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Journal articles on the topic 'Regional elite'
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1
Tucha, Victoriia. "Structural transformations of the regional political and state-administrative elite in the processes of ensuring the strategic development of the state." Public administration aspects 8, no. 2 (2020): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/152026.
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In this article has been analyzed the structural transformation of the regional political and state-administrative elite, on the basis of which it has been identified as a set of independent, professionally trained leadership groups whose activities are oriented towards the realization of nationally regulated regional interests, which clearly correlates with the development of the institutional system. public administration of the state; the vertical and horizontal levels of interaction between the regional and national elites are specified, their status differentiation is revealed. To establish links between the regional and national elites, D. Pinto proposed the idea of the feasibility of establishing channels of vertical ties that characterize their structural transformation and effective functional impact on the processes of strategic development of the state, which include scientists: economic, political, personal.The article deals with the concept of E.Eleisen on the need to justify the three levels of the regional elite (won by the regional power elite, regional political elite, regional elite), classification of approaches to structural analysis of D. Bradley's regional elite (socio-genetic, geographical).The purpose of the article is to analyze the structural transformation of regional political and state-administrative elites.The article also specifies the vertical and horizontal levels of interaction between the regional and national elite, reveals their status differentiation, develops a strategic set of tactical methods for establishing interaction between them, sets out the basic conditions that affect the system of relations between the regional and nation-wide etheric-elite multivariate strategic political functions of the regional elite that ensure the establishment of technological vertical interaction region at the center of systematized model of interaction between regional elite center, which provides internal structural adjustment of cooperation between regional elites. The article considers the relevant conditions that affect the system of vertical links between regional and national elites in the strategic development processes of the state, proposed by S. Edelswell and D. Epstein.
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Chernyshov, M. M. "The influence of elites on the choice of the vector of development of the region." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 2 (July 8, 2022): 224–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-2(4)-224-237.
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The article deals with the issues of typology of regional elites in connection with their influence on the choice of models of political, state and socio-economic development of regions. The author singles out and describes the types of the regional elite (conservative, radical, progressive and colonial), proposes a methodical approach to classify representatives of the regional elite as a certain type based on their financial and property characteristics. For groups of regional elites, behavioral vectors (matrix of vectors) and targets (matrix of goals) are systematized, a scheme for the correlation of the «matrix of goals» (the goal of the elite in the region, an attractive system of power, attitude to the center, the landmark of the concept of change) and the «matrix of vectors» ( planning horizon, migration mobility, negotiability, escalation of violence) in the format of a “compass of elite behavior” (shows guidelines for socio-political development under the dominance of certain types of regional elite). The idea of developing «maps of spheres of influence and interests» of various elite groups has been put forward (it allows for the formalization of resources, motives and intentions, the creation of logical and mathematical models of the behavior of elite groups, monitoring and forecasting systems). The necessity of creating platforms for dialogue between groups of regional elites on the main guidelines for spatial development is substantiated.
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Turco, Tatiana, and Larisa Talmazan. ""Center-region" relations through the prism of interaction of national and regional political elites." Moldoscopie, no. 1(98) (September 2023): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2023.1(98).02.
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The problem of the relationship between the national elite of the Republic of Moldova and the regional elite of the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia in the context of the «center – region» concept has important theoretical and practical significance. During the years of its independence, the ruling elites of the Republic of Moldova faced a number of problems in relations with the regional elite of the ATU Gagauzia. Despite the change of elites at the national and regional levels, their representatives have not been able to establish a constructive dialogue for three decades. In order to reach a consensus, the political dialogue between the ruling elite and the regional elite of the autonomy should be aimed at harmonizing the legal framework, clarifying the status of the autonomy, concretizing and distributing powers, as well as broader involvement of the inhabitants of the autonomy in the political and economic life of the Republic of Moldova.
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Bevz, T. A. "VALUES AND IDENTITIES OF THE REGIONAL ELITE." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 2 (7) (2020): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2020.2(7).04.
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The article focuses on values as the basis of conscious choice. Values determine the future, determine the unity, cohesion of society and self- identification. Values are produced, distributed by elites and perceived by different social groups. The regional political elite is a certain group with a kind of corporate self-consciousness, its own independent system of values, which are fixed with help of certain external attributes, a system of selecting new members. The regional political elite was the creator of values and meanings in the politics of the region and played a significant role in shaping values, ideological preferences, views and attitudes to any political events, phenomena and processes. The policy of regional identity is conditioned by the culture of regional elites, their ideas about the past and future of the region and the country. After all, historical memory is an important element of national identity. The basic factor for the regional political elite of Sumy region in the processes of actualization of regional identities was the symbolic representation of the past, first of all, the history of the region. Most representatives of the Sumy regional political elite declared the values of paternalism, cooperation and democracy as a priority. The manifestation of political identity was a set of values, principles and motivations that representatives of the regional political elite recognize as basic for their political group. The regional political elite of Sumy region was the bearer of ideas and values, which were characterized by regional identity, regional interests and values, common history. Identity markers for the regional political elite of Sumy region were Ukraine as a homeland; Sumy region as a region it manages, business center, place of residence; public holidays as mechanisms of symbolic representation; historical memory, history of the region and history of the Cossacks.
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Gridina, Iryna, and Kateryna Chulska. "Regional elites of Donetsk and Luhansk regions after the revolution of dignity and during the russian-ukrainian war." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 11, no. 31-32 (2021): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-103-120.
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The aim of the study is to clarify the qualitative transformations of the regional elite, which took place under the influence of the Revolution of Dignity and the Ukrainian-Russian war, in the context of the strategy of de-occupation of the temporarily occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. In the Donetsk region, the electoral preferences of the population were shaped by the preferences of local elites, while the preferences of local elites were shaped by the preferences of local businesses, creating a kind of closed political and economic circle. In 2014, after the overthrow of the Yanukovych regime, the regional elites of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions were out of action, inactive because they were afraid to take responsibility for decision-making. Thus, the transformation of the elites took place in a revolutionary way, completely changing the ruling elite to the opposition. At the same time, the transformation of the elite was due to its value reorientation, in particular at the levels of rethinking domestic and foreign policy. The theme of the war and its end was "monetized" in the political struggle of both national and regional elites. In 2015, the renewal of the regional and local elite took place neither quantitatively nor qualitatively, its circulation took place in the form of the rebranding of the Party of Regions. At the same time, the former monopoly of the "regionals" was destroyed in this election. The local elections of 2020, which took place after the reboot of the political system of Ukraine in 2019, were marked by new trends. "Opposition Platform - For Life (OPZZH)" was forced to compete with new political actors, including mayors. Regional elites are involved in solving the problems of the Russian-Ukrainian war, earning, on the one hand, political dividends and, on the other hand, having financial and business interests in the region, trying to maintain a monopoly on influence. The main political players (OPZZH, OP) during 2015-2020 did not actually change their pro-Russian vision of restoring Ukraine's state sovereignty through the Minsk process, the special status of Donbas, direct talks with representatives of the occupation administrations. Pro-Ukrainian representatives of regional elites, promoting their initiatives to improve the legal framework for SDDLR, IDP rights, the economic component of the region, solve both current practical problems and create a theoretical and practical basis for future de-occupation and restoration of statehood in the temporarily occupied Donetsk and Luhansk regions. However, each of them has its own vision and promotes its own initiatives in a certain area, which is why there is no single vision of the strategy of de-occupation and reintegration. Keywords: elite, political elite, regional elite, Russian-Ukrainian war, temporarily occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions, de-occupation.
