Dissertations / Theses: 'Regional elite'

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Christopoulos, DeÌ„meÌ„treÌ„s. "European regional elite behaviour : a comparative study of political and business elites in the Strathclyde region of Scotland and Nomos Chanion in Crete." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361771.

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Warmington-Granston, Nicole A. "The Caribbean Court of Justice: An Investigation of the Impact of Elites on its Creation and Present Structure as it relates to Original Jurisdiction." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1438.

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The primary focus of this dissertation is to determine the degree to which political, economic, and socio-cultural elites in Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago influenced the development of the Caribbean Court of Justice’s (CCJ) original jurisdiction. As members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), both states replaced their protectionist model with open regionalism at the end of the 1980s. Open regionalism was adopted to make CARICOM member states internationally competitive. Open regionalism was also expected to create a stable regional trade environment. To ensure a stable economic environment, a regional court with original jurisdiction was proposed. A six member Preparatory Committee on the Caribbean Court of Justice (PREPCOM), on which Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago sat, was formed to draft the Agreement Establishing the Caribbean Court of Justice that would govern how the Court would interpret the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas (RTC) and enforce judgments. Through the use of qualitative research methods, namely elite interviews, document data, and text analysis, and a focus on three levels of analysis, that is, the international, regional, and domestic, three major conclusions are drawn. First, changes in the international economic environment caused Jamaica and Trinidad & Tobago to support the establishment of a regional court. Second, Jamaica had far greater influence on the final structure of the CCJ than Trinidad & Tobago. Third, it was found that in both states the political elite had the greatest influence on the development and structure of the CCJ. The economic elite followed by the socio-cultural elite were found to have a lesser impact. These findings are significant because they account for the impact of elites and elite behavior on institutions in a much-neglected category of states: the developing world.

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Guimarães, Paulo Eduardo. "Elites e indústria no Alentejo (1890-1960): um estudo sobre o comportamento económico de grupos de elite em contexto regional no Portugal contemporâneo." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11324.

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"Sem Resumo feito pelo autor"; Este estudo teve por objectivo analisar o comportamento econômico, dos grupos de elite face à indústria na região do Alentejo entre os finais do século XIX e a primeira metade do século XX, ou seja, um período marcado pela afirmação duma vocação cerealífera para uma região latifundiária que, por sua vez, legitimou um regime fortemente proteccionista e intervencionista ancorado na ideia de um Portugal essencialmente agrícola. Ora, se os finais do século XIX marcaram um primeiro momento de ruptura como liberalismo económico e de viragem na configuração da economia regional, o nosso limite cronológico foi balizado pelo momento em que as suas fundações foram seriamente abaladas como êxodo das populações rurais e com as dificuldades sentidas, pela lavoura "tradicional", tornando-se clara a perda de velocidade no crescimento económico da região face à emergência de pólos industriais no litoral. Entre estas duas balizas consolidou-se à sombra do tradicionalismo uma configuração ideológica duradoura do Alentejo contemporâneo e das suas elites que constituem aqui objecto de interesse e de análise histórica compreensiva. Questiona-se, por ser redutora, a imagem neo-realista do Alentejo como uma sociedade rural, dividida entre uma massa de trabalhadores proletários e um número reduzido de latifundiários avessos ao progresso, absentistas e tradicionalistas, a partir da análise da documentação disponível sobre a actividade industrial e a vida das, empresas não agrícolas que marcaram a economia da região durante aquele período. Com isto procurámos realçar não só um dos aspectos essenciais que têm ficado na penumbra das representações da sociedade e economia alentejanas, como mostrara participação dos grupos de elite em actividades fora da esfera agrícola. Essa participação envolveu muitas vezes a constituição de sociedades por acções e estendeu-se da moderna indústria da moagem e da produção e distribuição de electricidade, à produção de cortiça, refinação de azeites, fabrico de sabão, indústria mineira, metalurgia, fabrico de máquinas e de equipamentos agrícolas. Para além dos grandes proprietários, outros actores, estiveram presentes em iniciativas industriais que arrancaram ou se desenvolveram neste período na região, como sucedeu coma indústria dos refrigerantes, torrefacção de café, têxtil, cerâmica, mármores ou metalomecânica. 0 conjunto revelou, assim, uma diversidade de iniciativas que põe em causa a ideia de que o comportamento das elites agrárias foi impeditivo do desenvolvimento de outras iniciativas. Assim, este estudo integra-se na linha dos trabalhos desenvolvidos pela historiografia mais recente para o século XIX que realçaram o carácter capitalista e empresarial dos grupos da elite económica alentejana, nomeadamente dos de Helder Fonseca (1998, 1996a, 1996b e 1987) e de Jaime Reis (1993,1982,1979)• 0 papel das elites económicas do sul na formação do Portugal contemporâneo constituiu-se como um problema histórico relevante e, por isso, interessa como objecto de análise histórica. Ora classificadas como "burguesia agrária", ora como uma "oligarquia rural", estas elites formaram-se no processo histórico do liberalismo português do qual teria resultado uma "estrutura agrária" imperfeita (Martins-1990 [1876]: 146-148; Pereira- 2001:113-135). Esta fracção da nova classe dominante não só se distinguia da "burguesia comercial" e "financeira" como tinha o seu próprio programa que se opunha aos interesses da "burguesia industrial" expressos pelos "industrialistas" (Rosas-1986; Schwartzman-1985 e 1989). Identificada com os "latifundiários", promotores dum "bloco agrário" anti-moderno, os "agrários" constituíram o cerne do "lobby ruralista” que integraram as forças conservadoras católicas e anti-liberais que apoiaram o Salazarismo (Madureira-2002: 31-34; Fernandez Clemente-1996:122-123; Rosas-1986 e 1990). 0 Estado Novo nos anos ‘30, na sua fórmula corporativa e fascizante, teria sido assim construído sobre um equilíbrio de interesses entre diferentes facções da "classe dominante". Neste sentido, o regime saldo da Ditadura Militar seria de "toda a burguesia" (Lucena-1976) e os anos que sucederam à II Guerra Mundial seriam marcados por uma "industrialização sem reforma agrária" (Pereira-2001, Rosas-1994)• Embora esteja fora deste estudo analisar as teses em presença sobre o papel das elites agrárias do sul na formação do Portugal contemporâneo, importa referir que desde os finais de Oitocentos, quando se mobilizaram politicamente em torno do proteccionismo cerealífero e em oposição aos interesses da grande indústria da moagem de Lisboa e Porto, até ao momento em que se opuseram aos projectos de reorganização agrária que o seu comportamento tem sido realçado pelo tradicionalismo e absentismo. O tema constituiu-se assim como um problema histórico. desenvolvimento urbano e os limites impostos pela dimensão dos mercados interiores. Longe de terem um papel meramente passivo, estudos de caso para o século XIX mostraram, como padrão regular do comportamento destas elites "periféricas", a diversidade dos negócios em que se envolveram, o investimento com mira no lucro e na acumulação privada de riquezas materiais. O percurso empresarial centrado em alguns casos notáveis mostrou-se diverso na origem bem como nos investimentos realizados. Se estes recaíram sobretudo sobre a circulação (grande comércio, crédito, contratos com o Estado) e a agricultura exportadora, não deixávamos de encontrar também investimentos na mineração e na metalurgia, por exemplo (Cerutti-1992).

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Maira, Araya Gonzalo. "Elite, Estado y Ciudadanía en Chile 1750-1850. Formación de Poder Regional a partir de la conformación de una Elite Provincial Curicó, 1750-1850." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2005. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/110200.

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Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Historia. Este trabajo colectivo, conclusión del Seminario de grado: Elites, Estado y Ciudadanía en Chile 1750-1850, se analiza el desarrollo de la ciudadanía y su relación con la construcción del Estado del siglo XIX. Cronológicamente se sitúa en el periodo de tránsito que va desde la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII en adelante. Es a través de un estudio de larga duración donde se pueden observar cambios y continuidades del proceso político de la conformación de la ciudadanía, de las elites oligárquicas que dominarán en el siglo siguiente y en la forma que asumió el Estado en su fase de construcción por parte de esos grupos. Riqueza, prestigio y honor, condiciones propias del mundo político español de los siglos coloniales para participar en política, fueron rasgos y requisitos que se mantuvieron en el tiempo y le dieron forma a una ciudadanía cargada de privilegios y a la vez excluyente para los otros sectores de la sociedad. En otras palabras, marcó la ubicación política del individuo dentro de la sociedad.

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Bergoc, Gilson Jacob. "A incorporação do espaço do norte do Paraná ao espaço nacional." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16139/tde-19062012-141104/.

