Academic literature on the topic 'Regional family policy'

The communication between family doctors and regional health authorities has become more complex and fragmented over the last 2 decades. By using a novel approach, we developed a medical advisory committee structure for community physicians enshrined in the regional health authority bylaws. This has improved bilateral communication, policy making that affects patients in the community, linkages between programs and family doctors, and input into the institutional care of our patients. We believe this model could be implemented or adapted by regional health authorities elsewhere in Canada having as its ultimate goal better patient care.

The emergence of the knowledge economy has resulted in a new definition of regional policy milieu. Under the current EU policy framework the concepts of region and city are the result of an inductive, exploratory cognitive process. Interpreting, assessing and designing successful territorial milieux constitute a methodological challenge for analysts. This paper discusses the methodological capacity of a hybrid theoretical approach to discovery and design of smart specialization. Analysis of strategic network formation (why the network takes a particular form) demonstrates the competitive positioning of specific homogeneous communities within the global value chain and can be considered central to the regional policy milieu. /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Tabella normale"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language:#0400; mso-fareast-language:#0400; mso-bidi-language:#0400;}

BackgroundIn recent years, UK health policy makers have responded to a GP shortage by introducing measures to support increased healthcare delivery by practitioners from a wider range of backgrounds.AimTo ascertain the composition of the primary care workforce in England at a time when policy changes affecting deployment of different practitioner types are being introduced.Design and settingThis study was a comparative analysis of workforce data reported to NHS Digital by GP practices in England.MethodStatistics are reported using practice-level data from the NHS Digital June 2019 data extract. Because of the role played by Health Education England (HEE) in training and increasing the skills of a healthcare workforce that meets the needs of each region, the analysis compares average workforce composition across the 13 HEE regions in EnglandResultsThe workforce participation in terms of full-time equivalent of each staff group across HEE regions demonstrates regional variation. Differences persist when expressed as mean full-time equivalent per thousand patients. Despite policy changes, most workers are employed in long-established primary care roles, with only a small proportion of newer types of practitioner, such as pharmacists, paramedics, physiotherapists, and physician associates.ConclusionThis study provides analysis of a more detailed and complete primary care workforce dataset than has previously been available in England. In describing the workforce composition at this time, the study provides a foundation for future comparative analyses of changing practitioner deployment before the introduction of primary care networks, and for evaluating outcomes and costs that may be associated with these changes.

Abstract The paper is focused on Family Policy of rural municipalities. National strategic documents, documents intended for implementation of Family Policy at regional and local levels and local plans/conceptions for Family Policy within municipalities of up to 5,000 inhabitants are analysed. Special attention is paid to the competition: “Family-friendly Community”. Results of the analysis show that this competition does not fulfil its mission, despite the favourable environment for Family Policy within rural municipalities. The results of the study in accordance with generally prevailing opinion show, that it is not efficient to elaborate conceptions of Family Policy within such small municipalities.

State family policy and its important direction, which is the improvement of the living conditions of orphans and children left without parental care, require constant updating due to socio-economic and political circumstances. Changes should concern both the state level and the level of specific regions. The improvement of the forms and methods of relations between the state, family and children in a particular country is possible with the consideration of the advanced achievements and miscalculations of other states in this policy. Therefore, it is highly important for the theory and practice of the development of Russian family state and regional policy to study the experience of France. The study made it possible to draw conclusions about the specifics of state policy in the formation of family and childhood in France. In this period, family policy in France has gone from exclusion from the family by the school to a discourse of cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the French School Orientation and Reform Act of June 8, 2013, of particular interest. It recognizes the importance of establishing partnerships between the school and the family and proposes measures of cooperation between school and family, some of which are interesting for contemporary Russian reality. The article shows the advantage of modern Russian family state policy by characterizing its goals, principles and objectives defined in the main regulatory documents of the last decade. The materials of the article are of practical value for legislators and heads of social services of different levels, specialists of educational authorities, social protection, guardianship and trusteeship. The article is of interest to teachers and students of pedagogical universities.

AbstractThis study examines family school enrollment practices under five distinct national/regional contexts in two sub-Saharan African nations, Malawi and Kenya. This paper presents a model of family enrollment practices rooted in family economy theory and dependent upon local, regional, and national contexts of schooling. The model incorporates social capital arguments that family decision-making strategies may be influenced by members' networks of social relationships within communities. The paper discusses specific national and regional contexts highlighting aspects of institutional change in sub-Saharan Africa. The findings suggest that a broadened family institution model, along with community social capital contexts, can provide a more comprehensive and nuanced explanation of enrollment practices. Implications for scholarship and policy are discussed.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate what types of open innovation search strategies are associated with internal innovation activities in family and non-family SMEs within natural resource-based clusters. Design/methodology/approach This study is based on an empirical analysis of a sample of 245 Chilean firms. Findings Results suggest that while family and non-family SMEs do not significantly differ in terms of internal innovation activities, important differences exist in terms of open innovation search strategies. In particular, family SMEs search for new ideas and knowledge within their closest network of relationships (e.g. customers, suppliers and competitors), whereas non-family SMEs mainly focus on broader network relationships (e.g. universities, public institutions and fair trade organizations). Practical implications This study shows that within a natural resource cluster, the types of firm do matter. In fact, family and non-family SMEs use different open innovation search strategies to innovate; hence, this research may help and assist policy makers in tailoring innovation policies aimed at expanding the potential benefits of clusters for regional growth and development. Originality/value This research addresses the call to further investigate the link between family SMEs and innovation in developing countries, given that SMEs may also act as a lively player for regional development.

In contemporary Japan, approximately 85 per cent of children in alternative care are placed in large institutions. This contrasts with global discourse, encapsulated in the UN Guidelines for the Alternative Care of Children, and with practice in most OECD countries, which use foster care more extensively. Explanations for Japan's outlier status often focus on a homogenous national culture, yet there is significant regional variation between local authorities in how policy is implemented, most readily visible in the percentage of children in foster care. The title of this dissertation points to the three original contributions to knowledge of this work. The first is the rich ethnographic description of the child guidance centres and the decision-making process by which a child is removed from the family and placed into care. The second contribution is the explanation of regional variation in policy implementation. This is explained with reference to regional variation in resources, in norms, on the goals of care, the functions of different types of care, and the threshold until which a child is seen as being suitable for foster care, and in the organisational cultures of the child guidance centres. The final contribution to knowledge is the construction of the family-bond, between child and 'parent'. This is understood as singular and discrete, that is, that a child can only have one family-bond at any moment in time. Where foster care is constructed as anything other than professional or semi-professional care in a family setting it is seen as a threat to the child's family-bond with their natal parent. This dissertation argues that current attempts to increase the use of foster care by national and local authorities are likely to have limited impact unless they take this construction of the family-bond into account and focus on redefining the function of foster care.