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Зубарев, М. Е. "Factors of Consolidation of Regional Political Elites." Экономика и управление: научно-практический журнал, no. 3(171) (June 22, 2023): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.34773/eu.2023.3.22.
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В статье рассмотрены проблемы консолидации региональных элит в условиях внешних вызовов, анализируются проблемы консолидации политических и бизнес-элит в условиях переформатирования региональной политической повестки. Анализируются новые профессиональные требования, предъявляемые к региональной элите в условиях централизации публичной власти, организации вертикальных и горизонтальных взаимодействий. Акцентируется внимание на новых подходах к имплементации практик корпоративного управления в систему управления регионом. В условиях экономического кризиса наблюдается высокий уровень политической консолидации региональной элиты, выбора приоритетов развития, активностей федеральной политической элиты, военной элиты в целях патронирования и дисциплинирования политического поведения региональных элит. The article deals with the problems of consolidation of regional elites in the face of external challenges, the article analyzes and reveals the problems of consolidation of political and business elites in the context of reformatting the regional political agenda. The article analyzes the new professional requirements for the regional corps of the elite, in the context of the centralization of public power, the organization of vertical and horizontal interactions. The article focuses on new approaches to the implementation of corporate governance practices in the system of political and economic management of the region. In the conditions of the economic crisis, there is a high level of political consolidation of the regional elite, the choice of priorities for territorial development, the activities of the federal political elite, the military elite in order to patronize and discipline the political behavior of regional elites.
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Rudoy, V.V., A.V. Ponedelkov, A.M. Starostin, and V.D. Lysenko. "Sociological profile of the regional political elites in the south Russia." Society and Power, no. 4 (June 5, 2009): 65–68. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13325865.
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The matters of functioning and interaction of Russian political elite are considered in the article. The expert and public assessments and descriptions are given to the elites. The analysis of the sources of the elite formation and their management experience is made.
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Sarniati, Sarniati, La Ode Dirman, and Bahtiar Bahtiar. "STRATEGI ELIT DAN PARTISIPASI MASYARAKAT DALAM PENYELENGGARAAN PILKADA MUNA TAHUN 2020." Jurnal Penelitian Budaya 6, no. 2 (2021): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.33772/jpeb.v6i2.19325.
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Abstract: The purpose of this research is to identify, analyze and understand the Elite strategies, community participation and the implications of elite strategies and community participation on the results of the Regional Election. The theory used in this research is the theory of social practice by Pierre Bourdieu, methodologically this research is a qualitative research by collecting the data using observation and in-depth interviews technique. The results of this study indicate that the TERBAIK candidate pair fully empowers political elites and party elites in socializing to become campaign teams, empowers volunteer teams and approaches religious elites and civil elites. The pair of candidates for TERBAIK has also built good communication so that they have the full support of two former Muna Regents who still have a strong mass among the Muna community, namely the former Muna Regent for the 2000-2010 period and the former Muna Regent for the 2010-2015 period and other bureaucratic elites in Muna Regency. While the RAPI candidate pair did not empower the political elite and their supporting/supporting parties in socializing, the RAPI candidate pair maximized the teams and volunteers that were formed long before the Regional Election stage began and approached the religious elite and the civil elite. Several traditional and religious leaders were involved in practical politics so that there was disharmony between communities after the determination of the winner. The increasing political participation in the Regional Election is because apart from the vigur of the two pairs of candidates, alsi because of material rewards. In winning a candidate pair, the communication that is built is unconsciously influenced by history and the agreement of the Ancestors, affected by the district (ghoera) and social stratification (kaomu and walaka). Keywords: Community Participation, Elite Strategy, Implications, Regional Election Results
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Ramdhani, Hilal. "Koalisi Elite Politik dalam Pemekaran Daerah." PERSPEKTIF 11, no. 2 (2022): 587–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v11i2.5926.
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This article aims to examine the political elite coalition in regional expansion. The problem is focused on the case of the expansion of the Cirebon Province since 2009, when the Presidium for the Establishment of the Cirebon Province (P3C) was declared. Until 2019, P3C has not been able to form a coalition of local political elites to propose the expansion of Cirebon Province. In order to approach this problem, the theoretical reference of the political elite coalition in regional expansion initiated by Ehito Kimura is used. The data collected through interviews and documentation, then analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that the local political elite coalition did not form for the expansion of Cirebon Province due to differences in issues between local political elite groups who agree with local political elites who reject the issue of the use of economic resources, regional development, political interests, ethnicity and former political history. - Cirebon residency. In addition, the weakness of the local political elite coalition which is only supported by three regions and the corrupt behavior of the elites who approve the proposed expansion of Cirebon Province at both the lower and upper levels, resulted in the absence of the expansion of Cirebon Province during 2009-2019.
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Azizah, Nurul. "Personification of Religious Elite, Political Behavior and Identity Politics: A Profile of Regional Elections in Indonesia." International Journal of Arts and Humanities Studies 3, no. 1 (2023): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijahs.2023.3.1.4.
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The religious elite's role is significant in Indonesia's regional head elections. The political behavior of the religious elite; The role of the religious elite has legitimacy as a symbolic representation of the highest religious authority in society. The politicization of Identity at the local level has strengthened along with the presence of elite groups that participate in proclaiming the superiority of Identity, the spirit of communalism, feudalism, and regional issues in political events. This paper aims to analyze the relationship between the role and behavior of religious elites and identity politics in regional elections in the realm of politics at the local level. Based on the results of interviews, observations, and analysis of qualitative research data revealed: First, the dynamics of direct regional elections in Situbondo, Banyuwangi, Bondowoso, and Jember; second, the legitimacy of power and the political behavior of religious elites in regional elections; third, the current role of the elite mobilizes the masses and political campaigns and forth, the use of Identity Politics in regional elections. This paper suggests that the government and election organizers increase consistency in keeping the public sphere from being dominated by specific identity political forces by commodifying the politicization of religion; whatever form of identity politics in the name of religion does not cause a commotion that has the potential to undermine the disintegration of nation and state.