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A pesquisa demonstra que a rede de infraestrutura, principalmente a rodoviária e a de energia estruturada entre 1950 e 2000, foi responsável pela inserção norte paranaense no processo de desenvolvimento capitalista nacional, inclusive como parte dos requisitos de reprodução da sociedade de elite. Esse processo teve início com a colonização do estado paranaense a partir de 1930, no contexto das transformações econômicas e sociais ocorridas ao longo do século XX. Para cumprir o objetivo de interpretar o processo de produção do espaço regional paranaense e identificar as relações entre a implantação da infraestrutura e os processos migratórios, os aspectos econômicos e sociais a esses relacionados, foram estudados: o histórico da implantação da infraestrutura rodoviária e de energia, aspectos demográficos, econômicos e políticos, as ações do Estado e dos grupos dominantes, sistematizados por micro e mesorregiões, região metropolitana e outros recortes espaciais, conforme a necessidade de análise. Como resultado, conclui-se que após quatro décadas e várias políticas e programas implantados no Paraná existe em curso um processo de reversão da tendência de desintegração do estado. O interior, incluindo o norte do estado, está integrado ao espaço paranaense e nacional, com concentração da industrialização, população, renda e riqueza em Curitiba e Região Metropolitana, assegurando a hegemonia dos grupos dominante estaduais. Ao final do século XX o Paraná está, de fato, articulado à produção e reprodução capitalista e à sociedade de elite. This research shows that the infrastructure network, particularly the road and energy systems developed between the years 1950 and 2000, was responsible for the insertion of the North of Paraná state in the process of the national capitalist development, also as part of the requirements for the reproduction of the elite society. This process began during the early days of the state colonization, in 1930, within the context of the economic and social transformation that happened throughout the twentieth century. In order to achieve the objective of interpreting the production process of the regional area and identify the relationship between the infrastructure and the migration processes, including the economic and social aspects involved, we studied some issues. They are: the history of the beginning of road infrastructure and energy; demographic, economic and political aspects; and the government and dominant groups actions, divided by micro, meso, metropolitan and other regions as needed for analysis. The results showed that after four decades and many policies and programs later, there is an ongoing process of reversing the tendency of disintegration of the state. The interior, including the North of the state, is integrated into Paraná state and the country space, where the concentration of industries, population, income and wealthiness is in Curitiba City and metro area, ensuring the hegemony of dominant groups in the state. At the end of the twentieth century Paraná is, for sure, linked to the capitalist production and reproduction and to the elite society.

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Kim, Sun Joo. "Marginalized elite, regional discrimination, and the tradition of prophetic belief in the Hong Kyóngnae rebellion /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10331.

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Verduguez, Linares René Efrain. "Análisis descriptivo de la evolución de la élite cruceña en élite regional (periodo 1952 - 2005)." Universidad Mayor de San Andrés. Programa Cybertesis BOLIVIA, 2010. http://www.cybertesis.umsa.bo:8080/umsa/2010/verduguez_lre/html/index-frames.html.

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Se presenta a continuación la investigación denominada “Análisis Descriptivo de la Evolución de la Élite Cruceña en Élite Política Regional (1952 – 2005)”, misma que pretende clarificar todas las dudas surgidas en base a los grupos de poder del oriente del país, y especialmente del departamento cruceño. El estudio contempla las categorías conceptuales pertinentes para comprender la temática, así como la identificación de un problema de investigación solucionado, provisionalmente, por una hipótesis de trabajo que se someterá a prueba a lo largo del marco práctico a través de sus variables dependiente e independiente. Finalmente, los requisitos metodológicos y las fuentes de información disponibles conforman parte indispensable para lograr los niveles de calidad científica a los que se desean arribar con la temática seleccionada, misma que se encuentra motivada por la imperante necesidad de conocer otra de las facetas de la realidad boliviana

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Jordan, Spencer. "The development and implementation of authority in a regional capital : a study of Bristol's elites, 1835-1939." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311875.

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Stewart, Moroni Daniel. "Elite militar y formación económica de un espacio regional: Concepción, 1598-1700: (tierra, población y mercado)." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2015. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/141566.

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Eghweree, Ogheneruonah Charles. "Oil, politics and regional development in Nigeria : a comparison of the south-south and the south-west regions." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21911.

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As oil bearing country, the issue of development in Nigeria has been a complex one that has attracted attention of both the government and scholars because oil politics appears to shape resource management and the development process. While academic focus has been on the analysis of national development, there is a paucity of academic studies on the internal dynamics at the regional level that shape the development process. This study therefore aims to: “examine the effect of oil resources on Nigeria’s development and the South-South compared with the situation in the South-West”, with an explicit focus on the complex nexus between oil, politics and regional development in Nigeria. The thesis adopts both methodological and theoretical triangulation to generate data to test the main and supporting hypothesis adopted for the study: “the oil industry has had an adverse impact on the development of Nigeria, and, in particular, the Niger Delta region in which it is concentrated”. In so doing, it explores the failure of oil politics to mix effectively to engender both national and regional development; leading to a regional development disparity. The study concludes that oil wealth failed to fuel development in Nigeria but instead, led to leadership failure. This failure is particularly found to have given vent to the negative impact of oil wealth on elite behaviour that is shaped by corruption, made worse by a dis-functional federal system where those with links major ethnic groups, get resource allocation and development advantage. The study consequently recommends that elite induced oil politics and attendant corruption, be tackled to pave way for both national and regional development in Nigeria. The study also recommend replication of this study in a larger scale in other oil bearing developing nations to further explore the relationship between management of resource wealth and regional development.

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Albuquerque, Edu Silvestre. "Os donos da terra e do crédito público nos campos meridionais brasileiros (o uso dos fundos públicos do BRDE pela elite campeira do pampa gaúcho e dos campos gerais paranaenses)." Florianópolis, SC, 2007. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/90054.

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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Geografia. Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-23T05:34:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0Bitstream added on 2013-07-16T20:06:25Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 238179.pdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) A idéia do atraso ou arcaísmo das elites campeiras do Brasil Meridional, sustentada no binômio latifúndio - pecuária extensiva, aparece disseminada em trabalhos acadêmicos, na literatura e na mídia, influenciando o próprio curso das políticas de desenvolvimento regional. Contudo, defendemos a tese da modernidade das elites campeiras na forma da precoce politização do desenvolvimento regional, traduzida em distintas formas de barganha junto aos diversos níveis político-administrativos. A metodologia enfatiza a materialidade como condicionante da evolução das sociedades campeiras sulistas, presente na precoce inserção no mercado mundial e nas constantes modernizações do processo produtivo. Atualmente, o principal foco das elites campeiras meridionais reside no acesso privilegiado aos fundos públicos das instituições de fomento regional. Para tanto, "desconstituímos" os capitais aplicados pelo Banco Regional de Desenvolvimento do Extremo Sul (BRDE) na Campanha Gaúcha e nos Campos Gerais do Paraná, no período de 2001 a 2004, objetivando evidenciar a continuidade da reprodução das elites campeiras e da exclusão social na região.

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Ribas, João André Nascimento. "Relações de poder na elaboração do planejamento governamental municipal: o caso da microrregião de Ponta Grossa/Paraná pela ótica da elite política executiva." Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2018. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/3154.

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A Constituição Federal de 1988 possibilitou perspectivas mais inclusivas da sociedade civil nas tomadas de decisões sobre políticas públicas, como por meio de referendos, plebiscitos, conselhos gestores, audiências, entre outros, na tentativa de modificar a ortodoxia de centralismo decisório até então praticada. Entretanto, estudos a respeito de práticas de participação social passaram a denunciar limitações do empoderamento da sociedade civil ocasionadas na conjuntura neoliberal do Brasil. Isso impactou na concentração de poder deliberativo sobre decisões públicas nas mãos de restritos atores da sociedade política. Por outro lado, tais estudos não apresentam resultados sobre relações de poder desenvolvidas na elaboração do planejamento governamental municipal, materializado no plano plurianual – PPA, uma política essencial para o estabelecimento de ações de governo a serem implementadas diante das mais variadas demandas sociais. Partindo-se desta lacuna de investigação, caberia responder: quem são e como participam os atores da sociedade política e da sociedade civil na elaboração do planejamento governamental municipal? Por meio de um estudo de caso da elaboração do PPA 2018 – 20121 da microrregião de Ponta Grossa do Estado do Paraná, o presente estudo adota como objetivo investigar as relações de poder estabelecidas na elaboração do planejamento governamental municipal a partir da ótica da sua elite política executiva. Para melhor justificativa dos resultados levantados, adota-se a observância dos perfis ideológicos das elites políticas e as distinções entre áreas temáticas públicas. Metodologicamente, esta pesquisa caracteriza-se como descritiva e explicativa, estando baseada em estudo de caso único a partir do uso da técnica de entrevistas junto às elites políticas dos Poderes Executivos da microrregião de Ponta Grossa/PR. Como resultado, observa-se um panorama de elaboração do planejamento governamental embasado na concentração do poder deliberativo nas figuras da elite política executiva, mais precisamente, nos Secretários/Presidentes das áreas temáticas, cabendo à sociedade civil a participação de forma consultiva, independentemente do perfil ideológico identificado, porém com algumas exceções de áreas temáticas com maior deliberação e autogestão da sociedade civil. Este cenário, de forma geral, reflete regulamentações da participação social nem sempre efetivadas e perfis ideológicos das elites estudadas mais voltados à defesa da participação social consultiva e fiscalizatória. Diante dos resultados e das literaturas apresentadas ao longo da teoria, que defendem a participação da sociedade civil e de seus segmentos organizados de forma deliberativa, recomenda-se às elites políticas adotarem uma governança mais democrática mediante promoção de tal empoderamento, como por intermédio de conferências temáticas e colegiados deliberativos voltados à elaboração do PPA, objetivando o desenvolvimento regional e político dos cidadãos. The Federal Constitution of 1988 provided more inclusive perspectives of the civil society in public decision-making policies, such as referendums, plebiscites, management councils, audiences, among others, in an attempt to change the orthodoxy of the centralism on decision-making practiced up to that moment. However, studies about social participation practices started to denounce limitations on the civil society empowerment caused by the neoliberal conjuncture in Brazil. This has impacted on the concentration of deliberative power over public decisions in the hands of restricted actors in political society. On the other hand, these studies do not present results about power relations developed in the elaboration of municipal government planning, materialized in the multiyear plan, an essential policy for the establishment of government actions to be implemented in face of the most varied social demands. Starting from this research gap, it would be necessary to answer the following questions: who are and how do the actors of political society and civil society participate in the municipal government planning elaboration? By means of a case study on the preparation of the multiyear plan 2018 - 2021 to the Ponta Grossa’s microregion at the State of Paraná, the present study aims to investigate the power relations established in the elaboration of the municipal government planning by the political executive elite’s point of view. To justify better the results obtained, it is adopted the observance of ideological profiles of political elites and the distinctions between public thematic areas. This research is methodologically characterized as descriptive and explanatory, being based on a single case study using the technique of interviews with the Executive Power political elites at the microregion. As a result, there is a panorama on the elaboration of governmental planning based on the concentration of deliberative power in the executive political elite, more precisely, in the Secretaries / Presidents of the thematic areas, and civil society participation in an advisory form, regardless of the ideological profile identified, although with some exceptions in thematic areas with greater deliberation and self-management from civil society. This scenario, in general, reflects regulations of social participation not always implemented and ideological profiles of the elites studied more focused on the defense of social participation as advisory and monitoring. Given the results and literature presented throughout the theory, which advocate to the civil society and its organized segments participation in a deliberative way, it is recommended that the political elites it is recommended that political elites adopt a more democratic governance through the promotion of such empowerment, as well as through thematic and collegial deliberative conferences aimed at the elaboration of the multiyear plans, aiming at the regional and political development of citizens.