Esta pesquisa busca analisar as contradições existentes no incentivo do poder público federal brasileiro à produção de alimentos e à produção de biodiesel no espaço do sertão baiano. Para tanto, foram analisados os efeitos do Programa Nacional de Uso e Produção do Biodiesel (PNPB) e do Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA) para a formação territorial do município de Morro do Chapéu (BA), especialmente, durante o período entre 2007 e 2012. O trabalho utilizou o apoio metodológico da história oral, por meio da sistematização de entrevistas realizadas com agricultores familiares que participaram das atividades dos programas. O aumento do emprego e da renda familiar dos pequenos produtores rurais e a conseqüente intensificação da base técnica em localidades do município são alguns dos resultados da ação pública federal e da organização produtiva e social local. No entanto, uma série de evidências mostra os desafios do desenvolvimento de programas públicos e da agricultura familiar no Brasil.
This research intends to analyze the existing contractions in the incentive of brazilian federal public power to the food production and to the production of biodiesel to the space of Bahias State dry lands. For that, the effects of the National Program of Production and Use of Biodiesel (PNPB) and the brazilian Program of Food Acquisition (PAA) to the territorial formation of the Morro do Chapéu (BA) city were analyzed, specially, during the period between 2007 and 2012. The work is based on the oral history methodology made through a series of interviews with family farmers that participated of the activities of both programs. The rising of employment and familiar incomes of family farmers and the intensification of technical basis in localities of the municipality are some results of the federal public action and the local productive and social organization. However, a series of evidences present the challenges to the public programs development and to development of family farm in Brazil.

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Nine years before its creation, it is time the effects of the Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA) were analyzed as part of the public policies implemented by the Brazilian government, complementary to PRONAF and integrated to the actions of Fome Zero. Through mechanism to trade with institutional market without public bidding, the program aims at incentivizing family agriculture, at fomenting rural development and at promoting the national food security. The impacts of this policy for the beneficiaries/consumers can be seen in various empirical researches, revealing the legitimacy of the program, mainly, for school kids whose meals are closer to local eating habits. This fact promotes food and nutritional securities. However, there is a need for the assessment of the impacts of this mechanism of institutional purchase from family farmers, who produce and supply the items, and, consequently, are the first beneficiaries of the PAA. Therefore, this research aimed at evaluating the transformations experienced in the productive processes and in the living conditions of family farmers directly benefited by the Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos, as well as the dynamics of the broader family agriculture in the Municipality of Lagoa Seca which can be associated to the execution of the program observing how it differentiate them. In order to achieve these objectives, documents and secondary data on the implementation of the program in Lagoa Seca along with field research with farmers whether beneficiated or not were carried out. In a universe of 1.592 family households (IBGE, 2006), the program directly benefited 35 until 2011, represented by four associations. The research reveals that the PAA is legitimate among fostering institutions and farmers. However, the way it is executed allows some imperfections to emerge. Farmers complain about the following issues: the delay to start the program; the delay to pay, unjust quote, and so on. They expect the program to be transformed in a state policy rather than a public policy as it currently is and that ammendments in its execution are made.
Nove anos depois de criado, é tempo de analisar os efeitos do Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA), como parte das políticas públicas implementadas pelo governo brasileiro, complementar ao PRONAF e integrado às ações do Programa Fome Zero. Através do mecanismo de comercialização com o mercado institucional sem a utilização de licitações, o programa tem a finalidade de incentivar a agricultura familiar, fomentar o desenvolvimento rural e promover a segurança alimentar e nutricional. Os impactos dessa política para os beneficiários consumidores podem ser constatados em várias pesquisas empíricas, revelando a legitimidade do programa, principalmente, no âmbito da alimentação escolar, aproximando a comunidade dos hábitos alimentares locais e promovendo a segurança alimentar e nutricional. Contudo, há a necessidade de averiguar os impactos desse mecanismo de compra institucional para a agricultura familiar, que são os produtores e fornecedores dos itens alimentação, consequentemente os primeiros beneficiados diretos do PAA. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa teve como objetivo realizar uma avaliação das transformações vivenciadas nos processos produtivos e nas condições de vida dos agricultores diretamente beneficiados pelo Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos, assim como nas dinâmicas mais gerais da Agricultura familiar no município de Lagoa Seca que possam estar associadas à execução do programa, e em que medida institui novas diferenciações entre eles. Para isso, recorreu-se a análise documental e a dados secundários sobre a implantação do programa no município e à pesquisa de campo realizada com agricultores familiares beneficiados e não beneficiados pelo programa. Num universo de 1.592 estabelecimentos familiares (IBGE, 2006), o programa beneficiou, diretamente, 35 famílias agrícolas até 2011, representadas por quatro associações. A pesquisa revela que o PAA está legitimado entre as instituições de apoio e os agricultores, contudo, da forma que está sendo executada apresenta algumas imperfeições, pois os agricultores reclamam de determinados aspectos como: a demora do início do programa, a morosidade no pagamento, a cota injusta, etc. Para esses, as expectativas estão na possibilidade de que o programa deixe de ser uma política de governo e se efetive como política de estado, isso somados a mudanças mais específicas na execução do mesmo.