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Tuhulele, Ahmad Bilal. "The Role of the Indigenous Elite in the 2017 Regional Head Election of Buru Regency." Sociae Polites 23, no. 2 (2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v23i2.4167.
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The traditional elite in the 2017 Buru Regency Head Election has a strategic position for the survival of democracy for five years. The influence and power they have is the key in the democratic process of the 2017 Pilkada won by the couple Ramli Umasagi and Amustofa Besan (RAMA). This study seeks to understand the existence of local elites on Buru Island and their role in the 2019 Regent Election. using the elite theoretical framework proposed by Mosca, Pareto and Keller synthesized with the theory of political participation formulated by Mirriam Budiarjo, Samuek Huntingting and Joan Nelson. This study finds that in the Buru Island community, the local elite has been stratified in structure; Mat Gugul, Hinolog and Soa. The figures in this elite not only play a role in social, cultural and economic functions, but also have an increasing significant political role During the reformation period. Second, In the 2017 Pilkada, these elites have carried out intense participation, among others, in conducting political socialization, being the Pilkada committee, mobilizing lower-level so that the community participates in politics and not abstaining, Resolving conflicts if they occur and providing political support to RAMA candidates. whose triumphed in this election. This research strengthens theories about the role of local elites or non-governing elites in the political process. Therefore, theoretically the democratic process should pay attention to the role of local elites who have been proven to have an influence as evidenced in this study
 Key words: Indigenious Elite, Pilkada 2017, Buru Regency, Ramli Usagi, Matgugul, Hinolong, Soa
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Scott, John. "Transformations in the British Economic Elite." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418735.
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AbstractThe concept of elite must be related to the distribution of authority. Elites are social groups defined by hierarchies of authoritarian power. Such elites can be investigated in the sphere of politics and in the economic sphere. This paper clarifies the general concept of an elite and shows how this can be used to understand the formation of economic elites. This is applied to the British situation, where the restructuring of the British economic elite over the course of the twentieth century is traced. The economic elite is seen as having moved from an entrepreneurial and regional structure to a one whose intercorporate relations embed it, in an increasingly fragmented form, in a global economy.
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Ivanova, L. A. "Regional political process: features, structure and influence of political elites." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 2 (42) (2023): 162–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.2.17.
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The article analyzes the features of regional political processes. The process of transformation costs in the political process is shown. The influence of the level and quality of political elites on the decision-making process is shown. The process of elite formation, including recruitment, imitating institutionalization, is considered. The role of social institutions for entering into power is shown. The differentiation methods and ways of recruiting political elites are exposed, the principles of elites (formal and informal) are outlined.
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Horbatiuk, Mykola. "Formation of the Regional Political Elite of Vinnytsia Region." Ukrainian Studies, no. 3(84) (November 9, 2022): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.3(84).2022.263625.
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The article examines the process of regional political elite formation of Vinnytsia region in the context of Ukrainian state formation based on the analysis of the results of national and local elections held in the constituencies of Vinnytsia region, biographies of deputies from the region as well as deputies of Vinnytsia regional and city councils, heads of Vinnytsia regional state administration, heads of district state administrations and district councils of the region. The author provides the definition for the regional political elite and outlines the ways of its set up, offers the model of its modern structure for Vinnytsia region.Also, it was determined that at the beginning of the existence of an independent Ukraine, a key role in the formation of the new regional political elite was played by the people from the «nomenklatura» and former leaders of the Soviet enterprises. The obtained data confirms, that this social group was the main pool of recruitment of heads of Vinnytsia Regional State Administration and District State Administrations of Vinnytsia region until the mid-2000s, and the traditions they introduced into modern political culture influenced the formation of political and economic groups (clans) and the dominance of neopatrimonial relations in the interaction between different actors.As defined, people from different spheres of economic and socio-political life of the region participate in the formation of the modern regional political elite of Vinnytsia region. In particular, they are representatives of the economic elite (business owners, managers of private and state enterprises), party elite, elites of mass media and public organizations, and intellectual elite (heads and employees of science, education, medicine and culture). The tendency to increase the number of business representatives in these authorities while reducing the number of heads of state authorities, local governments and utilities was shown by the example of the Vinnytsia Regional Council of II, III, VII convocations and Vinnytsia City Council of VI and VII convocations; a consistently high level of the number of people from the intellectual elite in the regional and city councils was noted. Special attention is paid to the penetration of media and public sector figures into the power institutions as well as to their influence on the formation of the political agenda of the region.
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IVANOVA, LILIA. "Regional political elite in public opinion (on the example of Astrakhan region)." Public Administration 23, no. 3 (2021): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2070-8378-2021-23-3-80-85.
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The article analyses the characteristics of the regional political elite from the point of view of the region’s public opinion. The purpose of the study is to examine public opinion concerning the elite political group of the Astrakhan region. The paper presents the main theoretical approaches to the definition of the political elite and identifies its structural characteristics in modern Russian society. The author conducted a questionnaire sociological survey of the population of the Astrakhan region, according to the results of which there is a formulated idea of the state of the regional elite. Additionally, the article describes the advantages and disadvantages of this group, considers the key qualities of its representatives, and possible ways to further development. The author concludes that the population of the Astrakhan region characterizes the political elite extremely contradictory: with a negative characterization of its main representatives in terms of qualitative indicators and parameters of its effectiveness, we can see the positive dynamics of public opinion. Also, the public opinion poll confirmed the expert point of view regarding the low level of conflict of the Astrakhan political elite and its ability to find solutions to difficult political situations. The study of regional political elites promotes dialogue among all actors in the political process.
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Yaremchuk, Vyacheslav. "Regional political elite: formation principles and mechanisms (Ivano-Frankivsk region as an example)." Political Studies, no. 1 (2021): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.53317/2786-4774-2021-1-5.