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Hitchcock, Olivia Joanne. "Parachuting into crises: Applying postcolonial theory to analyze national, regional, and local media coverage of civil unrest in Ferguson, Missouri." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461244945.

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David, Adebahr. "THE DOMESTIC FOUNDATIONS OF TOKYO’S CHANGING SECURITY POLICY STRATEGY TOWARDS THE ASIA-PACIFIC IN THE 21ST CENTURY AND THE ROLE OF JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY EXECUTIVE." Kyoto University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/244505.

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Park, Gil-Hwan. "Economic and Social Networks: Impacts on Regional Economic Outcomes and Concentrations." Cleveland, Ohio : Cleveland State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1264534311.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Cleveland State University, 2009. Abstract. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jan. 27, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 185-203). Available online via the OhioLINK ETD Center and also available in print.

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Glatter, Peter R. D. "Russian regional elites : continuity and change." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/97350.

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Richards, Michael John. "Arts Facilitation and Creative Community Culture: A Study of Queensland Arts Council." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2005. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16036/1/Michael_Richards_Thesis.pdf.

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This thesis adopts a Cultural Industries framework to examine how Queensland's arts council network has, through the provision of arts products and services, contributed to the vitality, health and sustainability of Queensland's regional communities. It charts the history of the network, its configuration and impact since 1961, with particular focus on the years 2001 - 2004, envisages future trends, and provides an analysis of key issues which may be used to guide future policies and programs. Analysis is guided by a Cultural Industries understanding of the arts embedded in everyday life, and views the arts as a range of activities which, by virtue of their aesthetic and symbolic dimensions, enhance human existence through their impact on both the quality and style of human life. Benefits include enhanced leisure and entertainment options, and educational, social, health, personal growth, and economic outcomes, and other indirect benefits which enrich environment and lifestyle. Queensland Arts Council (QAC) and its network of branches has been a dominant factor in the evolution of Queensland's cultural environment since the middle of the 20th century. Across the state, branches became the public face of the arts, drove cultural agendas, initiated and managed activities, advised governments, wrote cultural policies, lobbied, raised funds and laboured to realise cultural facilities and infrastructure. In the early years of the 21st century, QAC operates within a complex, competitive and rapidly changing environment in which orthodox views of development, oriented in terms of a left / right, or bottom up / top down dichotomy, are breaking down, and new convergent models emerge. These new models recognise synergies between artistic, social, economic and political agendas, and unite and energise them in the realm of civil society. QAC is responding by refocusing policies and programs to embrace these new models and by developing new modes of community engagement and arts facilitation. In 1999, a major restructure of the arts council network saw suffragan branches become autonomous Local Arts Councils (LACs), analogous to local Cultural Industry support organisations. The resulting network of affiliated LACs provides a potentially highly effective mechanism for the delivery of arts related products and services, the decentralisation of cultural production, and the nurturing across the state of Creative Community Cultures which equip communities, more than any other single asset, to survive and prosper through an era of unsettling and relentless change. Historical, demographic, behavioural (participation), and attitudinal data are combined to provide a picture of arts councils in seven case study sites, and across the network. Typical arts council members are characterised as omnivorous cultural consumers and members of a knowledge class, and the leadership of dedicated community minded people is identified as the single most critical factor determining the extent of an LAC's activities and its impact on community. Analysis of key issues leads to formulation of eight observations, discussed with reference to QAC and LACs, which might guide navigation in the regional arts field. These observations are then reformulated as Eight Principles Of Effective Regional Arts Facilitation, which provide a framework against which we might evaluate arts policy and practice.

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Richards, Michael John. "Arts Facilitation and Creative Community Culture: A Study of Queensland Arts Council." Queensland University of Technology, 2005. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16036/.

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This thesis adopts a Cultural Industries framework to examine how Queensland's arts council network has, through the provision of arts products and services, contributed to the vitality, health and sustainability of Queensland's regional communities. It charts the history of the network, its configuration and impact since 1961, with particular focus on the years 2001 - 2004, envisages future trends, and provides an analysis of key issues which may be used to guide future policies and programs. Analysis is guided by a Cultural Industries understanding of the arts embedded in everyday life, and views the arts as a range of activities which, by virtue of their aesthetic and symbolic dimensions, enhance human existence through their impact on both the quality and style of human life. Benefits include enhanced leisure and entertainment options, and educational, social, health, personal growth, and economic outcomes, and other indirect benefits which enrich environment and lifestyle. Queensland Arts Council (QAC) and its network of branches has been a dominant factor in the evolution of Queensland's cultural environment since the middle of the 20th century. Across the state, branches became the public face of the arts, drove cultural agendas, initiated and managed activities, advised governments, wrote cultural policies, lobbied, raised funds and laboured to realise cultural facilities and infrastructure. In the early years of the 21st century, QAC operates within a complex, competitive and rapidly changing environment in which orthodox views of development, oriented in terms of a left / right, or bottom up / top down dichotomy, are breaking down, and new convergent models emerge. These new models recognise synergies between artistic, social, economic and political agendas, and unite and energise them in the realm of civil society. QAC is responding by refocusing policies and programs to embrace these new models and by developing new modes of community engagement and arts facilitation. In 1999, a major restructure of the arts council network saw suffragan branches become autonomous Local Arts Councils (LACs), analogous to local Cultural Industry support organisations. The resulting network of affiliated LACs provides a potentially highly effective mechanism for the delivery of arts related products and services, the decentralisation of cultural production, and the nurturing across the state of Creative Community Cultures which equip communities, more than any other single asset, to survive and prosper through an era of unsettling and relentless change. Historical, demographic, behavioural (participation), and attitudinal data are combined to provide a picture of arts councils in seven case study sites, and across the network. Typical arts council members are characterised as omnivorous cultural consumers and members of a knowledge class, and the leadership of dedicated community minded people is identified as the single most critical factor determining the extent of an LAC's activities and its impact on community. Analysis of key issues leads to formulation of eight observations, discussed with reference to QAC and LACs, which might guide navigation in the regional arts field. These observations are then reformulated as Eight Principles Of Effective Regional Arts Facilitation, which provide a framework against which we might evaluate arts policy and practice.

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Abdulai, Abdul-Gafaru. "State elites and the politics of regional inequality in Ghana." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/state-elites-and-the-politics-of-regional-inequality-in-ghana(0991e06a-5ad1-4ce9-a776-6dbafa70f4ff).html.

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Recent years have witnessed renewed global attention to persistent spatial inequalities and the potential role of politics and power relations in redressing and reinforcing them. This thesis offers a political analysis of the problem of regional inequality in Ghana, with particular attention to the role of inter-elite power relations in underpinning the country’s historical North-South divide. The analysis is based on three main sets of data: the regional distribution of political power during 1993-2008; the regional composition of public expenditure; and elite interviews. The thesis argues that a key factor that explains Ghana’s stark unbalanced regional development has been the continuous exclusion of the historically poorer Northern regions from a fair share of both productive and social sector spending. The socio-economic marginalisation of these regions has been underpinned principally by a weaker influence of Northern elites on resource allocation decisions within a political environment that is driven largely by patron-client relations. Consequently, even policies and programmes designed with the formal objective of targeting the ‘poor’ often end up discriminating against the poorer Northern regions at the level of implementation. However, Northern elites’ lack of ‘agenda-setting powers’ is not a function of their exclusion from government, but rather of their ‘adverse incorporation’ into the polity, whereby they have often been included on relatively unfavourable terms. This explanation differs significantly from much of current mainstream thinking regarding the underlying drivers of persistent unbalanced regional development, including dominant accounts of Ghana’s North-South inequalities. Notably, there has been a tendency of both academics and policy makers to put the blame on certain innate characteristics of the North, such as the region’s fewer production potentials associated with its ‘bad geography’ and Northerners’ proclivity for violent conflicts. Such accounts therefore tend to blame the relative socio-economic backwardness of the Northern regions on the North itself rather than the nature of its incorporation into broader political formations.

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Freitas, Ana Paula Ribeiro. "Diversidade econômica e interesses regionais: as políticas públicas do governo provincial mineiro (1870-1889)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-03022010-103339/.