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This research has its methodological-theoretical basis in dialectical materialism and uses the Triangulation as investigational strategy. The main goal is to understand the dynamics in the relation between the Solidary Economy project and the Brazilian State during neo-developmental governments by an impact evaluation of the Food Acquisition Program (Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos – PAA) on associative family farming territories, considering the instrumentalization of their places and enterprises by the informational technical-scientific environment. For such, we analyze the Brazilian neo-developmental socio-economic and political scenario in the period from 2003 to 2016. Initially, there are the presidential terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), whose purposes were, among others, maintain the economic stabilization policy and face the social inequalities, being the non-salary occupation in solidary economy enterprises one of the strategies. Following, there are the presidential terms of Dilma Vana Rousseff (2011-2016) that, although with meaningful adjustments, carry on with this policy. In the degree that neo-developmental efforts influence the modeling of a policy for family farming through the PAA, it is possible to see, however, that when it comes to the execution old practices and instruments are not disentangled, supporting the (re)production of regional inequalities, especially because of the instrumentalization of their enterprises by the informational technical-scientific environment. This thesis is supported by the following expressions and directions: (i) although acknowledging the altruism in the principles and practices of solidary organizations, Solidary Economy has served the capitalism as an absorption space for the reserve army and, therefore, as a way of social control, and, being one of its expressions, the associative family farming reveals its contradictions; (ii) the performance of this social-developmental policy has “chicken flight autonomy”, that is, with meaningful oscillations and unsustainability, ends quickly, because in family farming, and predominantly, in the PAA, although resources are substantial in the beginning, they decrease in the end; (iii) the intersectoral and incremental models are not efficient in the PAA operation; (iv) in state and municipal partnerships, the Federal Government always acknowledges low adherence from managers; (v) financial resources tend to be better applied where informational technical-scientific knowledge is already developed; (vi) PAA resources are concentrated in richer and more articulated states; (vii) members of groupings from economically depressed regions have lower income and inferior quality of life conditions; (viii) when implementing and operating the PAA, entrepreneurs face difficult bureaucratic demands, unable to have a continuing and sufficient production; (ix) the improvement in farmers’ quality of life is the result of a set of public policies and not of PAA alone; (x) there are cooperatives well integrated in the market and others dependent on the program; (xi) the program Ater Mais Gestão (support-program of PAA and PNAE (Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar) [National School Food Program]) is not efficient and effective, once the investments are significant and the results are specific. Thus, it is possible to conclude that the social-developmental policy for social family farming through the PAA seems to be (from a Brechtian perspective) the “new meat eaten with old cutlery”, or, in other words, a new policy operated by old practices.
Esta pesquisa tem no materialismo dialético sua base teórico-metodológica e se utiliza da Avaliação por Triangulação de Método (ATM) como estratégia de investigação. O objetivo geral é compreender a dinâmica na relação do projeto da Economia Solidária com o Estado brasileiro durante os governos neodesenvolvimentistas, neste caso empírico, realizando uma avaliação de impacto do Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA) em territórios de agricultura familiar associativa, considerando a instrumentalização de seu ambiente e seus empreendimentos pelo meio técnico-científico-informacional. Para tanto, adentra-se o cenário político e socioeconômico do Brasil neodesenvolvimentista de 2003 a 2016. Inicialmente, tem-se os governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), cujos propósitos foram, entre outros, manter a política econômica de estabilização e enfrentar as desigualdades sociais, sendo a ocupação não-assalariada na economia solidária uma das estratégias. Depois, tem-se os governos de Dilma Vana Rousseff (2011-2016), que dão continuidade a esta política, embora com ajustes significativos. Em que pesem os esforços neodesenvolvimentistas em modelar uma política para a agricultura familiar via PAA, demonstra-se aqui, contudo, que, na execução, não se desvencilham das velhas práticas e instrumentos, corroborando a (re)produção das desigualdades regionais, sobretudo, em função da instrumentalização de seus empreendimentos pelo meio técnico-científico-informacional. Esta tese se sustenta nas seguintes manifestações e direções: (i) mesmo reconhecendo o altruísmo nos princípios e práticas das organizações solidárias, a Economia solidária tem servido ao capitalismo como espaço de absorção do exército de reserva e, portanto, como forma de controle social, e, como uma de suas manifestações, a agricultura familiar associativa revela suas contradições; (ii) a performance desta política social-desenvolvimentista possui “autonomia de voo de galinha”, isto é, com significativas oscilações e insustentabilidade, finda-se rapidamente, pois, na agricultura familiar, e, sobretudo no PAA, embora os recursos sejam significativos no início, estes declinam ao fim; (iii) os modelos intersetorial e incremental não são eficientes no funcionamento do PAA; (iv) nas parcerias estaduais e municipais, o Governo Federal recebe quase sempre baixa adesão dos gestores; (v) os recursos financeiros tendem a ser melhor aplicados nos espaços nos quais há conhecimento técnico-científico-informacional desenvolvido; (vi) os recursos do PAA se concentram nos estados mais ricos e articulados; (vii) os membros dos agrupamentos de regiões economicamente deprimidas auferem renda menor e têm condições inferiores de qualidade de vida; (viii) na hora de implementar e de operacionalizar o PAA, há dificuldades dos empreendedores em atender as exigências burocráticas e ter produção contínua e suficiente; (ix) a melhora na qualidade de vida dos agricultores é resultado de um conjunto de políticas públicas e não do PAA isoladamente; (x) há cooperativas bem integradas ao mercado e outras dependentes do programa; (xi) o Programa “Ater Mais Gestão” (programa-suporte do PAA e do PNAE) não é eficiente e eficaz, pois são volumosos os investimentos e pontuais os resultados. Com isso, conclui-se que a política social-desenvolvimentista para a agricultura familiar solidária via PAA aparece (de uma perspectiva brechtiana) como a “nova carne que é comida com os velhos garfos”, ou, de outro modo, como uma nova política operada por meio de velhas práticas.

A vulnerabilidade social abarca uma diversidade de fenômenos que não se limita apenas à insuficiência de renda, mas perpassa questões de ciclos de vida, gênero, etnia, orientação sexual e outros e está intimamente associada ao processo de desenvolvimento de uma sociedade. Em especial os jovens têm sido um segmento da população que tem se apresentado como emergente no cenário da vulnerabilidade social e têm sido considerados, por diversas vezes, frágeis para enfrentar adversidades cotidianas. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a percepção de jovens participantes e não participantes do Projovem Adolescente do Centro de Referência de Assistência Social Paulina Bonalume Andreatta no município de Pato Branco - PR, sobre vulnerabilidade social relacionada ao próprio ciclo de vida, família, trabalho, educação e política pública. Metodologicamente, foi uma pesquisa de cunho social e exploratório. Realizou-se uma pesquisa de cunho quantitativo e qualitativo com análise de conteúdo. Inicialmente, foi realizada a análise de agrupamento de dados sobre o perfil socioeconômico de famílias com a presença de jovens entre 15 e 29 anos, residentes no município de Pato Branco – PR, que estão inseridas no Cadastro Único para Programas Sociais – CadÚnico, com o objetivo de caracterizar o cenário da pesquisa. Depois, utilizou-se a entrevista semiestruturada para compreender a percepção de jovens participantes e não participantes do Projovem adolescente sobre aspectos de vulnerabilidade social relacionada ao seu próprio ciclo de vida. As famílias analisadas apresentaram características de escassos recursos físicos e humanos, o que sugere a exposição de seus membros, sejam eles, crianças, jovens, adultos ou idosos, a situações de vulnerabilidade social. A percepção dos jovens indica que a condição social e econômica de suas famílias, o local onde residem, as relações familiares e locais, a insuficiência de atividades para lazer e os casos de gravidez na adolescência apresentam fatores que fragilizam e dificultam as suas vidas quanto a conseguir um trabalho, ter um rendimento adequado na escola e ter uma boa convivência familiar e comunitária.
Social vulnerability encompasses a diversity of phenomena that is not limited to income insufficiency but pervades issues of life cycles, gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation and others and is closely associated with the development process of a society. In particular, young people have been a segment of the population that has emerged as an emerging social vulnerability scenario and have been considered, on several occasions, fragile to face daily adversities. This research had the objective of analyzing the perception of young participants and nonparticipants of the Projovem Adolescent of the Paulina Bonalume Andreatta Social Assistance Reference Center in the city of Pato Branco - PR, about social vulnerability related to the life cycle, family, work, education and public policy. Methodologically, it was a research of social and exploratory nature. Quantitative and qualitative research was carried out with content analysis. Initially, the analysis of data grouping on the socioeconomic profile of families with the presence of 15 to 29 year olds living in the municipality of Pato Branco - PR, which is part of the Cadastro Único para Programas Sociales - CadÚnico, was carried out. objective of characterizing the research scenario. Then, the semi-structured interview was used to understand the perception of young participants and nonparticipants of the Projovem adolescent on aspects of social vulnerability related to their own life cycle. The analyzed families presented characteristics of scarce physical and human resources, which suggests the exposure of their members, be they children, young people, adults or elderly, to situations of social vulnerability. Young people's perception indicates that the social and economic condition of their families, their place of residence, family and local relations, lack of leisure activities and teenage pregnancy present factors that weaken and hinder their lives in terms of get a job, have an adequate income in school and have a good family and community coexistence.