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The article is dedicated to the problem related to the process of the formation of the political elite of Ivano-Frankivsk region. The main political actors of the regional political elite were specified by the formal features (their influence on the strategic political decisions) and its main groups were investigated (national deputies of Ukraine, heads of local governments and state authorities, heads of regional organizations of leading political parties, business elite, ideological and communicative elite, etc.). The main focus of the study was on the formation through elections and appointments of deputies (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, regional council), as well as public authorities (regional state administration and its structures), which allowed to identify and analyze the main procedures and mechanisms of elite formation in the region, reflecting the complex processes of its change/reproduction on its own basis, renewal through the involvement of new members of society. Based on the analysis of a broad empirical base, the correlation of the process of elite formation of IvanoFrankivsk region with the general tendencies of transformation of the political system of Ukraine, the influence of the center-peripheral paradigm is confirmed. Thus, in the conditions of formation of a hybrid political regime, despite the significant dynamics of renewal of the main institutions of power in the region, this process at the turn of the XX−XXI centuries took place mostly in the form of circulation or reproductive circulation − a limited, formal process of renewal of the political elite, which was under the influence of leading political and economic groups. There was a gradual narrowing of institutional channels for recruiting political elites in the region, which turned it into a social group with incomplete social representation. Significant weight in the process of forming the political elite of Ivano-Frankivsk region „closed” procedures and nomenclature mechanisms, frequent changes during the elections and appointments of leading political actors, which did not always happen with heredity, significantly reduced the overall potential of the regional political elite, which is still not realized in the full measure. Key words: regional political elite, Ivano-Frankivsk region, formation of political elite.
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Bystrova, Alla. "Governors and members of regional governments: career paths of senior executive officials of the Russian Federation subjects." Vlast i Elity (Power and Elites) 11, no. 4 (2024): 45–100. https://doi.org/10.31119/pe.2024.11.4.3.
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The publication contains research results from a study of high-ranking officials of executive power representing selected federal regions of the Russian Federation. It’s based on a comparison of the career paths of 794 biographies from biographic databases from 2015 and 2021 that cover high-level officials and administrative elites in the regions. The analysis included variables that characterize primary and professional socialization. We viewed the pre-elite career stage from the perspective of the recruitment pool. The analysis also encompassed variables like prior work experience in law enforcement agencies and previous administrative experience. We evaluated the speed of elite careers using the duration of appointments, as well as their level in hierarchy and fields of work. Overall, primary and professional socialization, as well as career paths of regional high-level officials, are almost identical to those of the administrative elite as a whole. However, some differences are discernible. For instance, the first elite-level appointment of r egional officials happens at a younger age. The key area of their pre-elite activities belongs to the political and administrative domains from which the recruitment mostly takes place. This tendency is also characteristic of the administrative elite as a whole. Law enforcement and military backgrounds are not significant in forming the recruitment pool, even though the share of top-level administrators with such backgrounds had grown from 11 % in 2015 to 30 % in 2021. Top-level administrators, along with the majority of the administrative corps, are pursuing their careers within a regional context. Federal-level appointments are rare. Both the regional and municipal levels hold minimal significance. Renewal of the top-level administrators goes slower than in the administrative elite as a whole. We view regional differences in career paths from the perspective of the Russian Federation’s ongoing re-centralization since 2000. The country remains a multi-level political system. There are still differences between regions when it comes to political opportunities, the formation of administrative elites and groups of top-level administrators, and career paths.
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Tilome, Apris Ara. "Sociological Implications of Social Exchange in Regional Head Elections in Gorontalo Province." Journal La Sociale 3, no. 2 (2022): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37899/journal-la-sociale.v3i2.592.
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This study aims to dissect the Sociological Implications of Social Exchange Post-Election of Regional Head Candidates in Gorontalo Province. Methods of data collection using interviews, documentation and retrospective. This study produced several findings, including: First; Political elite social exchange relations are strategic situations that are mutually dependent, need each other, and are mutually beneficial as well as an effort to consolidate power to achieve electability/victory in the momentum of regional head elections. Second; The pattern of social exchange is based on a number of ownership potentials in the form of elite, figure and financial resources, which can determine the social forces that are considered by political parties to give party approval/recommendations to pairs of candidates for regional heads. Third, the social exchange strategy between party elites and political elites uses each other to achieve victory in the contestation of regional head elections. This study concludes that the sociological implications of social interactions take place in people's lives before and after the election of regional head candidates. There are divisions in society due to friction generated in the election of regional heads originating from social exchange relations, patterns of social exchange and social exchange strategies both individually and in groups of political elites and party elites.
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Zhukov, D., and Dmitriy Sel'cer. "A look into the future: System-dynamic modeling of the political transformation of regional elites (Russia, 2021–2035)." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 3 (2021): 23–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-3-23-55.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the ways in which the Russian regional administrative and political elites can change in 2021–2035. The authors attempted not only to find the most positive variants, but also to assess their probability and to describe the conditions for their implementation. There are seven predictive scenarios for the development of regional elites, which were constructed as a result of computer experiments with a system-dynamic model. The developed model is implemented in Powersim Studio 10. The model encompasses the main mechanisms and channels for recruiting elites as well as actors that have influenced the elite substitution system. The study is a follow-up to the work that was published in the Journal of Political Research and devoted to realistic and counterfeit scenarios of elite transformation in 1985–2019. The geographic framework within which the model can be applied spans — with some caveats — the European part of Russia. Modeling showed that some predictive scenarios are negative and even catastrophic for the progress of regional elites and for relations «federal center — regions». Moreover, such scenarios can be initiated not only by some unlikely events like the «Russian Maidan» (Ukrainization scenario), but also by erroneous actions of the federal government (Regency scenario). It has been revealed that the introduction of unified principles of monitoring and analysis, as well as centralized personnel management (Technocracy scenario) in the regions can solve all three key problems of elite evolution — namely, maintaining elite loyalty, achieving their acceptable quality, and gaining legitimacy.
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Vorontsov, Mikhail S., and Yuriy S. Nikiforov. ""All in hand": images of power and communicative practices of regional elites in later years of the USSR through the prism of spoken history." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 4 (2019): 58–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-4-58-64.
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Oral history data, which were obtained during interviews with representatives of the Soviet regional elite of the second half of the 1960s to 1980s, were analysed as part of the study of the processes of interaction between the Upper Volga regions' local authorities and Moscow. The main attention of the authors of the article is focused on images of power and on communicative practices of regional elites in the later period of existence of the USSR. An attempt to reconstruct the mechanisms and strategies of the regional elite of the Soviet province, including bureaucratic procedures and communicative practices, images and scenarios of power in the local authority functioning in the 1960s to 1980s, is undertaken in terms of oral history. The theoretical-methodological basis of the work is related to the ideas of Viktor Mokhov about regional elites; of Paul Thompson and Marina Sokolova, about the functionality of oral history; to Alexei Yurchak's concept about the last days of socialism; to Richard S. Wortman's scenarius of power.
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TUMOV, A. A. "ILLIBERAL PEACEBUILDING AND REGIONAL POLITICAL DYNAMICS IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA." Kavkazologiya, no. 4 (2021): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2021-4-205-232.