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O objetivo da presente pesquisa é analisar as políticas públicas do governo provincial mineiro, entre 1870 e 1889. O governo provincial mineiro compunha-se de duas instâncias de poder: a Assembléia Legislativa Provincial e a Presidência da Província. Através da análise dos relatórios e falas dos presidentes da província de Minas Gerais, anais da assembléia legislativa provincial de Minas Gerais e leis orçamentárias da província de Minas, procuro compreender as relações entre as duas instâncias de poder a nível provincial - Assembléia Legislativa Mineira e Presidência da Província - na definição de políticas públicas para a província, frente às demandas dos grupos políticos e econômicos regionais. Argumento que os interesses dos setores ligados à cafeicultura da Zona da Mata mineira foram privilegiados nas propostas de desenvolvimento formuladas e aprovadas pelos deputados provinciais, a quem cabia a palavra final na elaboração do orçamento da província, consignando investimentos a serem realizados e tributos a serem cobrados. Pelos orçamentos e pelos debates entre os deputados é possível identificar quais setores foram favorecidos pelos investimentos e quais pagaram à conta, através de impostos. Em termos historiográficos, corroboramos uma tendência verificada nas produções mais recentes, que concebem a existência de negociações entre as elites dirigentes do Governo Imperial e as elites regionais e não uma subordinação destas por aquelas. The objective of the present research is to analyze the public politics of the administrators of Minas Gerais, between 1870 and 1889. The provincial government mining consisted of two instances of power: the Provincial Legislative Assembly and the Presidency of the Province. By analyzing the reports and speeches of the presidents of the province of Minas Gerais, Annals of the provincial legislature of Minas Gerais and the revenue laws of the province of Minas, try to understand the relationship between the two locus of power at provincial level - Legislative Assembly and President of the Province - the definition of public policy for the province of Minas Gerais, meet the demands of political groups and regional economic. I argue that the interests of the sectors related to coffee in the forest zone were privileged in mining development proposals made and approved by the provincial deputies, who had the final say in drawing up the budget of the province, consigning investments to be made and taxes to be charged. The budgets and the discussions among the members can identify which sectors were favored by investment and they paid the bill through taxes. In historiographical terms, we corroborate a trend of recent productions, which conceive the existence of negotiations between the ruling elites of the Imperial Government and the regional elites and not a subordination of these for those.

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Kadric, Sanja. "Ottoman Bosnia and Hercegovina: Islamization, Ottomanization, and Origin Myths." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1523972390663303.

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Bressan, Regiane Nitsch. "A integração sul-americana e a superação da pobreza: uma abordagem pela percepçao das elites." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-18122012-104158/.

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O estudo das percepções das elites de Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile e Venezuela sobre a integração sul-americana e o apoio à superação da pobreza no contexto regional, consistiram nos principais objetivos deste trabalho. Fundamentando-se na definição de elites da corrente pluralista, foram analisadas as percepções de cinco categorias: governos, partidos políticos, empresários, sindicatos e atores sociais. As teorias de integração regional definem as elites como os principais condutores destes processos. Estes atores são responsáveis por difundir os valores e expectativas positivas da integração regional para toda sociedade, contribuindo ao desenvolvimento dos blocos regionais. Para compor o estudo, foram utilizados dados das entrevistadas realizadas com 829 membros das elites sul-americanas, aplicadas em 2008, ademais dados de fontes primárias foram utilizados para enriquecimento da análise. A década de 2000 foi marcada pela ascensão de governos de inclinação esquerdista, quando novas lideranças emergiram no papel das elites sul-americanas. Ademais, neste cenário foi identificada a conformação de um regionalismo baseado menos em questões comerciais, privilegiando as dimensões políticas e sociais, que vem sofrendo críticas pelos seus opositores. A partir da análise desta tese, o estudo contemplou quatro objetivos específicos: 1. demonstrar o interesse de cada segmento sobre a integração regional; 2. conhecer o apoio ao combate à pobreza e desigualdade por cada grupo de elite; 3. revelar quais políticas de redução da pobreza obtêm maior sustentação no âmbito regional; 4. apontar as principais divergências nas percepções das elites sobre a conformação destas políticas e sobre o aprofundamento da integração regional. As principais conclusões alcançadas resumem-se em alguns pontos. Os valores e percepções das elites são norteados por crenças político-ideológicas, os quais resultam na discordância entre elas em algumas questões. As elites empresariais se identificaram com a vertente política de direita, foram as mais propensas a apoiarem as organizações internacionais em detrimento do regionalismo, e também foram as elites menos predispostas na distribuição igualitária das riquezas entre toda população. Em oposição, os sindicatos se identificaram com o prisma político de esquerda, sendo os mais favoráveis à integração regional, bem como à distribuição de riquezas entre toda população. Por sua vez, as elites partidárias, governamentais e atores sociais demonstraram diferenças de percepção no cerne dos seus próprios segmentos, denotando discordâncias que dificultam ainda mais a consolidação da integração regional e o enfrentamento em conjunto da pobreza no cenário sul-americano. The study of the perceptions of the elites in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile and Venezuela considering the South American integration and the support to overcome poverty in the regional context, consisted in the main goals of this work. It is grounded by the pluralist conception of elites. The perceptions were analyzed in five categories: governments, political parties, entrepreneurs, labor unions and social actors. The regional integration theories define the elites as the main conductors of these processes. Thus, these actors are responsible for spread out the values and positives expectations of the regional integration all over society, contributing to the development of the regional blocks. To compose this study, data based upon interviews were used, accomplished with 829 members of the South American elites, applied in 2008, further, primary data sources were used to the analysis enrichment. The first decade of 2000s was marked by the rise of the leftist governments, when new leaderships emerged in the role of the South Americans elites. Furthermore, in this scenery was identified the conformation of a regionalism based less in commercial matters, privileging the political and social dimensions, which has been suffering critics by the opponents. From the analysis of this thesis, the study addresses four specific goals: 1. to demonstrate the interest of each segment on the regional integration; 2. to know the efforts to combat poverty and inequality by each elite group; 3. To reveal which poverty reduction policies obtain larger support in the regional scope; 4. to evince the main divergences between the elite perceptions and the conformity of these polices to the regional integration improvement. The main conclusions are summarized in some aspects. The values and perceptions of the elites are guided by political and ideological beliefs, which result in disagreement in some matters. The managerial elites identify with right-wing policies, opting for international organizations interest instead of the regionalism, and they also were the less inclined elites in the equitable growth and income distribution. However, labor unions identify with the left-wing policies, being the most favorable to the regional integration, as well as the equitable growth and income distribution. Nevertheless, the political parties, government and social actors demonstrate differences in perceptions of their own interest area, causing disagreements that jeopardize the regional integration improvement and also the equitable growth and poverty reduction in South American.

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Caballero, José. "Revisiting regional integration theory : the state and normative elites in Central American regionalisation." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2744/.

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The thesis develops a Central Americanised model of regional integration by building on neofunctionalist concepts through the use of a constructivist approach. Distortions, strategic modification and stagnation phases of integration in that region are conventionally attributed, often implicitly, to the “unwillingness” of the governments. The problem with this approach, however, is that it neglects the role of what I identify as Normative Elites in the process. In order to overcome this limitation, the thesis formulates the concept of Social Will, conceptualised as the interplay of the ideas, identity and interest of the Central American normative elites—and it refers to the predisposition or disinclination of these elites to support the integration process. The formulation of social will leads the analysis to re-conceptualise the interaction between the state and normative elites. This reconsideration necessitates the elaboration of modified models of socialisation and norm diffusion—which I label Ideational Drive and Circumscribed-Statist respectively—to reflect certain Central American specificities. Empirically, the thesis assesses the existence and role of both political will and social will in Central America by using discourse analysis of a series of interviews and detailed readings of published position documents. Regarding political will, it identifies a latent integrative strategy and a significant ideational convergence among the participants in the study. It concludes that indeed in that region there is a fair degree of political will. This conclusion is partially supported by the uncovering of Constitutional Regionalism, or the constitutional bestowals of special citizenship status on nationals of other Central American countries, and the inclusion of specific constitutional provisions conducive to integration. The thesis contemplates the existence of social will at two points: the reactivation of the Central American integration process during the 1990s, and in the 2005-08 period. In the first instance, the thesis identifies the leading role that normative elites, through economic groups, played in the reactivation of the process. In that sense, it argues that at that time there existed a degree of social will. In the second instance, the thesis identifies discursive differences among normative elites. One discourse conceives of the region from a Central Americanist view striving for the development of the region and crucially, its people. The other discourse is Instrumentalist aiming at improving the region’s competitive positioning in the global economy. This ideational incongruence signals a limited degree of social will. The thesis concludes by arguing that partial social will delimits and imposes meaning on the spaces wherein the political will could thrive. Hence the process experiences distortions, strategic modifications and stagnant phases.

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Erdmann, Vera. "Bildung der Elite? eine ökonomische Analyse der deutschen Studiengebühren." Berlin dissertation.de, 2008. http://d-nb.info/992333814/04.

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Arbogast, Christine. "Herrschaftsinstanzen der württembergischen NSDAP : Funktion, Sozialprofil und Lebenswege einer regionalen NS-Elite 1920-1960 /." München : R. Oldenbourg, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37103128w.

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Baiôa, Manuel. "O Partido Republicano Nacionalista em Évora (1923-1931). Elites, Organização Interna e Política Regional." Bachelor's thesis, Instituto de Ciências Sociais da Universidade de Lisboa, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/22198.

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Kusznir, Julia. "Der politische Einfluss von Wirtschaftseliten in russischen Regionen eine Analyse am Beispiel der Erdöl- und Erdgasindustrie, 1992 - 2005." Stuttgart Ibidem-Verl, 2007. http://d-nb.info/986778923/04.

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Schreiber, Carsten. "Elite im Verborgenen : Ideologie und regionale Herrschaftspraxis des Sicherheitsdienstes der SS und seines Netzwerks am Beispiel Sachsens /." München : Oldenbourg, 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016276816&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Schreiber, Carsten. "Elite im Verborgenen Ideologie und regionale Herrschaftspraxis des Sicherheitsdienstes der SS und seines Netzwerks am Beispiel Sachsens." München Oldenbourg, 2005. http://d-nb.info/986983365/04.

