema de asentamientos y en el análisis de la arquitectu-ra defensiva de varias docenas de asentamientos pequeños y un gran asentamiento central (Castle Rock Pueblo). Recientemente las actividades del proyecto abarcan también la documentación y el análisis de los murales y los ejemplos del arte rupestre conservados en los sitios examinados.

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Ortman, Scott G., and Grant D. Coffey. "SETTLEMENT SCALING IN MIDDLE-RANGE SOCIETIES." American Antiquity 82, no. 4 (September 14, 2017): 662–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2017.42.

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The contemporary relevance of archaeology would be greatly enhanced if archaeologists could develop theory that frames human societies of all scales in the same terms. We present evidence that an approach known as settlement scaling theory can contribute to such a framework. The theory proposes that a variety of aggregate socioeconomic properties of human networks emerge from individuals arranging themselves in space so as to balance the costs of movement with the benefits of social interactions. This balancing leads to settlements that concentrate human interactions and their products in space and time in an open-ended way. The parameters and processes embedded in settlement scaling models are very basic, and this suggests that scaling phenomena should be observable in the archaeological record of middle-range societies just as readily as they have been observed in contemporary first-world nations. In this paper, we show that quantitative scaling relationships observed for modern urban systems, and more recently for early civilizations, are also apparent in settlement data from the Central Mesa Verde and northern Middle Missouri regions of North America. These findings suggest that settlement scaling theory may help increase the practical relevance of archaeology for present-day concerns.

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Robinson, Erick, R. Kyle Bocinsky, Darcy Bird, Jacob Freeman, and Robert L. Kelly. "Dendrochronological dates confirm a Late Prehistoric population decline in the American Southwest derived from radiocarbon dates." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 376, no. 1816 (November 30, 2020): 20190718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2019.0718.

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The northern American Southwest provides one of the most well-documented cases of human population growth and decline in the world. The geographic extent of this decline in North America is unknown owing to the lack of high-resolution palaeodemographic data from regions across and beyond the greater Southwest, where archaeological radiocarbon data are often the only available proxy for investigating these palaeodemographic processes. Radiocarbon time series across and beyond the greater Southwest suggest widespread population collapses from AD 1300 to 1600. However, radiocarbon data have potential biases caused by variable radiocarbon sample preservation, sample collection and the nonlinearity of the radiocarbon calibration curve. In order to be confident in the wider trends seen in radiocarbon time series across and beyond the greater Southwest, here we focus on regions that have multiple palaeodemographic proxies and compare those proxies to radiocarbon time series. We develop a new method for time series analysis and comparison between dendrochronological data and radiocarbon data. Results confirm a multiple proxy decline in human populations across the Upland US Southwest, Central Mesa Verde and Northern Rio Grande from AD 1300 to 1600. These results lend confidence to single proxy radiocarbon-based reconstructions of palaeodemography outside the Southwest that suggest post-AD 1300 population declines in many parts of North America. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Cross-disciplinary approaches to prehistoric demography’.

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Benson, Larry V. "Factors Controlling Pre-Columbian and Early Historic Maize Productivity in the American Southwest, Part 2: The Chaco Halo, Mesa Verde, Pajarito Plateau/Bandelier, and Zuni Archaeological Regions." Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 61–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10816-010-9083-y.

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Graves, William M. "Seeking the Center Place: Archaeology and Ancient Communities in the Mesa Verde Region. Mark D. Varien and Richard H. Wilshusen, editors. 2002. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, xii + 344 pp. $45.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-87480-735-2. - Colorado Prehistory: A Context for the Southern Colorado River Basin. William D. Lipe, Mark D. Varien, and Richard H. Wilshusen, editors. 1999. Colorado Council of Professional Archaeologists, Denver, xxii + 562 pp. $42.00 (paper), ISBN 0-87480-711-5." American Antiquity 69, no. 1 (January 2004): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4128375.

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Benson, Larry V. "Erratum to: Factors Controlling Pre-Columbian and Early Historic Maize Productivity in the American Southwest, Part 2: The Chaco Halo, Mesa Verde, Pajarito Plateau/Bandelier, and Zuni Archaeological Regions." Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 18, no. 1 (June 19, 2010): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10816-010-9091-y.