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Currently, Mental Health care is the reflection of numerous discussions and changes that culminated in the Psychiatric Reform process, which aims to gradually replace Psychiatric Hospitals with community-based open services, such as the Psychosocial Care Center (PCC), considered one of the main provisions of Mental Health policy. The family institution was historically moved away from the person with mental disorder, but throughout the historical process and the changes in Mental Health Policy, this was taken as a partner in the care. In this context, the impacts generated by the need for family care for mental disorders are also related to the peculiarity of social policies in Brazil (generally, focalists, precarious and welfarist), and Mental Health, being one of these policies, does not escape its logic. As the PCC is a currently the strategic equipment of the Mental Health Policy, users and their families are key subjects to understand the problem to be researched, namely: To what extent the implementation of the Psychiatric Reform generates impacts on the families served in the PPC I of the 20th Regional of Health of Paraná? What are these impacts? Or, what kind of refuting were produced about the family in the face of the need to care for a member with mental disorder posed by the logic of family and community life in which the Psychiatric Reform is based? In order to respond to this research problem, this research proposal is carried out through the qualitative approach, through exploratory research. To do this, an empirical study is carried out by the research subjects: families of people with mental disorders treated in the PCC I of the municipalities of the 20th Regional Health Center of Paraná (cities of Assis Chateaubriand, Palotina, Guaíra, Marechal Cândido Rondon, and Santa Helena). The purpose of this study is to: seize, understand and analyze the refuting / impacts of the implementation of the Psychiatric Reform on the families served in the PCC I by the referred Health Region. The semi-structured interview is used as a methodology and the data are interpreted collected through the technique of content analysis. The results show that PCC I need to implement actions that address families as caregivers, but also need care. Despite insufficient family-directed activities, family members demonstrate satisfaction with the performance of PCC related to the treatment mental disorder patients. We conclude that the Psychiatric Reform as a process of tensions and contradictions, which permeate capitalist society itself, has its weaknesses; however, it is still a very important proposal for the construction of new forms of care and new relations between Family / User / Services. In spite of this importance, it is clear in the discourses of family members, the role of the family as a private agent of social protection, when assuming the functions of protection that the State should exercise, evidencing a family overloaded with the demands of care. It is hoped that this research allows important reflections for professionals and managers of Mental Health, once the approximation with the reality of the users of the PCC I and their relatives, relevant quantitative and qualitative data on the familiar coexistence was obtained, giving support for new interventions.
Atualmente, a assistência em Saúde Mental é o reflexo de inúmeras discussões e mudanças que culminaram no processo da Reforma Psiquiátrica, que visa à substituição gradativa dos Hospitais Psiquiátricos por serviços abertos de base comunitária, dentre eles o Centro de Atenção Psicossocial (CAPS), os quais são considerados um dos principais dispositivos da política de Saúde Mental. A instituição familiar foi historicamente afastada da pessoa com transtorno mental, mas ao longo do processo histórico e das mudanças na Política de Saúde Mental, essa foi tomada como parceira no cuidado. Nesse contexto, os impactos gerados pela necessidade do cuidado familiar do transtorno mental, relaciona-se também à peculiaridade das políticas sociais no Brasil (geralmente, focalistas, precarizadas e assistencialistas) e à Saúde Mental, sendo uma dessas políticas, não escapa à sua lógica. Frente a essa realidade, como os CAPS são atualmente os equipamentos estratégicos da Política de Saúde Mental, os usuários e suas famílias são sujeitos à chaves para se compreender a problemática que se quer pesquisar, a saber: Em que medida a implementação da Reforma Psiquiátrica gera impactos sobre as famílias atendidas nos CAPS I da 20ª Regional de Saúde do Paraná? Quais são esses impactos? Ou que tipo de rebatimentos foram produzidos sobre a família diante da necessidade do cuidado de um membro com transtorno mental posta pela lógica da convivência familiar e comunitária em que se pauta a Reforma Psiquiátrica? Para responder a tais perguntas de pesquisa, esta proposta investigativa realizou-se por meio da abordagem qualitativa, por meio da pesquisa exploratória. Para tanto, realizou-se um estudo empírico com os sujeitos da pesquisa: famílias de pessoas com transtorno mental atendidas nos CAPS I dos municípios da 20ª Regional de Saúde do Paraná (Assis Chateaubriand, Palotina, Guaíra, Marechal Cândido Rondon e Santa Helena). Objetivou-se, com este estudo, apreender, compreender e analisar os rebatimentos/impactos da implementação da Reforma Psiquiátrica sobre as famílias atendidas nos CAPS I da referida Regional de Saúde. Utilizou-se como metodologia a entrevista semiestruturada, os dados coletados foram analisados e interpretados por meio da técnica de análise de conteúdo. Os resultados obtidos revelaram que os CAPS I precisam implementar ações que atendam às famílias como sujeitos que cuidam, mas que também precisam de cuidado. Apesar da insuficiência de atividades direcionadas para a família, os familiares demostram satisfação com o trabalho que o CAPS realiza com as pessoas com transtorno mental. Conclui-se, com base nos dados, que a Reforma Psiquiátrica, na condição de um processo de tensões e contradições, as quais permeiam a própria sociedade capitalista, apresenta suas fragilidades; entretanto, ela não deixa de ser uma proposta importantíssima para a construção de novas formas de cuidado e novas relações entre Família/Usuário/Serviços. Não obstante, apesar dessa importância, ficou latente nos discursos dos familiares/cuidadores a família como agente privado de proteção social, ao assumir funções de proteção que o Estado deveria exercer, evidenciando-se uma família sobrecarregada com as demandas do cuidado. Espera-se que esta pesquisa possibilite reflexões importantes para os profissionais e gestores da Saúde Mental, uma vez que a aproximação com a realidade dos usuários dos CAPS I e seus familiares, levantou-se dados quantitativos e qualitativos relevantes sobre a convivência familiar, dando suporte para novas intervenções.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This dissertation aims at the analysis of public policies that has been promoting the agroecology, reflecting more centrally on the process of articulation designed to implement it, boosting the agro-ecological focus in the Microregion of Campina Grande, using as empirical reference seven agroecological fairs that take place weekly in two of the eight municipalities of the Microregion (Campina Grande and Lagoa Seca). Therefore, we seek to understand how policies, programs and other actions are established to support these alternative marketing spaces, following three actors‟ network (Polo Sindical da Borborema, EMATER and COONAP) who manage, implement government actions and put into practice the discourses raised by the flag of agroecology social movements. We analysing how this tangle of articulations works in the perspective of Actor-Network Theory (ART), to strengthen agroecology as productive strategy for family farming. In this context, to carry out the work, the methodology used was the documentary research, non- participant observation of fairs and semi-structured interviews with the various actors (farmers / merchants, consumers, institutional mediators) that periodically build these spaces. The data analysis was carried out by qualitative technique (content analysis). The survey results show that the heterogeneity presented by the networks shows differences in effective support for family farming and agro-ecological practices in the researched area. Although not presenting great expressiveness in the Microregion, locally operated public policies have generated the proximity between production and consumption, diversification of production and increase in family income through agroecological fairs, farmers/merchants' access to state policies and the incorporation of contact to socio- technical networks.
Esta dissertação tem como objetivo a análise das políticas públicas que vem promovendo a agroecologia, refletindo mais centralmente, sobre o processo de articulação em redes concebido para implementação destas, impulsionando o enfoque agroecológico na Microrregião de Campina Grande, através de espaços como as feiras agroecológicas, que acontecem semanalmente em dois dos oito municípios da Microrregião (Campina Grande e Lagoa Seca). Para tanto, busca-se perceber como se instituem as políticas, programas e ações voltadas para o suporte destes espaços de comercialização alternativa, acompanhado das três redes de atores, geridas pelo - Polo Sindical da Borborema, EMATER e COONAP - que implementam as ações governamentais e põem em prática discursos em defesa da agroecologia. Estamos nos inspirando na teoria do Ator-Rede (TAR) na tentativa de seguir os mediadores no processo de fortalecimento da agroecologia como estratégia produtiva para agricultura familiar. Para a realização do trabalho contamos com o suporte metodológico pesquisa documental, observação não participante das feiras e, das entrevistas semiestruturadas com os diversos atores (agricultores/feirantes, consumidores e mediadores institucionais). A análise dos dados foi iluminada pela análise de conteúdo e os resultados da pesquisa permitem inferir que a heterogeneidade com que as redes se apresentam apontam para diferenças quanto ao apoio efetivo à agricultura familiar e às práticas agroecológicas na área da pesquisa em questão. Por sua vez, as políticas públicas, operadas localmente têm contribuído para a aproximação entre produção e consumo, para a diversificação da produção e para incrementar a renda familiar dos agricultores/feirantes, assim para a incorporação de novos saberes a partir da participação destes em redes sociotécnicas.

O Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar (PNAE) é uma política pública presente no Brasil há mais de 60 anos e representa um dos maiores Programas de alimentação e nutrição do mundo. O papel da agricultura familiar como geradora de empregos no meio rural, fornecedora de alimentos e responsável por garantir boa parte da segurança alimentar do país é presença constante na agenda do governo e dos movimentos sociais. Sua inserção no fornecimento de alimentos para o Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar foi aprovada pela Lei 11.947 de 2009. O artigo 14 dessa Lei destaca que no mínimo 30% (trinta por cento) dos recursos financeiros repassados pelo Fundo Nacional de Desenvolvimento da Educação (FNDE), no âmbito do Programa, deverão ser utilizados na aquisição direta de gêneros alimentícios da agricultura familiar ou suas organizações. A política nacional de alimentação escolar é de responsabilidade do FNDE e está submetida aos órgãos de controle interno, como a Controladoria Geral da União, externo, como os Tribunais de Contas da União e dos estados, e ao controle social dos Conselhos de Alimentação Escolar. O repasse desses recursos financeiros é feito para as entidades executoras, que são as secretarias de educação dos estados, municípios e do Distrito Federal. Estas entidades devem prestar contas aos Conselhos de Alimentação Escolar anualmente, que analisam-nas e emitem um parecer conclusivo ao FNDE, aprovando com ou sem ressalvas, ou reprovando-as. Neste sentido, a pesquisa tem por objetivo propor parâmetros que contribuam para o aprimoramento do controle social sobre as compras da agricultura familiar para o Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar. O estudo foi realizado por amostragem não paramétrica junto aos gestores das Entidades Executoras, Conselhos de Alimentação Escolar e Organizações da Agricultura Familiar de todo o Brasil, a partir das bases de dados disponibilizadas pelo FNDE e pela União Nacional das Cooperativas de Agricultura Familiar e Economia Solidária (Unicafes). O estudo aponta que o marco legal do PNAE busca garantir a participação da agricultura familiar no fornecimento de alimentos ao Programa, apesar de permitir que as entidades executoras justifiquem o não cumprimento do mínimo exigido de várias maneiras. A pesquisa também assinala que os conselhos de alimentação escolar acompanham a execução do Programa de forma tímida e aponta que há espaço para ampliar e aprimorar a participação desses Conselhos e das organizações da agricultura familiar na execução do PNAE. Sua efetividade requer um constante e efetivo processo de capacitação dos agentes envolvidos no Programa.
The National School Feeding Programme (PNAE) is a public policy in Brazil for over 60 years and represents one of the most important programs of feeding and nutrition in the world. The role of family farming as a source of employment in rural areas, food provider and for ensuring much of the Brazil’s food security is constantly present at the government's and social movement’s agendas. Law 11.947 of 2009 marked its integration in the food supply for the National School Feeding Programme. Article 14 of aforementioned law highlights that a minimum of 30% (thirty percent) of the funds transferred by the National Development Fund Education (FNDE) to the Programme must be used for the purchase of food directly from family farmers or their organizations. The national school feeding policy under the responsibility of the FNDE and is subjected to agencies of internal control, such as the General Controllership of the Union (CGU), of external control, such as the Audit Courts of the Union and the of the states, and to the social control of the school feeding councils. Those funds are transferred to the implementing agencies, which are the education offices of the states, municipalities and of the Federal District. These entities must annually present their accountings to the School Feeding Councils, which analyze them and then issue a conclusive report to the FNDE, approving with or without reservations, or rejecting them. In this sense, this research aims to propose parameters that should contribute to the improvement of the social control over purchases from family farming for the National School Feeding Programme. The study was conducted by non parametric sampling alongside the managers of the implementing entities, school feeding councils and Family Farming Organizations all across Brazil, from the databases provided by FNDE and by the National Union of Cooperatives of Family Agriculture and Solidarity Economy (Unicafes). The study points out that the legal framework of PNAE seeks to ensure the participation of family farming in the food supply for the Programme, despite allowing the executing agencies to justify the non-compliance of the minimum required in a number of ways. The survey also signalizes that the school feeding councils follow the implementation of the Programme very shyly, and points out that there is room to expand and enhance the participation of these councils and organizations of family farming in the execution of PNAE. Its effectiveness requires a constant and effective process of training of the agents involved in the Programme.