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Chaves, Larissa Patron. "Honremos a pátria senhores! As Sociedades Portuguesas de Beneficência: caridade, poder e formação de elites na Província de São Pedro (1854-1910)." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2008. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2174.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T12:06:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 9 Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior Este trabalho investiga a trajetória histórica das Sociedades Portuguesas de Beneficência, entre os anos de 1854 e 1910, nas cidades de Porto Alegre, Rio Grande, Pelotas e Bagé, situadas no extremo sul do Brasil, sua importância como estabelecimentos de assistência hospitalar criados por imigrantes portugueses a partir do modelo institucional da Misericórdia em Portugal, e como construtoras de uma identidade lusa. A pesquisa abordou as relações existentes entre a assistência desempenhada pelas Instituições e a formação de elites locais, evidenciando como o trabalho assistencial, através de funções de “solidariedade”, troca de presentes com instituições e entidades, foi favorecedor de visibilidade social. Dentro de uma interpretação dualista da caridade, ora guiada pelos princípios da fé cristã, representação do ideário da Igreja Católica, ora pelas relações de poder, esta investigação mostrou a representação nas Sociedades de Beneficência como suportes de grupos desejosos de auto-afirmação. Nesse sentido, uti This paper investigates the historical trajetory of the Portuguese Beneficent Societies, from 1854 to 1910, in the cities of Porto Alegre, Rio Grande, Pelotas and Bagé. It discusses their importance as entablishments of hospital assistance crated by Portuguese immigrants, based on the institucional model of Mercy in Portugal, as well as constructors of Portugueses identify. The research approaches the existent relationships between the assistance provided by the institutions and formation of the local upper-class. It evidences how the assistance work, through solidary functions, gift exchanges among institutions and entities, were ptomoters of the social visibility. With a dualist comprehension of charity, sometimes guided by the Christian faith, representing the Catholic concepts, sometimes guided by the power relations, this investigations tried to clarify the Benefit´s Societies representations as groups of support willing for self-approval. Comparision was the methodological perspective to specify simila

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Dodd, Leslie. "Power, the episcopacy and elite culture in the post-Roman Rhone Valley." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7961/.

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This thesis discusses a number of issues related to the relationship between Gallo-Roman aristocrats and political power in Gaul during the fifth and sixth centuries. The first chapter opens with a discussion of classical literary culture and its role in defining and maintaining elite status in the later Roman empire while the second discusses epistolary literature specifically and the function of letter-writing in the period when Roman political power was fading and barbarian authority was only beginning to assert itself in Gaul. I show how individuals like Sidonius clung, in a world that was swiftly becoming entirely post-Roman, to a Roman cultural and political identity, while others, such as Syagrius, embraced the opportunities afforded by the barbarian regna. In my third chapter, I consider the growth of the ecclesiastical aristocracy and examine the ways in which those Gallo-Romans who entered the church redefined their position, creating, in the process, new criteria for the definition and expression of romanitas and nobilitas. I examine, in particular, the growth of aristocratic asceticism as a means for Roman nobles to gain new relevance and credibility in Gaul without having to enter barbarian service. I move on, in my fourth chapter, to examine the part played by aristocratic kinship in Episcopal elections in fifth and sixth century Gaul. In the fifth chapter I argue that Gallic bishops of the period were rarely interested in complex theology - or evangelism - and that modern expectations in this respect are at odds with the extant evidence. In this context, I look particularly at the famous monastery of Lérins, which is usually held to have been a great school of theology and centre of religious thought. Not only was Lérins not a theological centre, in fact very few bishops had any interest in theology. In each of the remaining four chapters, I examine some facet of the life and career of Caesarius of Arles whose career and attitudes not only represent an acute departure from the Episcopal aristocrat norm but also actually swept away much of the extant Episcopal culture and established the pattern for following bishops.

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Yenikeyeff, Shamil Midkhatovich. "Bringing the regions back in? : federal corporate groups vs . regional elites in the Russian oil sector." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424894.

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Ferreira, Jorge Luis. "As elites no processo de desenvolvimento econômico regional : um estudo de caso na Agência de Fomento do Paraná." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/49428.

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Orientador : Prof. Dr. Marco Antônio Ribas Cavalieri Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciencias Sociais Aplicadas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento Ecônomico. Defesa : Curitiba, 12/08/2017 Inclui referências : f. 71-74 Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é avaliar quais atores pertencem ao círculo decisório da Agência de Fomento do Paraná. A proposta tem como base dois princípios: O primeiro diz respeito à teoria do desenvolvimento regional apresentado por Sergio Boisier em diversos trabalhos. A teoria conhecida como o Hexágono do desenvolvimento regional o autor pretende abrir a caixa preta do processo e elenca seis elementos que compõem um projeto de desenvolvimento. Este trabalho destaca o elemento "Ator" para a análise sendo estes o sujeito ativo do projeto de desenvolvimento regional. O segundo princípio é a teoria das Elites desenvolvida por Charles Wright Mills. No trabalho "A Elite do Poder" o autor remete à ideia de que há atores da sociedade pertencentes a uma elite e que detêm o poder de comando e de influência nesta sociedade. Desta forma, as determinações de quais atores pertencem à elite da Agência de Fomento do Paraná remete a capacidade destes de deter o poder decisório dos projetos de desenvolvimento regional promovidos pela instituição. A metodologia utilizada é a Análise de Redes sociais sendo que o resultado aponta para uma rede que se identifica com uma linha ideológico-partidária que extrapola a questão da política de coalisão, onde cargos administrativos são distribuídos aos indivíduos que auxiliaram na campanha, passando a possuir pares que se identificam com a ideologia partidária também em entidades de representação de classe, fazendo com que se questione a função real dos projetos existentes e como se comporta o movimento em torno da Agência caso um governo de oposição vença e até que ponto este fator poderá atrapalhar o projeto de desenvolvimento regional, objeto social da Agência de Fomento do Paraná. Palavras-chave: Desenvolvimento Econômico Regional. Elites. Agências de Fomento. Abstract: The main objective of this research is to investigate which actors belong to decisionmaking power in the Paraná promotion Agency (FOMENTO PARANÁ). The proposal is based in two principles: The first one is concerned of Regional development Theory presented by Sergio Boisier. This Theory is known as Regional Development Hexagon. The author intends to open the black box process and list six elements that compose a development project. This work highlights the "actor" element to analyze considering this one as active subject of the regional development project. The second principle is based on the Elites theory presented by Charles Wright Mills. In his book titled "The Power Elites", the author refers to an idea that there are actors in the society belonging to the Elite and that holds the decision power and capacity to influence in this society. Therefore, the determinations that the actors belongs to Fomento Paraná elite refers from their abilities to hold the decision-making power in the projects of regional development promoted by this institution. The methodology applied is the Social Network Analysis and the results obtained suggest that there is a clear identification with a political ideology, not only inside FOMENTO, but also in the representative institutions bringing a serious issue regarding the actual function of that institution in case of an opposition government win some elections and to what extend this political ideology can hindering the regional development project, social objective of FOMENTO PARANÁ. Keywords: Regional Economic Development. Elites. Promotion Agency.

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Costa, Bruno Aidar. "A vereda dos tratos: fiscalidade e poder regional na capitania de São Paulo, 1723-1808." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-17062013-121814/.

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Este estudo busca compreender a importância da fiscalidade colonial enquanto lócus privilegiado para a análise da construção e o desenvolvimento do poder regional na América portuguesa no longo século XVIII. Escolheu-se a capitania periférica de São Paulo como objeto principal de investigação, uma região marcada por um menor desenvolvimento econômico e por pesados encargos militares. Neste estudo, o poder regional é entendido em sua dupla dimensão estatal, a construção de uma esfera de governo na capitania, e privada, a formação de uma elite colonial propriamente regional. Esta análise considerou aspectos informais (redes) e formais (instituições), bem como dimensões cognitivas expressas por distintas culturas fiscais. Foram privilegiados três eixos de investigação: os processos de negociação fiscal, as instituições de administração fazendária e a arrematação dos contratos. Adotando-se um ponto de vista complementar e intermediário das diferentes posições no debate contemporâneo sobre o governo político na América portuguesa, a preocupação principal voltou-se para os diferentes arranjos, com conflitos e negociações, entre a Coroa portuguesa e as elites mercantis do reino e dos domínios. Entre as principais conclusões observa-se que a formação do poder regional seria marcada por dificuldades e limitações na primeira metade do século XVIII, pela construção efetiva de configurações relativamente estáveis durante o reinado absolutista de d. José I e pelo surgimento de tensões na década de 1790, decorrentes de pressões vindas do centro e dos poderes locais subjacentes. This study aims to understand the importance of colonial fiscality as an opportune place to analyze the building and the development of the regional powers in Portuguese America in the long Eighteenth century. The peripheral captaincy of São Paulo, burdened by heavy military expenses and a lower economic importance, was chosen as the core research object. In this study, the regional power is understood in its double dimension. One side relates to the government with the construction of a state sphere in the captaincy. The other side is private, the formation of a regional colonial elite. The analysis considered informal (networks) and formal aspects (institutions) as well as cognitive dimensions expressed by different fiscal cultures. Three axis of research were highlighted: the processes of fiscal negotiation, the Treasury administration institutions and the leasing of tax contracts. The thesis supported a complementary and intermediary point of view about the different arguments in the current debate on the political government in Portuguese America. The main concern was to study the different dealings between the Portuguese Crown and the kingdom and colonial elites. These arrangements involved conflicts and negotiations. In the conclusion, it is observed that the formation of regional power was marked by difficulties and restrictions in the first half of Eighteenth century, by an effective construction of relatively stable configurations in the absolutist government of d. José I and by the awakening of tensions in the decade of 1790 provoked by central and local powers.