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Over the post-Soviet period, the North Caucasus has been in the focus of Russian peacebuilding practices. Analysing the developments in Kabardino-Balkaria, we demonstrated the causal relationship between stabilisation by the federal centre and regional political dynamics. We used the framework drawn from conflict studies to interpret the strategies implemented by the national government and political settlement analysis to describe the dominant political settlements that emerged under the successive heads of the republic. The first political settlement was a result of institutional arrangement within a broad elite coalition with the late-Soviet nomenklatura in its foundation. Indirect rule by Moscow amounted to transfers of budget subventions in exchange for the provision of relative stability in the region. In the early 2000s, this political settlement failed to effectively respond to internal political problems; amidst federal recentralisation, the new political settlement was established in the republic. It was marked by reduced inclusivity of elites and greater dependence on the federal centre. This political settlement lacked success in tackling complications of elite cleavages and religious violence. In 2013, Moscow replaced the republican governor and constructed a new institutional arrangement with larger subservience to federal elites and substantial attention to security matters. Thus, peacebuilding practices implemented by the centre sought to stabilise the situation in the region; it resulted in a successful tightening of vertical elite control but at the cost of reducing the inclusiveness of the political system within Kabardino-Balkaria.
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Sadi, Saidash, Yaroslav Nekrasov, Matvey Pyatkov, and Sergey Chirun. "On the question of the research methodology of the Russian political elite (on the example of the Republic of Tuva)." SHS Web of Conferences 94 (2021): 03006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20219403006.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the transparency of concepts known in modern political science to the study of Russian regional political elites, using the example of the Republic of Tuva. In the process of work, the authors used qualitative methods: in-depth interviews, expert survey, focus groups; quantitative methods: sampling method, questionnaire survey, event analysis, content analysis. The authors focused their attention on such characteristics of the regional political elite as: clientelism, closeness, corporate, particular orientation. The authors come to the conclusion that an increase in the degree of efficiency of the regional elite can be achieved subject to the modernization of personnel policy, the transition from a clan-related system of relations to the implementation of effective management based on an entrepreneurial system.
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Rohman, Syaiful, Marthen Napang, and Puspitasari Puspitasari. "Degradation of democracy with the existence of a single candidate for regional head elections in Indonesia." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 35, no. 2 (2022): 160–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v35i22022.160-169.
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Regional head elections are part of the implementation of a democracy which is essentially indicated by political participation. The political elite at the central government also influences political competition in the regions. Every regional head election has to have a recommendation letter from the central board of the political party. The recommendation letter is a requirement for candidates for regent or mayor who will register to the General Election Commission (KPU). The general elections for regional heads are carried out to meet the demands of the community to elect their regional leaders directly with the spirit of democracy. Political elites often misuse democracy in pursuing power for personal or group interests so that a single candidate appears in the regional head elections. This study analyzes the relationship between the political elites and a single candidate using qualitative methods with descriptive analysis based on credible data sources. The results of this study stated that the political elite manipulate a significant role in gathering all-party support with a separate agreement so that a single candidate emerged in the regional head elections. This study concludes that the existence of a single candidate in the regional head elections results in a degradation in the democracy in Indonesia.
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Лариса, ТАЛМАЗАН. "МЕСТО И РОЛЬ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЙ И РЕГИОНАЛЬНОЙ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ЭЛИТЫ В ДЕМОКРАТИЧЕСКОМ И МОДЕРНИЗАЦИОННОМ ПРОЦЕССАХ В СТРАНАХ ВОСТОЧНОГО ПАРТНЕРСТВА". STUDIA UNIVERSITATIS MOLDAVIAE Științe Sociale, № 8(158) (2022): 258–69. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7281872.
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The article analyzes the role of the political elite of the Eastern Partnership countries in the context of modernization processes. The author has identified the specifics of interaction between national and regional political elites in the Eastern Partnership countries, where there are subnational and administrative-territorial units that determine the forma-tion and functioning of the regional political elite. Modernization processes in the Eastern Partnership countries last more than thirty years. During this time, each state has sought to create a solid democratic political system. But, in the process of modernization and democratization, the participating countries faced a number of problems caused by: the political crisis, territorial conflicts, split of the political elite, passive behavior of civil society, manifestations of corrup-tion and other problems. But, despite the identified problems, each state of the Eastern Partnership has its own result.
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Valencia Daza, Galia Irina. "El Valle del Cauca para los vallecaucanos. Proceso de constitución del Departamento del Valle." HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 2, no. 3 (2010): 31–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v2n3.12380.
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El presente artículo explica el proceso de creación del Departamento del Valle del Cauca en 1910. Hecho que constituye un hito importante en la historia regional del suroccidente colombiano, teniendo en cuenta que concluyen: 1) el proceso de disolución del Estado del Cauca, que se venía gestando por el Gobierno nacional desde finales del siglo XIX, y 2) el movimiento separatista de la elite vallecaucana que anhelaba su autonomía frente al Cauca. La autora analiza el papel de las elites y los grupos dirigentes regionales y subregionales, algunos centrados en mantener su tradicional poder político y otros en defender la autonomía de los estados soberanos. Así mismo, ofrece su comprensión sobre la expresión de la elite vallecaucana, especialmente la caleña, a través de los periódicos y correspondencia privada, interesada en impulsar un movimiento separatista político-administrativo. Para el enfoque se toma en cuanta las distintas leyes y decretos que permitieron la constitución del Departamento, y de igual modo las expresiones escritas en los periódicos locales por parte de los grupos interesados en el proyecto.Palabras clave: Valle del Cauca, división territorial, creación Departamento, elites regionales y locales.Valle del Cauca for the Vallecaucanos. The process of constitution for the Department of Valle AbstractThe article at hand explains the process of the creation of the Department of Cauca in 1910. This was an event which constitutes an important date in the regional history of the Colombian Southwest, keeping in mind that it concludes: 1) the process of the dissolution of the State of Cauca, which was in the process of being organized by the national government since the end of the 19th century, and 2) the separatist movement of the Valle de Cauca elite which desired autonomy from Cauca. The author analyzes the role of the elite and the regional and sub-regional leading groups, some of which were centered on maintaining their traditional political power and others in defending the autonomy of the sovereign states. Likewise, the author offers her comprehension on the expression of the Valle de Cauca elite, especially those who were from Cali, through the newspapers and private correspondence, interested in giving force to the separatist political-administrative movement. For the focus, the distinct laws and decrees which allowed for the constitution of the department are taken into account, as are, similarly, the written expressions of local newspapers by the groups interested in the project.Keywords: Valle del Cauca, territorial division, department creation, regional and local elites.
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Rigby, T. H., and William A. Clark. "Soviet Regional Elite Mobility after Khrushchev." Russian Review 50, no. 1 (1991): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130244.
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Meyer, Patrick, and Kristopher Schroeder. "Regional Anesthesia in the Elite Athlete." Clinics in Sports Medicine 41, no. 2 (2022): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.csm.2021.11.008.