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The National School Feeding Programme (PNAE) developed in Brazil is one of the largest in Latin America, serving millions of students throughout Brazil. The program works i n the country since 1955 and has been modified over the years in order to promote food security and nutrition of school and local development through the strengthening of family farming. Since 2009, Federal Law 11,947 provides for the minimum investment of 30% of the financial resources of the program to purchase food from family farmers, thereby promoting economic and social development of this category. This qualitative research aims to analyze the process of commercialization of family agriculture products to the PNAE in EMEF Dr. Chateubriand; EMEF Gracita Melo and EMEF Almeida Barreto, with the specific objectives; check how is the process of acquiring the products to those schools; identify the main social actors involved in the management of PNAE and present what are the main marketing difficulties. This city was chosen to have their school lunch decentralized and educated way, unlike other municipalities. The National School Meal Program is presented through a literature review, displaying its objectives, principles, its history over the years and its operation, as well as its improvement in this historical process, and the actors involved in the "institutional market" of the County. The methodology used in qualitative research was semi structured interview and field observation made possible to analyze the implications in implementing the program. According to the data obtained in the research to Law No. 11.947 / 2009 is met in relation to the 30% intended for encouragement of family farming, however, a lot must be improved so that the objectives of PNAE advance.
O Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar (PNAE) desenvolvido no Brasil é um dos maiores da América Latina, atendendo milhões de estudantes por todo o Brasil. O Programa funciona no país desde 1955 e vem sendo modificado ao longo dos anos com o intuito de promover a segurança alimentar e nutricional dos escolares, bem como o desenvolvimento local, através do fortalecimento da agricultura familiar. Desde 2009, a Lei Federal 11.947 prevê o investimento mínimo de 30% dos recursos financeiros do Programa para compra de alimentos de agricultores familiares, incentivando assim o desenvolvimento econômico e social desta categoria. Esta pesquisa de caráter qualitativo, tem por objetivo analisar o processo de comercialização dos produtos da agricultura familiar para o PNAE nas EMEF Dr. Chateubriand; EMEF Gracita Melo e EMEF Almeida Barreto, tendo como objetivos específicos; verificar como se dá o processo de aquisição dos produtos para as referidas escolas; identificar quais os principais atores sociais que participam na gestão do PNAE e apresentar quais as principais dificuldades de comercialização. Este município foi escolhido por ter a sua merenda escolar de forma descentralizada e escolarizada, diferente de outros municípios da região. O Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar é apresentado através de um levantamento bibliográfico, exibindo seus objetivos, princípios, a sua história ao longo dos anos e seu funcionamento, como também a sua melhoria nesse processo histórico, e os atores envolvidos no "mercado institucional" no Município. A metodologia utilizada na pesquisa qualitativa foi a entrevista semi estruturada e a observação de campo que possibilitou analisar as implicações na execução do programa. De acordo com os dados obtidos na pesquisa a Lei nº 11.947/2009 é atendida no que se refere aos 30% destinado para incentivo da Agricultura Familiar, porém, muito deve ser aperfeiçoado para que os objetivos do PNAE avancem.

AbstractThis chapter argues that analyzing regional and local institutional variations has great potential for generating new insights on the drivers of family policy reforms as well as on mechanisms how policies affect families’ choices and well-being. Drawing on the case of Germany and focusing on early childhood education and care (ECEC) services, this chapter first describes regional variations in ECEC provision and take-up. It then reviews theoretical perspectives and empirical evidence on drivers of regional policy variations. Next, the chapter proposes a framework for investigating socially stratified work–care choices of parents at subnational levels by connecting a macro–micro rational choice perspective with the capability approach and the accommodation model of childcare choices. After reviewing the evidence on the effects of regional ECEC variations on social inequalities in take-up, maternal employment, and work–family balance, the chapter concludes by pointing to research gaps and new frontiers of regional family policy analysis.

AbstractThis chapter brings together the legal and policy instruments developed as part of the EU’s circular migration approach in order to assess its implementation and establish whether it provides rights-based outcomes for migrant workers. In order to do so, it employs a benchmark framework for analysis based on universal and regional international standards and soft law principles as well as policy measures that have been identified as conducive to circular migration (presented in Chap. 10.1007/978-3-030-52689-4_1). The benchmark framework covers six policy areas considered inherent to this type of labour migration and which at the same time could help distinguish circular migration from the guest-worker model and other time-bound migration policies: entry and re-entry conditions, work authorisation, residence status, social security coordination, entry and residence conditions for family members, and recognition of qualifications. To be beneficial for migrant workers, policies need to allow for a certain degree of migrant-led trajectory of movement and provide adequate protection of the rights of migrant workers.

AbstractThis chapter scrutinises the social protection system in contemporary Turkey in order to examine how different groups of individuals access social benefits across five main policy areas—unemployment, health care, family allowances, pensions, and guaranteed minimum resources. The general conditions under which Turkish citizens and foreigners have access to social benefits in Turkey can be summarized as follows: (i) residence and employment status are important determinants of one’s access to social protection in Turkey; (ii) employment status generally determines the access to unemployment benefits, health care, pensions, and family benefits, while residence status is important for all social policy areas except pensions; (iii) a majority of social benefits provided for Turkish citizens are also available for foreign residents through their employment status; (iv) guaranteed income is granted based on residence in Turkey; (v) access to family benefits may vary depending on one’s occupation, residence, and nationality. The Turkish system of social protection is a fragmented one, with divisions based on occupational differences, residence, income level, and citizenship. This fragmented nature coupled with regional and global socio-economic risks (particularly large migration flows) make structural social security reforms inevitable in contemporary Turkey.

AbstractThis chapter analyzes family policies across the globe, describing patterns in the development of family allowances, leave schemes, and ECEC services both in developed and developing regions. Using the OECD family database and the ILO global social protection database, it compares the developments in family policy across different regions. The chapter reveals that the way regions and countries in the world have followed the main goals of family policy varies significantly, not only in terms of coverage and quality, but also in terms of design and context of implementation. Despite the efforts made in developing regions are still limited and rarely based on the idea of a universal set of interrelated transfers and services, there is still room for them to learn from the experience of the leaders in family policy.

AbstractThis chapter introduces a multilevel perspective on family policy, ranging from family policies at the levels of supra-national (and inter-national) organizations such as the United Nations, OECD, and the European Union; national or federal policies and legislation; the subnational municipalities, states, or regions in which people live; and finally the organizations or in which people work. At each of these levels of governance, family policies are formulated, voted for, implemented, and carried out—or not. And it is this whole set of multi-level policies that ultimately affect families’ and individuals’ choices, opportunities, constraints, and capability in terms of work, care, and wellbeing. This handbook brings together research on each of these four levels, is sensitive to heterogeneous policy impacts, and brings together scholars from different academic communities.