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McOmish, David Malcolm. "The Roman elite and the power of the past : continuity and change in Ostrogothic Italy." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2430/.

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This thesis examines the changes forced upon the Roman elite in the evolving political climate of Ostrogothic Italy. It examines what mechanisms the Roman elite employed to renegotiate their position of influence within the state. The relationship the elite had with the past provides evidence for wider changes in society. I assert that, using the language and landscape of the past, the elite formed discourses which responded to, and which attempted to facilitate a realignment in, a changing environment. The education system still provided the Roman elite with a mechanism through which they could define themselves and prepare for what they considered to be the important aspects of the world outside the classroom. Religious discussions and debate in the post-imperial Italy of Late Antiquity were increasingly directed toward attempts to reunite the fractured Roman Empire through a unified empire of Orthodox faith. Having such a close relationship with the Roman Empire and its political and philosophical culture, education and religion are particularly suitable fields to reflect the changes to the political map of the Roman Empire. Focusing on the elite’s relationship with education and religion, this thesis will uncover examples of continuity and change which are implied by the construction of, and interaction with, discourses designed to facilitate the elite’s renegotiation strategies. Reconstructing the education of prominent members of the elite from their writings provides the evidence for such discourses. The emphasis on this part of the thesis is on discovering how the discourses circulating in relation to education responded to the political and philosophical problems through the language of the past and what these responses tell us about changes in the present. The religious discussion focuses on the attempts of the opinion formers in Italy to create and direct narratives designed to establish the superiority of one religious world-view over another. An examination of the language of tradition in the construction of these narratives provides evidence for the potency of the past in the decision-making process and ideology- forming strategies of the Roman elite. It also provides evidence for the changes in society to which the strategies were responding. A final-chapter case study provides an opportunity to see evidence of the effectiveness of these discourse-forming strategies. In this chapter we see a contemporary historical source interacting with those narratives and discourses we witnessed the elite employing in the education and religion chapters. It also provides an opportunity to see how the past is used to justify the actions of the Roman elite in Ostrogothic Italy to a post-Gothic audience (as the work was composed in the immediate aftermath of the fall of Ostrogothic Italy). This final consideration provides an instructive contrast which brings into sharp focus the extent and nature of continuity and change brought about by the Ostrogothic state.

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Mirtaheri, Seyed Ahmad. "Transnational Capitalism and the Middle East: Understanding the Transnational Elites of the Gulf Cooperation Council." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2607.

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In this dissertation, I argue that transnational elites within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have been integrated within a Transnational Capitalist Class (TCC) economically, militarily and politically through relationships that transcend the boundaries of the nation-state. These relationships exist within the context of a global capitalist structure of accumulation that is dependent on the maintenance of a repressive state apparatus in the GCC. There have been few attempts to analyze the relationships that Middle Eastern political and economic elites have developed with global elite networks. This work fills an important gap in the scholarly literature by linking the political and economic power of the GCC elites to transnational capitalist class actors in the U.S. and Western Europe. The TCC is comprised of actors who derive their wealth and power from ownership of production or financial activities on a global scale. The embeddedness of GCC elites within the TCC came with the de-centralization of capital accumulation occurring from the 1970s through the present that has linked regional and local capitalists to the ownership activities of transnational capitalist firms. The GCC is an important case study for analyzing the structure and consequences the current phase of globalization due to its relative vi importance in providing resources and financing for transnational globalization. Therefore this project contributes to our assessment of the role played by transnational elites in the GCC and the regional and global consequences of their power struggles based in part on a theoretical framework derived from Neo-Gramscianism.

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Resende, Edna Maria. "Ecos do liberalismo: ideários e vivências das elites regionais no processo de construção do Estado Imperial, Barbacena, 1831-1849l." Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1843/VGRO-7PDJXY.

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Esta tese é um estudo da atuação e das características das elites políticas regionais mineiras no processo de construção do Estado imperial; entre 1831 e 1840. Para resgatar o papel desempenhado pelas elites regionais e as suas escolhas e vivências no processo de formação do Estado e da nação brasileira; buscou-se reconstruir a teia de relações políticas; econômicas e familiares que dava sustentação a essa elite. Investigou-se também a atuação política dessa elite; suas identidades; projetos e posicionamentos no debate político do período regencial e suas apropriações do ideário liberal. Além disso; tratou-se de circunscrever a atuação política dos cidadãos; contextualizando-a a partir das transformações do espaço público e das diversas formas de sociabilidade vivenciadas no momento. As novas vivências; marcadas pelo ideário liberal; estavam sendo experimentadas nas ruas; nas festas; no teatro; na imprensa; nas eleições. Pretendeu-se; assim; perscrutar as modificações do período quanto à construção e a afirmação de um espaço público; destacando a formação e a importância da opinião pública; discutindo o papel da imprensa e da participação política nesse processo. Dessa forma; espera-se demonstrar as diversas formas de atuação das elites políticas nas esferas de poder local/provincial/central. Para a consecução de tais objetivos foi utilizado um corpo de fontes constituído por inventários; testamentos; mapas de população; jornais; peça teatral; correspondências oficiais; atas de eleição e listas de cidadãos ativos.

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Gomes, Sandro Aramis Richter. "Parantelas partidos e transição política : mudanças na gestão de diretórios partidários e na atuação política das elites regionais na passagem do Império para a República (Paraná, c.1853 - c.1926)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/46274.

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Orientador : Prof. Dr. Carlos Alberto Medeiros Lima Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História. Defesa: Curitiba, 23/02/2017 Inclui referências : f. 620-632 Área de concentração Resumo: Nesta tese é realizada uma investigação acerca dos processos de criação e reorganização de diretórios partidários regionais na passagem do Império para a República. Nesse quadro, o presente estudo comporta uma análise sobre as formas pelas quais as elites regionais executaram os planos da elite imperial atinentes à consolidação de regras e ritos para o funcionamento de diretórios partidários. O argumento central sustentado nesta tese consiste na afirmação de que as elites regionais possuíram ampla autonomia para gerir o processo de mudança nos modos de gestão dos diretórios. Essa autonomia foi a responsável por inviabilizar a homogeneidade das formas de funcionamento desses órgãos partidários. A elite imperial não exerceu decisivo controle sobre a gerência dos partidos em âmbito provincial. A partir da década de 1870, as elites regionais (conservadoras e liberais) consolidaram-se na condição de principais definidoras dos modelos de gestão partidária no Brasil. Assim, os projetos de reorganização partidária concebidos por líderes dos partidos Conservador e Liberal não ocasionaram a afirmação do domínio político da elite imperial sobre as elites regionais. Antes, essas elites foram as controladoras da execução dos referidos projetos. Nessa condição, elas criaram distintos formatos de administração partidária. Nesta tese, portanto, demonstra-se que a história política do Segundo Reinado foi marcada, em distintas províncias, por contínuos processos de criação e dissolução de diretórios. O Segundo Reinado foi a época na qual as elites regionais, sob a circunstancial vigilância da elite imperial, mobilizaram-se para criar diretórios partidários. A administração dos diretórios partidários não era isenta de regras acerca da resolução de conflitos internos e deliberações para a definição de candidaturas. Dessa forma, os diretórios regionais não eram órgão anômicos. Contudo, esses órgãos eram administrados de forma oligárquica. Esse caráter oligárquico permaneceu durante o período republicano. O fato de os principais partidos da Primeira República serem estaduais indica a permanência da força das elites regionais sobre a gestão partidária no Brasil. Ou seja, na Primeira República ocorreu a plena realização do modelo de gestão partidária descentralizado. O desenvolvimento desta abordagem é realizado por meio da investigação do envolvimento de membros de duas parentelas (Correia e Guimarães) na gestão de diretórios partidários no Estado do Paraná, no período que abarca os anos de 1853 e 1926. O ano de 1853 refere-se ao momento da criação da Província do Paraná. O ano de 1926, por seu turno, é o marco final do processo de retorno de membros dessas parentelas ao grupo governista do Paraná. Por meio do estudo da trajetória de integrantes dessas parentelas, torna-se possível reconhecer a natureza do envolvimento das elites regionais no processo de reorganização de diretórios à época do Império. Ao mesmo tempo, esse estudo também viabiliza a compreensão a respeito das condições de inserção das antigas elites provinciais na construção dos quadros partidários da Primeira República. Nesse âmbito, demonstra-se que os chefes partidários pertencentes àquelas parentelas lideraram a reorganização de diretórios na Província do Paraná. O modelo oligárquico de gestão partidária que eles imprimiram a esses diretórios criou obstáculos ao surgimento de lideranças políticas. Em seguida, será demonstrado que os membros dessas parentelas, quando fundaram partidos de oposição na Primeira República, permaneceram apegados aos modelos de gestão partidária de natureza oligárquica. Palavras-chave: diretórios partidários; elites regionais; parentelas; transição política. Abstract: In this dissertation is carried out an investigation about the process of creation and reorganization of regional political party committees in Brazil, in the from Empire from the Republic. In this context, the present study includes an analyses of the ways in which the regional elites executed the plans of imperial elite concerning the consolidation of rules and rites for the functioning of political party committees. The central argument supported by this dissertation is the assertion that the regional elites have wide autonomy to manage the process of change in the management modes of the political party committees. This autonomy was responsible for making the homogeneity of the functioning of these party organs unfeasible. The imperial elite did not exercise decisive control over the management models in Brazil. Thus, party reorganization projects designed by leaders of the Conservative and Liberal parties did not bring about the affirmation of the political dominance of the imperial elite over regional elites. Previously, these elites were the controllers of the execution these projects. In this condition, they created distinct forms of party administration. In this dissertation, therefore, it is demonstrated that the political history of Second Reign was marked, in different provinces, by continuous process of creation and dissolution of political party committees. The Second Reign was the time when regional elites, under the circumstantial vigilance of imperial elite, mobilized to create political party committees. The administration of these committees was not exempt of rules about the resolution of internal conflicts and deliberations for de definition of candidacies. In this way, the regional political party committees were not anomic organs. However, they were administered in a non-democratic way. This oligarchic character remained during the republic period. That is, in the First Republic occurred the full realization of the model decentralized party management. The development of this approach is carried out through the investigation of the involvement of members of two families (Correia and Guimarães) in the management of political party committees in the State of Paraná. The oligarchic model of party management that they have imprinted on these political party committees has created obstacles to the emergence of political leadership. It will then be show that the members of these kinsmen, when they founded opposition parties in the First Republic, remained attached to models of party management of an oligarch nature. Keywords: kinship relations; political party committees; political transition; regional elites.