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Meyer, Patrick, and Kristopher Schroeder. "Regional Anesthesia in the Elite Athlete." Anesthesiology Clinics 42, no. 2 (2024): 291–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.anclin.2023.11.010.
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Zhukov, D. S., D. G. Seltser, and N. S. Barabash. "SCENARIOS OF TRANSFORMATION OF REGIONAL ELITES IN THE LATE SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET PERIODS: RESULTS OF SYSTEM-DYNAMIC MODELING." Innovatics and Expert Examination, no. 2(30) (December 3, 2020): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.35264/1996-2274-2020-2-96-107.
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The article presents realistic and alternative (counterfactual) scenarios for the development of regional administrative and political elites in Russia in 1985-2004. The scenarios are built using a system-dynamic model that simulates elite recruitment in the Powersim Studio software environment. The model describes the mechanisms and channels for recruiting managerial personnel, as well as the sociopolitical forces that influenced elite substitution. Experiments with the model allow us to explore different variants of the evolution of elites. The counterfactual scenario proceeds from the hypothetical refusal of M.S. Gorbachev from dismantling the nomenclature system and from eliminating the CPSU’s control over the «placement of personnel». The model demonstrates that in this case, there was no rapid degradation of regional elites (as was the case in the realistic scenario). However, by the beginning of the 2000s, other systemic problems arose due to the gap between the principles of forming the management apparatus and the transforming socio-economic realities.
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Simpson, Marni J., David G. Jenkins, Michael D. Leveritt, and Vincent G. Kelly. "Physical profiles of elite, sub-elite, regional and age-group netballers." Journal of Sports Sciences 37, no. 11 (2018): 1212–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02640414.2018.1553269.
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Kongkirati, Prajak. "From Illiberal Democracy to Military Authoritarianism: Intra-Elite Struggle and Mass-Based Conflict in Deeply Polarized Thailand." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (2018): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218806912.
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Thailand fits the pattern of pernicious polarized politics identified in this volume, where a previously excluded group successfully gains political power through the ballot box, governs unilaterally to pursue radical reforms, and produces a backlash from the traditional power elites. In Thailand, elite conflict has been a major part of the story, but this article argues that political polarization there cannot be merely understood as “elite-driven”: conflict among the elites and the masses, and the interaction between them, produced polarized and unstable politics. Violent struggle is caused by class structure and regional, urban-rural disparities; elite struggle activates the existing social cleavages; and ideological framing deepens the polarization. While the Yellow Shirts and traditional elites want to restore and uphold the “Thai-style democracy” with royal nationalism, the Red Shirts espouse the “populist democracy” of strong elected government with popular nationalism and egalitarian social order.
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Magomedov, A. K. "Political Elite and Political Idology. Regional Elites and Regional Political Challenge to Post-Communist Russian Uncertainty." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 11, no. 2 (2011): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2011-11-2-61-71.
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Orock, Rogers Tabe Egbe. "WELCOMING THE ‘FON OF FONS’: ANGLOPHONE ELITES AND THE POLITICS OF HOSTING CAMEROON'S HEAD OF STATE." Africa 84, no. 2 (2014): 226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000776.
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ABSTRACTThis article draws on a political ethnography of the hosting of state ceremonies to engage with erstwhile theoretical accounts of African politics as highly patrimonial and built on a social complicity between African rulers and their citizens. The article examines the patrimonial relationship between Cameroon's head of state, Paul Biya, and political elites of local ethno-regional communities who support the president within the framework of the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) in Anglophone Cameroon. It approaches such elite politics of hosting as part of the vast cultural repertoire of patrimonial domination that emphasizes a spectacularization of proximity and intimacy between the head of state and his coterie of supporting elites as the latter seek development resources for their local and regional communities in exchange for their political support. To account for hosting as a practice of patrimonial elite politics, the article demonstrates the complex logics and pragmatics of ethnic and regional competition as well as the deployment of symbolic idioms of hierarchical relations, mutuality and interdependence in the cultural performance and legitimation of Biya's patrimonial domination of Cameroon.
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Kurjanska, Malgorzata. "Disgruntled Elites and Imperial States: The Making of Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Civil Society in Congress Poland and Western Galicia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (2019): 563–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751900015x.
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AbstractWhy does civil society in some cases become a tool of elite organization and domination of non-elites, and in others a sphere for non-elite self-organization and self-determination? To answer this question, this article compares the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century divergent developments of civil society in two regions of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: Russian-ruled Congress Poland, with a focus on the Warsaw Governorate (1815–1915), and Austrian-ruled western-Galicia, concentrating on the Grand Duchy of Krakow (1846–1914). This analysis of variation in elite domination of civil society shifts the focus of civil society debates away from the market and the state and toward elites. It argues that while imperial policies of regional integration and socioeconomic changes spurred by the transition from feudalism shaped the potential paths of civil society's development in both regions, their effects on civil society's relative autonomy in each were mediated, and thus steered, by the interests and conflicts of local elites.
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Azizah, Nurul. "Sacralization Religion, Power Elite And Leadership: Female Regents In East Java." Majalah Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Pemikiran Keagamaan Tajdid 25, no. 1 (2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/tajdid.v25i1.4052.
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The involvement of the local Islamic boarding school (Pesantren) elite in a regional head election in East Java becomes the winning determiner. In a direct local election, elite religious roles significantly influence the constituent's vote. The elite utilizes religious hegemony in increasing society's political participation during an election. The era of new religious movement changes the tendencies of the thinking paradigm that, for the first time, women emerge as regional heads. This paper was aimed to analyze the hegemony of the religious elite based on Pesantren in the postmodernism era in regional head elections, especially in East Java. This research used qualitative research with a descriptive perspective and content analysis of qualitative data, which revealed that there is hegemony and patron-client movement of Islamic boarding school (Pesantren) among kyai, students, alumni, sympathizers, and Pesantren communities as a strategy to win regional head. The researcher used the elite theory approach and political participation theory—research data obtained from the library and document analysis from the affiliated institution. The formulation of this problem is how the religious elite hegemony the societies by increasing public participation and convincing voters to vote for women's candidates as governor. The analysis result remarks the hegemony of the religious elite becomes a tool to obtain power in a regional head election because there are significant influences of religious elite functioning giving dogmatize to society through religious routines ritual such as religion speech
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Hughes, James. "Elites, Old and New in Novosibirsk." Tocqueville Review 19, no. 1 (1998): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.19.1.103.