AbstractThis chapter discusses the general legal framework regulating Russia’s welfare system and access for national citizens, foreigners residing in the country, and national citizens residing abroad to social benefits in five policy areas: unemployment, health care, family benefits, pensions, and guaranteed minimum resources. Our analysis shows that the eligibility of Russian nationals for social benefits depends either on their employment status and contribution record (for pensions and other social insurance benefits), or their residence status (for social assistance and healthcare). The overall level of social protection of citizens residing in different parts of the country may differ substantially due to the decentralized structure of the social protection system in Russia. The rights of foreign residents to social security benefits are essentially the same as those of the nationals, as long as they are legally employed and make social security contributions. However, there are two major exceptions: pensions and unemployment benefits. Social assistance benefits provided at the regional level are typically available to all legal residents, foreigners included, with few exceptions. When deciding to permanently move abroad, Russian citizens lose their entitlement to claim social benefits from Russia, apart from acquired contributory public pensions.

AbstractArgentina has a relatively small diaspora and short experience engaging with it. This study explains the evolution of the institutional framework by which Argentina’s authorities interact with nationals abroad since early 2000s, with a specific focus on social protection. It shows that Argentina’s policies for citizens abroad have not institutionalised yet as a distinct and vibrant sphere of action and most initiatives have waxed and waned over time. As a result, Argentina’s lukewarm approach to diaspora engagement is characterised by ambivalence, intermittent and selective engagement, and relatively little development in terms of responding to social protection needs of nationals abroad. In the last few years, though, there has been an attempt to simplify bureaucratic procedures and improve services via virtual means. In particular, this chapter presents a detailed account of the policies, programmes and services offered by Argentine authorities across five specific policy areas: unemployment, health care, pensions, family-related benefits, and economic hardship. It shows that the area of social security and pensions is the most developed and that Argentines residing in MERCOSUR member states have benefited from the enactment of social and economic rights by regional accords.

This article argues that a novel way to analyse maritime networks in premodern northern Europe is to trace the activities of people involved in conflict management. These people were traders, magistrates, judges, urban diplomats: sometimes all comprised in one person or a family. Specifically, if we take the Hanseatic city of Danzig and the Giese family as an example, it becomes apparent that these ‘conflict managers’ operated on various levels: the city, the region, the state, the Hanse and on the level of politics and economic policy between states and cities. Economic interests and conflicts were intertwined with political, social and cultural matters, and should be investigated together.

AbstractThis chapter discusses the level and quality of social protection granted to legally residing migrant workers in Argentina and national citizens residing abroad in five main policy areas: unemployment, health, pensions, family benefits and guaranteed minimum resources. After an overview of recent evolutions in Argentina’s Social Security and migration policy, we analyze each policy area in order to identify the necessary eligibility requirements for accessing social benefits or services. Our findings show that, in general, the contributory logic prevails over nationality for Social Security benefits. In the case of non-contributory programs, we observe a regime that is generally less generous in quantitative and qualitative terms, and even more restricted for migrants. Despite this, Argentina’s immigration policy is relatively open, especially for migrants from the region, while certain fundamental rights (such as health and education) are guaranteed to all migrants (regardless of their migratory status).

Abstract Although Japan’s current carbon tax rate is much lower than the rates applied in European countries, the Japanese government may increase the tax rate in the near future, in order to strengthen measures to combat global warming. Since a country’s carbon-pricing policy does not distort its economy, it is considered to be an efficient policy measure. However, the burden of carbon pricing varies across regions and across households. Since low-income households generally allocate a larger proportion of their disposable income to energy costs than high-income households, the burden of carbon taxes on low-income households tends to be higher than for high-income households. In addition, households in cold regions spend more money for space heating, and those in rural areas spend more money for gasoline. Unless the government objectively analyzes the impact of carbon pricing and proposes convincing countermeasures to deal with these unequal impacts, the government is unlikely to obtain public support for a carbon tax increase. In this study, we analyze microlevel data from the Japanese National Survey of Family Income and Expenditure (NSFE) collected from 1989 to 2014, and examine how past energy price changes affected the welfare of different types of households. We then propose countermeasures to address the problems arising from the regressive nature of taxing energy use.

In underdeveloped societies, in both the reflection of the limitations on the position of women in social life, as a result of business life is also restricted. However, optimum use of production factors is essential at the forefront of the elements of sustainable development. The reflections of economic exclusion of women are the increase of dependency and the deepening of poverty. According to data, it is observed that labor force participation rates of women in Turkey are relatively inadequate and unbalanced. Women are not able to participate in employment because of low education, professional skills and qualifications, etc. and therefore are more exposed to poverty and social exclusion risk. Moreover, global economic crises in Turkey and similar countries are accompanied by a high unemployment rate resulting from the shrinkage of the markets. On the other hand, new emerging micro-entrepreneurship, which began in Turkey, which counts more than 8 million poor women for "a contribution to the family income," but in fact it is seen as a way to stay alive. Through this initiative developing self-esteem of women, family and community is growing in reputation. Additionally, quality of the human capital, which is the most important source of the countries, passes through the family institution. In the study, social policy will be made by subjecting micro-credits to comparative analysis of regional development, poverty, nature of women's employment and role of women in social life in the light of face-to-face interviews on five families using micro-credit and data on poverty in NUTS-2.

Anita R. Fedor- Renáta J. Erdei Abstract The focus of our research is labor market integration and the related issues like learning motivation, value choices, health status, family formation and work attitudes. The research took place in the North Great Plain Region – Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg county, Nyíregyháza, Nyíregyháza region, Debrecen, Cigánd district (exception), we used the Debrecen and the national database of the Graduate Tracking System. Target groups: 18-70 year-old age group, women and women raising young children, 15-29 year-old young age group, high school students (graduate ones) fresh university graduates. The theorethical frameworks of the precariate research is characterized by a multi-disciplinar approach, as this topic has sociological, economic, psychological, pedagogical, legal and health aspects. Our aim is to show whether There is relevance between the phenomenon of precariate and labor market disadvantage and how individual insecurity factors affect a person’s presence in the labor market. How the uncertainties in the workplace appear in different regions and social groups by expanding the theoretical framework.According to Standing precariate is typical to low gualified people. But I would like to see if it also typical to highly qualifiled young graduates with favourable conditions.It is possible or worth looking for a way out of the precarious lifestyle (often caused by objective reasons) by combining and using management and education.Are there definite features in the subjective state of health of groups with classic precariate characteristics? Results The research results demonstrate that the precarious characteristics can be extended, they are multi-dimensional.The personal and regional risk factors of labor market exclusion can develop both in different regions and social groups. Precarized groups cannot be connected exclusively to disadvantaged social groups, my research has shown that precarious characteristics may also appear, and the process of precarization may also start among highly qualified people. Precariate is a kind of subjective and collective crisis. Its depth largely depends on the economic environment, the economic and social policy, and the strategy and cultural conditions of the region. The results show, that the subjective health of classical precar groups is worse than the others.