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Dini, Cassiana Borilli. "Uma análise das possibilidades de estabilização do Afeganistão : os projetos regionais de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/77670.

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Esta dissertação realiza uma análise prospectiva das possibilidades de estabilização do Afeganistão a partir dos projetos regionais de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia, através das teorias da mudança política internacional e da estabilidade hegemônica, do realismo neoclássico, do realismo ofensivo e do neofuncionalismo. Após o anúncio de 2009 de retirada das tropas dos Estados Unidos do Afeganistão para 2014, a região vem apresentando modificações nos padrões de relações de poder. Há evidências de uma competição em curso pelo controle das rotas de escoamento, linhas de transmissão de energia, recursos e mercados afegãos entre os atores citados, sendo também demonstrada pelos diferentes projetos de reconstrução que esses três países propõem ao Afeganistão. O objetivo é melhor entender como a competição pela liderança política regional ocorre entre esses atores através dos diferentes projetos de reconstrução e integração do Afeganistão na região e qual é a importância deste país no jogo de poder regional. Para isso, a análise realiza inferências descritivas. Em primeiro lugar, a medida de presença militar desses três países no Afeganistão. Num segundo momento, a dimensão técnica dos projetos, especialmente de infraestrutura (implicações para a segurança, permeabilidade social e política; e os aspectos técnicos e estratégicos). E em terceiro, a importância das elites e a fragmentação étnica no Afeganistão são consideradas como fatores essenciais para entender a aceitação e a viabilidade política dos projetos. Nesse aspecto, a pesquisa também avalia como a criação de agências para atender esses projetos favorece o conjunto de burocracias e influência institucional de cada um dos três concorrentes regionais. Por fim, nessas variáveis são consideradas as decisões de política externa de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia para o Afeganistão, assim como o modo com que países vizinhos (Irã, Paquistão e Índia) servem como fatores de influência na política doméstica afegã. A pesquisa tem caráter qualitativo, é de tipo exploratório-descritivo e se utiliza do método hipotético-dedutivo e do rastreamento de processo para expor ao máximo o estudo de caso escolhido. Como resultado, é oferecida uma melhor contextualização da atual competição regional; e as relações de poder manifestas no caso afegão sugerem a proeminência da liderança regional dos Estados Unidos a partir do Afeganistão, devido à presença militar norte-americana no país, inibindo as tentativas de China e Rússia de aumentar sua influência na região. This thesis undertakes a prospective analysis of the possibilities for stabilization of Afghanistan from the regional projects of the United States, China and Russia through the lens of the theories of international political change, hegemonic stability, neoclassical realism, offensive realism and neofunctionalism. After the 2009 announcement of withdrawal of the United States troops from Afghanistan by 2014, the region has been showing modifications in its patterns of power relations. There are evidences of an ongoing competition for control of Afghan flow routes, energy transmission lines, resources and markets between the aforementioned actors, also demonstrated by the different reconstruction projects that these three countries offer to Afghanistan. The aim is to better understand how the competition for regional political leadership occurs among these actors through their different projects for reconstruction and integration of Afghanistan in the region, and what is the importance of the country in the regional power competition. For that, the analysis conducts descriptive inferences. First, it studies the measure of military presence of these three countries in Afghanistan. Second, it analyzes the technical dimensions of the projects, especially of infrastructure (and its implications towards security, social and political permeability, and the technical and strategic aspects). And third, the importance of elites and ethnic fragmentation within Afghanistan are considered as essential factors to understand the acceptance and political feasibility of the projects. In this respect, the research assesses how the creation of agencies to attend these projects favors the set of bureaucracies and institutional leverage for each of the three regional contenders. Finally, in these variables are considered the foreign policy decisions of the United States, China and Russia to Afghanistan, as well as the manner in which neighboring countries (India, Pakistan and Iran) serve as factors of influence in the Afghan domestic politics. So this is a qualitative and also exploratory and descriptive research that uses the hypothetical-deductive method and process tracing technique to expose the most of the selected case study. As a result, it is offered a better contextualization of the current regional competition; and the power relations expressed in the Afghan case suggest the prominence of the regional leadership of the United States from Afghanistan, due to the U.S. military presence in the country, inhibiting attempts from China and Russia to increase their influence in the region.

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Cangoz, Coskun Mehmet. "Redistribution Of Power And Status Through Public Finance: The Case Of Turkey (1980-2003)." Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611085/index.pdf.

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This dissertation explores whether fiscal policies can be used as a means of redistribution of power and status, and the ways of transferring state&rsquo s economic power to social groups. In this regard, state budget is recognized as the main tool for the execution of redistributive policies of the governments. In this framework, this study investigates how budget was employed to change power balance of social groups during the period of 1980-2003, in Turkey. In order to measure the changing power balances budget expenditures and revenues are reclassified and the size of the financial resources allocated or transferred to the particular social groups are determined. The analysis of budget data demonstrated that budget in Turkey has a strong influence on redistributive politics. Regarding the policy making point of view, the traditional centralist approach was deteriorated and increasing number of parties and interest groups involved in budget mechanisms. Another finding is supporting the particular economic or social groups within the current time period or across the periods either through the withdrawal of state sector from the area of traditionally publicly provided private goods transferring budget resources and changing the taxation policies or by borrowing.

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Degila, Delidji Eric. "Conflictualité régionale en Afrique subsaharienne post-bipolaire. Le cas de l'Afrique de l'Ouest de 1989 à 2010." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30060.

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Alors que la fin de la bipolarité s’est accompagnée du déclin de la guerre au niveau mondial, l’Afrique subsaharienne connaît depuis le début des années 1990, une résurgence de la violence armée dont la forme la plus courante est la guerre civile. L’Afrique Occidentale est l’une des régions les plus touchées par cette multiplication de conflits armés infraétatiques dont les trois plus importants ont été les guerres civiles libérienne, sierra-léonaise et ivoirienne. Cette conflictualité a donné lieu à l’émergence d’acteurs non étatiques qui, dans un contexte de mondialisation accrue, ont adopté le warlordism comme mode opératoire. Ces guerres internes, parfois qualifiées de « nouvelles guerres », sont à la fois le produit de la crise de l’Etat, de profondes inégalités horizontales, et de l’instrumentalisation des différences identitaires par certaines élites. Elles se sont développées au-delà du cadre national, avec l’implication de différents acteurs transnationaux, et ont favorisé l’émergence d’un véritable « système de guerre » ouest-africain. Elles sont également l’expression d’une remise en cause du modèle étatique westphalien. La conflictualité régionale qui est apparue en Afrique Occidentale post-Guerre froide invite donc à accorder davantage d’attention aux communautés de destin imbriquées qui de plus en plus, occupent une place centrale dans les dynamiques qui façonnent l’Afrique au sud du Sahara Whereas the end of bipolarity occurred along with the decline of war at the world level, Sub-Saharan Africa has experienced a surge of armed violence since the early 1990s, in the most common form of civil wars. West Africa is one of the areas mostly affected by the proliferation of intra-state armed conflicts, including three major civil wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone and the Ivory Coast. Such conflicts, sometimes called « new wars », have led to the emergence of non-state actors who act as warlords, in a context of spreading globalisation. These domestic wars are the result of state crisis, deep horizontal inequalities, and political instrumentalisation by some elites of identity-based differences. Through the involvement of various transnational actors, these armed conflicts have extended beyond the national framework and built an actual West-African « system of war ». They also challenge the Westphalian state-model. Post-Cold war regional conflicts in West Africa hence suggest an increased focus on overlapping communities of fate, which play a key-role in the dynamics shaping Sub-Saharan Africa

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Demba, Guy-Eugène. "Élites dirigeantes, sortie de crise et reconstruction post-conflit dans les États africains de la Région des Grands Lacs.1990-2013." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30008/document.