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The collapse of communist rule has removed many of the obstacles to research into elites in the former Soviet Union. A clear difference of approach has emerged between investigations of state-level elites, which tend to be quantitative, and studies of sub-state regional and local elites, which tend to be qualitative. In the case of the Russian Federation, state-level regulation of elite circulation at all levels has weakened considerably with the disappearance of the CPSU nomenklatura mechanism of appointment. Concurrently, the fragmentation of power in the post-Soviet system, at a time of immense political and economic transformation, has accentuated the importance of sub-state regional and local elites.
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Alilu, Yahaya, Sunday Edegbo, Mohammed Usman, Egwemi-Ugbeda Ejura, Olekwara Tochukwu, and Success Obi. "Nigeria's Elite and Manipulation of Politics: A Review of the 2023 Presidential Election." International Journal of Strategic Research in Education, Technology & Humanities 12, no. 2 (2024): 102–21. https://doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijsreth.v12.i2.09.
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Nigeria, a nation renowned for its diversity, hosts an extensive array of over 450 ethnic groups, two predominant religions (Islam and Christianity), and numerous regional identities. Nonetheless, this abundance of diversity poses considerable problems for national unity and political stability. This paper analyzes the impact of various factors on the electoral process and outcomes, specifically how Nigeria's political elite exploited religion, ethnicity, and regional sentiments to garner support and sustain power during the 2023 presidential election, as well as the influence of religious affiliations, regional interests, and ethnic loyalty on political strategies and voter behavior. Through qualitative methods (case study, documentary approach), an analysis of historical and contemporary trends, and social identity theory, we contended that the ruling elite manipulates identity markers to create divisions, cultivate loyalty, and legitimize their authority, as demonstrated in the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria, which was characterized by substantial religious, regional, and ethnic mobilization. This reflects the intricate dynamics of identity politics in the nation, where the ruling elite exploited religious sentiments and regional support bases to energize their campaigns, ultimately influencing the election outcomes. The elites' tactics sustain societal divisions, weaken national unity, and intensify conflict. This research enhances comprehension of Nigeria's intricate political environment and the influence of identity politics on electoral results, policy formulation, and social interactions. This study emphasizes the necessity for inclusive governance, civic education, and institutional reforms to alleviate the detrimental effects of identity-based mobilization and foster a more equal and cohesive Nigerian society.
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Fitri Herdayani. "DISKURSUS POLITIK DALAM PROSES PEMEKARAN WILAYAH PANTAI TIMUR (Study Kasus Kab. OKI Kawasan Timur OKI Wilayah Pantai Timur)." Jurnal STIA Bengkulu : Committe to Administration for Education Quality 10, no. 2 (2024): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.56135/jsb.v10i2.162.
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The study aims to analyze about the regional development about discourse of the Pantai Timur region that wants the separation of the autonomy region of the Ogan Komering Ilir district that has a long process of journey from various local political elite. The method of research, using qualitative-descriptive method which is an inquiry strategy more pressing in search of meaning, using the Pareto political elite theory (1984-1923). Data are collected by interview techniques, data collection, data reduction, data presentation and conclusion. The results of this study found that. (1), that the discourse of the Pantai Timur development is the needs of the community, initiated local elites by building communications at government levels and community-level support. (2) the process of establishing a new district has a lot of constraints caused by the change of law from the central government in 2014. Therefore, the aspirations of the political elite and support of the regional community still have a long journey and process in creating new districts to achieve and earn positions and power in the new government institution.
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Christopoulos, Dimitris. "Elite social capital and the regional economy." European Urban and Regional Studies 21, no. 3 (2012): 272–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776412445720.
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Крашевська, Є. В., Т. О. Ратушна, and І. О. Кудінов. "Public service as a social lift to regional elites: qualitative sociology dimension." Grani 22, no. 8 (2019): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171984.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of subjective assessments of regional elite representatives(public servants) regarding their own social role, place and significance in society, and their assessmentof the public service performance efficiency as a social lift. It was used a qualitative methodology toanalyze opinion of regional elite representatives concerning the civil service efficiency as a social lift.Such methodology is focused on meanings and senses, their creation and design features in the process ofsocial communication, which allows to bypass formalized and socially approved responses of informantsand to discover the actual state of affairs in the population. Research data were obtained during in-depth,focused interviews with public service representatives of various ranks and departments of Zaporizhzhiaoblast in April-May 2017.According to the results of the research, it was determined that public servants, as subjects/actors ofstate decision making processes, can influence on society within the framework of regional competences,which gives them certain privileges and signs of elitism at the regional level. At the same time, it wasdetermined that the public service institute operates as a social elevator for regional elites with certainlimitations – to a certain level – since the movement process is provided not only by the personal qualitiesof individuals, but also by their political preferences, the breadth of social ties, membership in certaininfluential groups. This feature leads to the fact that the personal advancements of public servants turninto jump-free mode and do not depend on their abilities, professionalism and potential. Therefore, entryinto the regional elite is not a resulted through an «idle» social lift, but through the usage of additionalchannels of social mobility.
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Sherstobitov, Aleksandr S., Elizaveta V. Begar, Nikolay M. Gorohov, et al. "The Role of Regional Compatriotship in Recruitment of Administrative Elites: The Potential of Network Analysis for Study of Elites in Russia." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 2 (2020): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-2-99-108.
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The paper is devoted to presentation of the one aspect of the research project dedicated to study of political administrative elite in contemporary Russia. It is based on the network analysis methodology that is not widely used by Russian scholars of elites. The authors establish their approach on the mapping of the social networks within elite groups. Although the explanatory power of the network approach is still comparatively weak it is applied as exploratory method for structuring of empirical data, find the trends and set the research questions and hypotheses. The study of networks based on the birthplace is presented in the paper. The key research question is the following: are there cohesive subgroups based on birthplace compatriotship in federal executive branch of power? Federal ministers, deputy ministers and heads of departments are included into sample. The authors find that regional compatriotship is not the important factor of the recruitment of the federal political administrative elite. However, in some cases the cohesive groups based on compatriotship ties appear within one ministry. For example, when the authors reduce the sample to those who were born after 1970, several cohesive subgroups of regional compatriots are found.
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Godovova, Elena Viktorovna. "Review on: Tagirova L. F. (2011). Cantonal Chiefs of Bashkiria: The National Regional Elite of the First Half of the XIX century, 164." Ethnic Culture 4, no. 3 (2022): 56–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-103551.
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A review of the monograph by Ufa historian L. F. Tagirova "Cantonal chiefs of Bashkiria: the national regional elite of the first half of the nineteenth century", published in Ufa in 2011, is presented. The author raised an urgent topic related to the study of social national leaders, namely cantonal chiefs of Bashkiria, their incorporation into state authorities structures. Conceptually, this study can become a model for the study of national regional elites of various territories or become the basis for comparative studies.