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Valenzuela Solano, César, José Ariel Ruiz Corral, Gabriela Ramírez Ojeda, and Rufina Hernández Martínez. "Efectos del cambio climático sobre el potencial vitícola de Baja California, México." Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Agrícolas, no. 10 (April 3, 2018): 2047–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29312/remexca.v0i10.1043.

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Baja California posee la única porción en México con clima tipo mediterráneo, cuyas características principales son lluvias en invierno y veranos secos y cálidos. En esta región ubicada en el Noroeste del Estado, se producen los vinos de mayor calidad en México. Se estima que 90% de los vinos mexicanos se obtienen de frutos producidos en alrededor de 3 500 ha de viñedos establecidos en diversos valles agrícolas. La calidad de los vinos regionales es atribuida en buena proporción, a la temperatura media ambiente de 19.8 °C que se presenta durante el período de crecimiento de la vid (de abril a octubre) y a la ausencia de lluvias durante el período de maduración de los frutos, lo que reduce el riesgo de daños a los frutos por parte de fitopatógenos. Las temperaturas favorables ya mencionadas, pueden verse modificadas por los previsibles efectos del cambio climático, tal como ha sido documentado en otras regiones vitícolas del mundo. Lo anterior cambiaría el potencial vitícola de los valles donde actualmente se desarrolla la industria vitivinícola, lo que a su vez tendría un impacto importante sobre la situación socioeconómica de la población que depende de esta actividad agroindustrial. El objetivo del presente trabajo fue estimar los efectos del cambio climático sobre el potencial vitícola del estado de Baja California, incluyendo sus regiones vitivinícolas actuales. Se trabajó con los datos diarios de 55 estaciones climatológicas convencionales manejadas por la gerencia estatal de la CONAGUA en B C. Para la caracterización y definición del potencial vitícola se utilizaron cuatro índices de temperatura que fueron: grados días de desarrollo (GDD), período libre de heladas (PLH), horas frío (HF) y temperaturas medias máximas (TMM). Para simular los efectos del cambio climático sobre el potencial vitícola de las regiones identificadas, se utilizó el Sistema de Información de Cambio Climático del INIFAP; el cual está basado en la utilización de un modelo ensamble que proporciona valores climáticos ponderados con 10 modelos de circulación general (MCG). Los escenarios obtenidos permiten prever que a futuro (2051-2060), que en las regiones vitivinícolas actualmente en producción de Baja California, existirá un aumento importante en la acumulación de los GDD y las TMM. Debido a lo anterior, estas regiones dejarán de tener las temperaturas adecuadas para producir vinos de alta calidad, a menos que se encuentren nuevos cultivares o clones que se adapten a las condiciones de mayores temperaturas, se apliquen nuevas prácticas de manejo de las plantas, se modifique el diseño de los viñedos, o se realicen ajustes en los procesos de vinificación. En contraste, debido a una disminución del PLH, las regiones altas (>800 m de altura) aledañas a las sierras de Juárez y San Pedro Mártir, así como partes de los Valles de Ojos Negros y la Trinidad tendrían condiciones adecuadas para el cultivo de la vid con propósito de elaboración de vinos de mesa. Por último se encontró que la región de la franja costera que va desde el sur de la Ciudad de Ensenada hasta San Vicente, mantendrá sin cambios significativos sus características de temperaturas propicias para el cultivo de la vid.

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Çağlayandereli, Mustafa, and Hediye Göker. "Anatolia tattoo art; Tunceli exampleAnadolu dövme sanatı; Tunceli ili örneği." Journal of Human Sciences 13, no. 2 (May 17, 2016): 2545. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v13i2.3827.