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Depuis plus de deux décennies, un nombre d’Etats africains dits du champ de la Conférence Internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs sont enlisés dans des conflits armés à la fois intra-étatiques et internationalisés. Du génocide rwandais aux guerres civiles au Congo-Brazzaville, en Angola, en Ouganda, au Burundi, ou encore aux violences politiques armées incessantes en Centrafrique, en passant par la Grande Guerre Africaine en RDC, nombreux et importants sont les mécanismes de résolution de conflits qui ont été expérimentés, de nature aussi bien bilatérale, communautaire, régionale, qu’onusienne. Malheureusement, les concepts de sortie de crise et de reconstruction post-conflit demeurent de vains mots, eu égard aux résurgences et aux prolongements des conflits dans cette Région. Ainsi, en mobilisant l’approche néo-élitiste s’inscrivant dans un dépassement de la réalité empirique, après avoir passé en revue toutes les grandes théories philosophico-politico-sociologiques des élites, défendues par les auteurs classiques comme Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca etc., d’un côté, et en recourant à la théorie de Johan Galtung de paix négative versus paix positive, d’autre part, cette étude se propose de mettre en évidence le rôle des élites dirigeantes dans la dynamique de pacification de la Région. Et après avoir défini et déterminé celles-ci, le travail démontre la difficulté de résoudre les conflits due à l’hétérogénéité sociologique caractérisant la Région. Puis, il souligne les mécanismes de l’entretien d’une paix négative par les élites dirigeantes, en interaction avec les autres protagonistes For more than two decades, a number of African States within the scope of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region have sunk into both armed intrastate and domestic conflicts. From the Rwandan genocide to civil wars in Congo-Brazzaville, Angola, Uganda, and Burundi, or the constantly armed political violence in the Central African Republic (CAR), through the Great African War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), numerous and important mechanisms for conflict resolution have been experienced, bilateral, communitarian, regional, as well as Onusian. Unfortunately, the concepts relative to the end of crisis and post-conflict reconstruction still remain empty words, given the revivals and extensions of conflicts in that Region. Thus, by mobilizing the neo-elitist approach which goes the empirical reality, after reviewing all the major elitist philosophical, political and sociological theories defended by the classical authors such as Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, etc. On one hand, and by resorting to Johan Galtung’s theory on negative peace versus positive peace, on the other, this dissertation aims at highlighting the role played by governing Elites in the peace process within the Region. After defining these elites, this monography shows the difficulties of solving conflicts due to the regional sociodemographic heterogeneity. Then, it emphasizes mechanisms for keeping negative peace by the governing Elites, in interaction with other protagonists

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BARA, Anna. "Siberian bosses : elite formation and legitimization in Russia from a regional perspective (1991-2004)." Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/19424.

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Defence date: 14 October 2011 Examining Board: Prof. Arfon Rees, EUI – Supervisor; Prof. László Bruszt, EUI; Prof. Cameron Ross, University of Dundee; Prof. Marie Mendras, Sciences Po, Paris School of International Affairs PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses The political power to direct society is legitimate only when it expresses the identity of society and is attached to social values and norms. The problem is that, in Russia, the demolition of the Communist ideology and the disappearance of the country’s borders as defined by the Soviet Union called the essence of Russian identity into question. This question was mainly answered in negative terms by rejecting the Soviet model of social and individual existence. The paradox is that the majority of the new political elites in fact possessed rather extensive records of political, professional and personal commitments to the now defunct Soviet constitutional order. This thesis undertakes to illustrate the elements upon which the newly institutionalized elites subsumed themselves into self-legitimizing narratives with the goal of obtaining, maintaining and exercising power in the remote Russian regions. Provided that the cohort of central elites had been historically recruited from the pool of regional elites, the findings of the thesis present a viable study of successful narratives of legitimization for the securing of elite positions far beyond the regional level.

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Dufková, Kateřina. "Stabilita regionálních elit v Česku (2000 - 2012): Příklad Karlovarského kraje." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-344455.

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Master's thesis focuses on a role of regional councillors in process of regional development at the case of Karlovy Vary region. The aim of the thesis is to determine how the process of regional development is influenced by the stability of regional elites in terms of their territorial distribution in the region and their time stability in the subsequent regional elections. The thesis is based on theoretical background related to regional development with emphasis of soft factors of development in context of institutional approaches. The important part of the thesis represents analysis of inner differentiation of the model area and explanation of its causes. The original research consists of two parts. The outcome of the first part is an extensive database of candidates elected into regional assemblies of the Czech Republic in periods of 2000, 2004, 2008 and 2012; and analysis of changes in membership structure of those regional assemblies. In the second part regional identity, attitudes and motivation of current regional councillors of Karlovy Vary region and their influence on the development of the region were examined by a questionnaire. The research conclusively proved a relatively high stability of regional elites of Karlovy Vary region in time, but a very low stability of their territorial...

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Vieira, Sara Coelho. "Jornalismo de proximidade e elites locais." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/14456.

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Elaborada no âmbito do Mestrado em Jornalismo, esta dissertação procura a relação entre o jornalismo de proximidade e as elites locais na imprensa dos concelhos de Alcobaça e da Nazaré, através de uma reflexão sobre o papel, as potencialidades, as fragilidades e os compromissos do jornalismo regional. Partindo de uma base teórica para uma análise de conteúdo, este trabalho expõe, de um modo geral, a influência das elites, maioritariamente económicas e políticas, nos conteúdos noticiosos produzidos pelas três publicações em estudo

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Hrajnohová, Jana. "Mariánské Lázně a jejich hosté. Místo setkávání kulturních a politických elit střední Evropy." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-305712.

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This thesis deals with the phenomenon of attendance of Marienbad and its region in the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century, when travelling for health and progress of tourism in spas became an inseparable part of social, economic and political life. The thesis shows everyday spa life in this period from the point of view of spa visitors, at the same time emphasizes social and economic aspect of given problems of history, as well as progress of tourism and travelling in this area. The thesis is regionally focused, but it has also more general overlap to the question of balneology and health resorts in European benchmark. The thesis shows Marienbad as a cosmopolitan place - meeting point of cultural, political, economic and territorial elite.

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Řezníčková, Pavla. "Územní diferenciace stability lokálních elit v Česku (1994-2010)." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-334690.

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Master's thesis focuses on stability of local elites and their influence on the development of municipalities in Czech Republic. The stability of local elites is for the purposes of this thesis defined as the number of election of the same representatives in communal elections in between 1994 and 2010. There are three main objectives in the thesis. Firstly, to prove a dependence between stability of local elites and population of the municipality. Secondly, to find if there is statistically significant dependence between stability of local elites and selected development factors. Thirdly to identify spatial patterns of high and low stability of local elites in the Czech Republic. To complete this objectives required to design methodology and calculate stability of local elites for the municipalities of Czech Republic and then to categorize it according to its level of stability (low, medium, high). On behalf of several quantitative analyses the indirect dependence between stability of local elites and the municipality population has been proven as well as the dependence between the selected development factors (intensity of flat construction, unemployment and percentage of undergraduates). Significant clusters with high and low stability of local elites were identified by the method of spatial...

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Holovský, Jan. "Modernizace mezi Prahou a Kolínem." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398035.

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The aim of this dissertation thesis is an analysis of the modernization process during the 1850 - 1938 period in the given region extending from the city of Prague to the regional centre Kolín. The modernization proces is in particular seen in terms of economic history. In the thesis I will analyse demographic and economical development, the building up of the transport, infrastructure, economic elites and partially also some subjects related to democratisation. In addition to the modernization itself, the transformation of the regional structure, mutual relations and development of typologically different settlements will also be assessed. Particular analysis will be done in the frame of the region as well as on selected settlements of Český Brod, Kostelec nad Černými lesy, Kouřim, Pečky and Úvaly. Keywords Modernization / Modernisation, economic, demographic, Region, Urbanization, City, Town, Village, rural, Infrastructure, Elite, Czech, Bohemia

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Matos, Carla Raquel da Silva. "Elite municipal da Ponta do Sol: 1878-1886." Master's thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.13/1180.

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A presente investigação desenvolve um estudo sobre o percurso histórico das elites municipais do concelho da Ponta do Sol, entre 1878 e 1886, inserindo-as no contexto global das regras definidas pelo suporte legislativo do Código Administrativo de 1878, bem como no espaço socioeconómico, onde detiveram um papel preponderante e decisivo nos destinos do mesmo. Esta dissertação analisa a realidade local na construção de uma identidade municipal, aplicando métodos e técnicas de investigação histórica. A partir de fontes manuscritas, como os recenseamentos eleitorais, este trabalho faz a inventariação do corpus eleitoral do concelho supramencionado, isto é, a caracterização socioeconómica dos cidadãos habilitados a votar (eleitores) e dos elegíveis, culminando nos eleitos para os cargos municipais. De igual modo, procurou conhecer as áreas de intervenção da Câmara Municipal da Ponta do Sol e respetivos espaços de atuação da elite dirigente camarária.

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Хало, Володимир Юрійович. "Участь регіональних еліт у місцевому самоврядуванні в умовах децентралізації". Магістерська робота, 2019. https://dspace.znu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/12345/2835.

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Хало В. Ю. Участь регіональних еліт у місцевому самоврядуванні в умовах децентралізації : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 281 "Публічне управління та адміністрування" / наук. керівник І. О. Кудінов. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2019. 118 с. UA : Мета дослідження: визначення особливостей взаємодії органів місцевого самоврядування та представників регіональної еліти в умовах децентралізації. Об’єкт дослідження: регіональна еліта та представники органів місцевого самоврядування. Предмет дослідження: взаємодія регіональної еліти з представниками органів місцевого самоврядування, громадськості у умовах децентралізації та безпосередній вплив на формування об’єднаних територіальних громад. Методи дослідження: аналіз, синтез, індукція, дедукція, структурно-функціональний, аналіз статистичних даних. Гіпотеза: створення оптимальної законодавчої бази для проведення процесів децентралізації. Зменшення впливу на процеси децентралізації та формування об’єднаних територіальних громад регіональними елітами через розробку економічних та обґрунтованих показників по визнанню громади спроможною. Висновки: 1 . Україна на даний час увійшла в активну фазу проведення процесу децентралізації та реформування місцевого самоврядування. За основу проведення децентралізації був взятий досвід країн Європейського союзу. На даний час не розроблено ефективної законодавчої бази, законодавчо відбувається дублювання функцій місцевого самоврядування та органів виконавчої влади на регіональному рівні, не має жорстких критеріїв по проведенню об’єднань територіальних громад. 2. На певних територіях зустрічається спротив, як представників громадськості, так і регіональних еліт, як політичних, так і бізнесових. Резюмуючи, слід зазначити, що на певних територіях регіональними елітами створені так звані «регіональні ОТГ»

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Regional elite'

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