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Morozova, Irina. "Regional Factor in Intra-Elite Rivalry in Present Kyrgyzstan." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 37, no. 1 (2010): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633210x499359.
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AbstractThis article conceptualizes regionalism in historical perspective as repeated schemes of translocal inter-groups' allegiances and studies dynamic transformation of political elites in present Kyrgyzstan in broader social context and international change. The article starts with historical reference to the Soviet delimitation policies in Central Asia in the 1920-30s and reveals how the competition among political groups within the prospective Kyrgyz SSR took the form of regional separation. On the basis of field interviews taken in the southern and northern areas of Kyrgyzstan, parliamentarians' biographies and statistics on inter-regional migration and entrepreneurship, the country's present south-north opposition is deconstructed as manipulation of political groups and individuals in competition for resources, power and social status. Post-socialist institutional innovations, including parliamentary system, election code and territorial-administrative reform are analyzed as flexible function of transregionalizing political rivalry. Finally, formation of the new pro-presidential party Ak Zhol and discussions on privatization of energy sector are interpreted as an attempt to establish corporate elite according to the Kazakh and Russian model.
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Khudoley, Konstantin K., and Yury Y. Kolotaev. "Dividing Lines in the EU’s Common Foreign Policy: Russia as a polarising factor." Baltic Region 16, no. 3 (2024): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2024-3-5.
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Amid the ongoing confrontation between Russia and the West, the processes of consolidation and divergence among political elites are crucial for understanding the mechanisms that form dividing lines. This is particularly important when examining the elites of the European Union in their opposition to Russia. This article aims to develop a framework for analysing the dividing lines among EU elites in the context of relations with Russia. The analysis employs a multi-tier model establishing a relationship between the ‘depth’ of a dividing line and the degree of elite disunity. The model includes two levels of analysis of dividing lines within the EU: supranational and national. The research demonstrates that, depending on the degree of interest misalignment and the availability of communication channels, elite divergence can result in segmentation, fragmentation or polarisation. Each of the tiers of divergence increasingly reduces the likelihood of forming a common EU position on foreign policy issues. All three tendencies — segmentation, fragmentation and polarisation — are observed within the EU in relation to Russia at different levels of elite analysis. Crucial to the formation of a dividing line is the aspect of EU—Russia relations in question: the degree of distancing from the country or support for, and funding of, containment. Additional variables include factors such as the regional affiliation of the elite, their ideology and position within the power structure. Among all levels of analysis, polarisation is most evident in the efforts of supranational elites to promote ‘militant integration’, which conflicts with the interests of national elites and citizens of member states.
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Jati, Wasisto Raharjo. "Inkonsistensi Paradigma Otonomi Daerah di Indonesia: Dilema Sentralisasi atau Desentralisasi." Jurnal Konstitusi 9, no. 4 (2016): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk947.
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This study aimed to analyze trajectory of regional autonomy in Indonesia. There are two important things in discussing about regional autonomy in Indonesia. Firstly, dilemma between decentralization or centralization as basic paradigm in the policy of regional autonomy. Secondly, regional autonomy just creates oligarchy regime, primordialism, and politic of clientelism. Implementation of regional autonomy has been became new problems for Indonesia which adopted unitary state system. Regional autonomy in post New-Order era intended to enhancing participation of society in development project and local democracy was hijacked by many interest from elite. In other words, regional autonomy more aligned to elite rather than the people.
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Pollard, Helen Perlstein, and Laura Cahue. "Mortuary Patterns of Regional Elites in the Lake Patzcuaro Basin of Western Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 10, no. 3 (1999): 259–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972030.
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Based primarily upon evidence from the site of Urichu in the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin of Michoacán, we propose that changes in the burial practices of local elites document a transformation of these elites from highly ranked local chiefs into a socially stratified elite class associated with the emergence of the Tarascan state. Two distinctive mortuary patterns that represent the Classic-Epiclassic and Late Postclassic periods are presented. These patterns vary in the age and sex composition of differing mortuary facilities, the preparation and treatment of the bodies, the mortuary facilities, the types of burial goods, and the location of the burials within settlements. Comparison to mortuary practices from the sites of Loma Santa María (Morelia), Guadalupe (Zacapu Basin), Tingambato, and Tres Cerritos (Cuitzeo Basin) place these patterns in a regional context. By contrasting the earlier mortuary pattern, which is associated with societies poorly known, with the later mortuary pattern, which is associated with the well documented Tarascan empire, it is possible to propose a model of a transformation in regional political economies associated with the emergence of the Tarascan state in the Postclassic period. This transformation involved a shift in elite identity from one primarily associated with imported finished goods from distant powerful centers and control of prestige goods networks, to an identity primarily associated with locally produced, distinctively Tarascan, goods and control of tributary, military, political, and ideological networks.
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Eyoh, Dickson. "Through the prism of a local tragedy: political liberalisation, regionalism and elite struggles for power in Cameroon." Africa 68, no. 3 (1998): 338–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161253.
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A prominent feature of political liberalisation in Cameroon (as elsewhere in Africa) is the increasing resort by elites to idioms of community (regional, religious and ethnic) and neo-traditional institutions like chieftaincy as a means of mobilising political support and reasserting control of local populations. Focusing on the anglophone part of Cameroon this study examines the historical roots of the salience of these phenomena in current struggles for power. It uses the circumstances surrounding the death of a chief in the South West Province to explain the ways in which elite reliance on these phenomena facilitates the linkage of locally specific, culturally encoded political conflict with competition for power at the national level, and provokes local populations into resisting state power, often through the reinvention of traditions of their own. The study concludes that popular scepticism about whether current political struggles will lead to fundamental changes in state–society relations is rooted in the ways in which elite politics are played out in local and regional spaces.
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Gavrikov, A. L. "Elite Professional Education and Problems of Regional Development." Russian Education & Society 54, no. 7 (2012): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/res1060-9393540702.
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Pokatov, Dmitry V. "The ethnocratic elite in the structure of modern Russian society’s elite groups." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 21, no. 2 (2021): 138–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2021-21-2-138-142.
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The article examines the features of the complex and multifaceted phenomenon of the ethnocratic elite. The general features of this elite group, which is an integral part of regional elite groups and the characteristic features developing under the influence of both general civilizational factors and local ones, including the peculiarities of recruiting, traditions and established principles of the functioning of power institutions, are revealed.
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Brozovsky, V.P. "Methodological issues of the regional еlites study". Society and Power, № 4 (5 червня 2009): 60–64. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13325524.
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The article analyses existing methodological approaches to the research of elites and emphasizes main methodological problems and difficulties. On the basis of the conducted analysis the author develops his own hypothesis of studying regional elites in modern Russia.