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In this article, Anatolia tattoo tradition and art are examinated of Tunceli culture. Tattoo is accepted the first father of writing is defined to aim of decoration or giving message and to paint specific cultural figures to the body and lower part of skin surface. Tattoo is one of subject of social sciences especially sociology and antropology, tattoo is dating back to old periods of history, and it is seen in all societies as a cultural object. The tattoo is also a colorful elemen of Anatolian civilization. As a sociological context of tattoo is used to show an occupation group as a ‘mark’, social statute or tribe and tariqat of a person’s society. However, there is a belief such as Anatolian tattoo motifs protect to people from illness and the evi leye and these motifs bring beauty and bravery.Anatolia tattoo art is a general expression of composition of different local specifics. Tunceli region is the most specific city in Turkey with its geographical density of ‘Alevi’ and ‘Kurd’ identities. More than 90% population in Tunceli, societies are formed from tribes and these tribes are different from general society. According to this information, the aim of this research is to describe Tunceli tattoo art, which is estimated specific, and to determine its similarities and differences from Anatolia tattoo art. At the same time, this information are quality to assist in Anatolia tattoo art literature.Datas in Article are gotten after face-to-face interviews, which are prepared by researches via their developed standart question form, and 15 people (who had tattooes on their body) in 2010 in Tunceli. Tunceli tatoo art sample pictures are presented in Article’s addition part (with approval of source people).The general result from the research is: (1) Tunceli tattoos are not Picture; they are ideogram form of Picture. (2) Tunceli tattoo technique is not more different from East and South-East Anatolia regions. (3) Ethnic or religious figures are not dominant in Tunceli tattoos. (4) Tribe’s figurs also are not dominant in Tunceli tattoos. (5) According to this, Tunceli tattoos can be evaluated a kind of figur in Anatolia tattoo tradition. (6) In Sociological, interest of traditional tattoo art is decreased in Tunceli and ‘tattoo desgins’ concerning Western Culture become widespread.According to this reason, the suggest of researchers is Tunceli and Anatolia tattoo art should become brand value via scientific researches and add to global relation networks. ÖzetMakalede Tunceli kültürüne ait Anadolu dövme geleneği ve sanatı incelenmiştir. Yazının ilk atası kabul edilen dövme, süsleme veya mesaj verme amacıyla, belirli kültürel figürlerin, bedene; derinin alt yüzeyine nakşedilmesidir. Dövme, tarihin eski dönemlerine dayanan ve tüm toplumlarda görülen kültürel objedir. Dövme Anadolu medeniyetinin de renkli bir unsuru olagelmiştir. Dövme “damga” olarak kimi zaman bir meslek grubunu, sosyal statüyü veya aşiret ve tarikat gibi kişinin bağlı bulunduğu topluluğu belirtmek amacıyla kullanılmıştır. Aynı zamanda Anadolu dövme motiflerinin kişiyi hastalıklardan, nazardan koruduğuna; güzellik ve yiğitlik getirdiğine inanılmaktadır.Anadolu’da dövme sanatı farklı yöresel özgüllüklerinin bileşimi olan genel bir form ortaya çıkarır. Bunlardan Tunceli yöresi, “Alevi” ve “Kürt” kimliklerin coğrafi yoğunluğu bakımından, Türkiye’nin en özgün ili konumundadır. Tunceli’de yaşayan nüfusun büyük çoğunluğu, toplumun genelinden farklılaşan aşiret düzenindeki topluluklardan oluşmaktadır. Buna göre makalede Tunceli dövme sanatını betimlemek ve Anadolu dövme sanatından benzer ve farklı özelliklerini tespit etmek istenmiştir. Burada ortaya konan bilgiler Anadolu dövme sanatı literatürüne katkı yapabilecek niteliktedir.Makalede sunulan veriler Ağustos 2010 tarihine aittir. Tunceli kent merkezinde kartopu örnekleme tekniğine göre tespit edilen (ve bedeninde dövme bulunan) 15 kişi ile standart soru formu aracıyla yüz yüze görüşülmüştür. Tunceli dövme sanatı örneklerini gösteren fotoğraflar (kaynak kişilerin onayı ile) makalenin ekinde sunulmuştur.Araştırmanın genel bulgusu şöyle ifade edilebilir: (1) Tunceli dövmeleri resim değil, resmin düşünce yazısına (ideograma) dönüşmüş şekilleridir. (2) Tunceli dövme tekniği Doğu ve Güney Doğu Anadolu Bölgelerinkinden çok farklı değildir. (3) Tunceli dövmelerinde etnik veya dinsel figürler başat değildir. (4) Tunceli dövmelerinde aşiret figürleri de başat değildir. (5) Buna göre, Tunceli dövmeleri, Anadolu dövme geleneği içerisinde motif çeşitlerinden birisi olarak değerlendirebilir. (6) Sosyolojik bilgi olmak üzere, Tunceli’de geleneksel dövme sanatına ilgi azalmıştır ve fakat Batı kültürünün “tattoo designs”leri yaygınlaşmaktadır.Araştırmada ortaya konan bulguya göre kaybolmaya yüz tutan Tunceli (ve genel olarak Anadolu) dövme sanatının sürdürülebilmesi için bilimsel araştırmalara gereksinim vardır. Dışarıya verdiği göç nedeniyle ekonomik ve sosyal sermayesini hızla kaybeden Tunceli (vb yerleşimler) çeşitli projelerle marka kent haline gelebiler. Tunceli’nin markalaşma sürecinde geleneksel dövme sanatı önemli rol oynayacaktır.