The use of the potential of the land and the natural resources of the new generations in the separate regions are the main prerequisite and basis for the development of a certain type of multifunctional agriculture. The process of continuity should be seen as a process and not as a one-off action or event. The aim of the study is to analyze the process of inheritance in agriculture, as a socio-economic method for ensuring the viability of rural areas. The analysis is based on empirical evidence - cases from family farms and young heirs in rural areas of Bulgaria. The transfer of farm management to the next generation must be organized. Otherwise, the alternative is clear: resettlement from rural areas, a rapidly aging population and insufficient young people to enter the sector. Recognizing the importance of continuity, the Common Agricultural Policy provides training and funding to encourage young people to engage in agricultural activities.

"This research enters into the field of philosophy of law. He investigated it about the positive differentiation of women in legal thought. After defining the assumptions of the concept, such as the necessity to distinguish between formal equality, and real equality, because positive differentiation is a privilege given to the disadvantaged as if it appears to create inequality, and it is formed until it compensates them with the forbidden, which was practiced before and is now practiced. And that positive differentiation is not only concerned with women but also with all other disadvantaged groups, such as minorities, children and the elderly, even if the female component is more visible. So it entered into the global legislative policy, whether in international law or in national law, so would hold international agreements, hold conferences and establish international organizations for that. Positive differentiation is considered a subsidiary legal principle and complementary to the principle of equality and fairness, and for this existence is related to the existence of that principle, and it is known that the principle are not often written in legislation, but the legislator must take them into account when setting legal rules. Positive the positive differentiation as a legal principle that is observed in global legislation, and the legislator in the Kurdistan region of Iraq tried to observe the principle at a time when the federal legislator did not pay much attention to the principle, and this legislative policy in the region is more in line with the global legislative policy, and this is why the Kurdistan legislator tried to repeal or amend federal law Or legislate new laws in implementation of the principle that fall within its powers, so the anti-family violence law is a perfect example of this, which has no parallel in Iraq so far."

During the past fifty years, Colombia has endured an internal armed conflict. It has left as a result massive forced displacements, destruction of the social capital and indiscriminate logging of forests in regions affected by illicit crops and a strong presence of illegal armed groups supported by drug trafficking. In spite of a number of national policies and programs against illicit crops, the issue still persists, along with all the social implications it carries with. This paper presents a model for planning rural development projects in regions with illicit crops. The methodology applied is based on the model "Working With People (WWP)" and integrates the knowledge and experience gathered throughout the implementation of various projects in the region of La Macarena, Colombia. It takes into account eight years of continuous work with the communities, in one of the areas of greatest social unrest in Colombia, due to illicit crops, on-going criminal activity and violence by illegal armed groups and a weak presence of State institutions. Some of the factors hindering successful advancement of rural development policies include the breakdown of the social fabric, deterioration of moral values, family disintegration and lack of confidence. The conceptual framework applied integrates elements from policy analysis and social learning (Friedmann, 1991; Cazorla et al., 2015), proposed as a reaction from traditional and ineffective social reform models (Friedmann, 1991) developed in this type of scenarios. Following a thorough review of rural development planning theories regarding illicit crops areas, we carried out an analysis of the experience in the Macarena region under the WWP model. The results show the effects of the WWP model and the necessity to develop a strategy for the eradication of illicit crops in a post-conflict scenario, taking into account various social variables. Findings denote a greater relevance of the ethical-social and political-contextual dimensions in terms of sustainable rural development. Trust building, the enhancement of social relationships and direct interaction with target communities are the basic factors to the reconstruction of the social fabric and value systems, fostering sustainable rural development and stabilization.

Factor VII is a member of a family of vitamin K-dependent, gamma-carboxylated plasma protein which includes factor IX, factor X, protein C, protein S and prothrombin. Activated factor VII (factor Vila) is a plasma serine protease which participates in a cascade of reactions leading to the coagulation of blood. Two overlapping genomic clones containing sequences encoding human factor VII were isolated and characterized. The complete sequence of the gene was determined and found to span 12.8 kilobases. The mRNA for factor VII as demonstrated by cDNA cloning is polyadenylated at multiple sites but contains only one AAUAAA poly-A signal sequence. The mRNA can undergo alternative splicing forming one transcript containing eight segments as exons and another with an additional exon which encodes a larger pre-pro leader sequence. The portion of the pre-pro leader coded for by the additional exon has no known counterpart in the other vitamin K-dependent proteins. The positions of the introns with respect to the amino acid sequence encoded by the eight essential exons of factor VII are the same as those present in factor IX, factor X, protein C and the first three exons of prothrombin. These exons code for domains generally conserved among members of this gene family, including a pre-pro leader (the essential exon la and alternative exon lb), a gamma-carboxylated domain (exons 2 and 3) a growth factor domain (exons 4 and 5) an activation region (exon 6) and a serine protease (exon 8). The corresponding introns in these genes are dissimilar with respect to size and sequence, with the exception of the third intron in factor VII and protein C. Four introns and a portion of exon 8 in factor VII contain regions made up of tandem repeats of oligonucleotide monomer elements. More than a quarter of the intron sequences and more than a third of the 3' untranslated portion of the mRNA transcript consist of these minisatellite tandem repeats. This type of structure is responsible for polymorphisms due to allelic variation in repeat copy number in other areas of the human genome. Tandem repeats can evolve as a result of random crossover in DNA whose sequence is not maintained by selection. This suggests that much of the sequence information present in the introns and untranslated portion of the message is dispensable.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.

Studies of livelihoods and food systems since the start of the global pandemic in 2020 have shown a consistent pattern: the primary risks to food and livelihood security are at the household level. Covid-19 is having a major impact on households’ production and access to quality, nutritious food, due to losses of income, combined with increasing food prices, and restrictions to movements of people, inputs and products. The studies included in this Research for Policy and Practice Report and supported by the Covid-19 Responses for Equity (CORE) Programme span several continents and are coordinated by leading research organisations with a detailed understanding of local food system dynamics and associated equity and livelihood issues in their regions: (1) the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on livelihoods in sub-Saharan Africa; (2) supporting small and medium enterprises, food security, and evolving social protection mechanisms to deal with Covid-19 in Pakistan; and (3) impact of Covid-19 on family farming and food security in Latin America: evidence-based public policy responses.

Studies of livelihoods and food systems since the start of the global pandemic in 2020 have shown a consistent pattern: the primary risks to food and livelihood security are at the household level. Covid-19 is having a major impact on households’ production and access to quality, nutritious food, due to losses of income, combined with increasing food prices, and restrictions to movements of people, inputs and products. The studies included in this Research for Policy and Practice Report and supported by the Covid-19 Responses for Equity (CORE) Programme span several continents and are coordinated by leading research organisations with a detailed understanding of local food system dynamics and associated equity and livelihood issues in their regions: (1) the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on livelihoods in sub-Saharan Africa; (2) supporting small and medium enterprises, food security, and evolving social protection mechanisms to deal with Covid-19 in Pakistan; and (3) impact of Covid-19 on family farming and food security in Latin America: evidence-based public policy responses.