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Wolverton, Steve, Robert Melchior Figueroa, and Porter Swentzell. "Archaeology, Heritage, and Moral Terrains: Two Cases from the Mesa Verde Region." Ethnobiology Letters 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.14237/ebl.7.2.2016.695.

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Multiple cultural identities converge in Mesa Verde archaeology. Archaeologists have engaged research questions for the last half century, leading to cultural reconstructive summaries about how Pueblo people lived prior to migrating out of the Mesa Verde region. The importance of this narrative centers on the identity of the researcher as an archaeologist. An increasingly recognized narrative among archaeologists is that of Pueblo identity, in which contemporary Pueblo people claim Mesa Verde villages and landscapes as part of their heritage. Generally speaking, Pueblo people and archaeologists navigate separate moral terrains, which pose multiple obstacles for both archaeologists and Pueblo people pertaining to the past, present, and future of the Mesa Verde region. A conceptual framework from environmental philosophy opens a platform for reconciliation by providing a relational narrative that empowers Pueblo identity and recalibrates archaeology. This environmental justice lens is applied to two archaeological research narratives, one centering on chemical analysis of biomolecular artifact residues and the other on paleohydrology and Pueblo farming.

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Wilshusen, Richard. "How Agriculture Took Hold in the Mesa Verde Region: A Review of Recent Research on the Late Basketmaker-Early Pueblo Periods (A.D. 500-920)." Reviews in Colorado Archaeology, September 5, 2018, 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.32946/rca.2018.0004.

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Major research projects and significant publications over the last two decades have fundamentally reframed our understanding of the Basketmaker III and Pueblo I periods in the Mesa Verde region. Whereas the last state historic context summaries for these periods, which were published in 1999, focused on the specifics of chronology building, site type definitions, settlement patterning, and other nuts and bolts issues, recent advances in database software and an increasing emphasis on regional research have turned our attention to the larger issues of how agriculture took hold and thereafter transformed the landscape north of the San Juan River. The relatively low populations and small-scale horticultural economies of the Basketmaker II period virtually disappeared between A.D. 500 and 600, to be replaced by a more intensive maize-dependent agricultural economy centered on large communities. The rapid expansion of early Pueblo agricultural settlements across the Mesa Verde region and the subsequent formation of large villages were in part fueled by the accelerating population growth that came with agricultural dependence. In turn, the late ninth-century breakup of these large villages contributed to population migration to the south of the San Juan River and the tenth-century emergence of what ultimately became the Chaco great house system. This review updates the 1999 Basketmaker III and Pueblo I overviews.

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Wilshusen, Richard. "Balancing the Scales: Harmonizing Heritage Management, Site-Specific Research, and the Mitigation of Adverse Effects." Reviews in Colorado Archaeology, October 10, 2019, 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32946/rca.2019.0002.

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The Southern Colorado River Basin context published in 1999 offered a remarkable overview of Mesa Verde regional archaeology. It reviewed the available research for each main period of occupation and, at the end of each summary, outlined some of the most important questions for future research. For the late Basketmaker and early Pueblo periods many of those research questions have been addressed or are now outdated. Current questions are not just about research, but also about how to balance long-term heritage management goals with site-specific research. The accelerating loss of cultural landscape to irrigated fields, energy development, and the expansion of country homes requires us to both broaden the scope of our preservation planning and the scale of our research questions to the landscape level. In this review I propose changes to the extent and nature of the Southern Colorado River Basin context area, as well as offer amendments to the previous period chronologies based on what we have learned. Lastly, I suggest an array of research themes for future work. Although this is not a state-approved context, it is offered as a challenge to us—whether we represent the state, a federal agency, a university, or a CRM firm—to think big about the research we do in the greater Mesa Verde region.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Region Mesa Verde'

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