Relevant bibliographies by topics / Regional parties regional politics

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Regional parties regional politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Regional parties regional politics.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Regional parties regional politics"

1

HELLER, WILLIAM B. "Regional Parties and National Politics in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 35, no. 6 (August 2002): 657–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035006002.

Full text
Abstract:
Parties participate in national politics that do not pretend to national presence. The author asks whether such parties affect policy outcomes and concludes that they do, albeit in unexpected ways. Basically, nonnational parties influence policy making under certain conditions by trading policy for authority. They help national parties get the policies they want in return for transfers of policy-making authority to regional governments. This willingness to support national policies with minimal amendment makes regional parties attractive partners for national parties in government. The author examines this argument in light of detailed evidence from Spain's minority Socialist and Popular Party governments in the 1990s, along with discussions of the role of regionalism in Belgian politics and of the relationship between the Scottish Nationalist Party and the Labour Party in the United Kingdom.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Shrimankar, Dishil. "Why regional parties succeed at the sub-national level in India." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 3 (April 16, 2020): 387–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120912665.

Full text
Abstract:
Existing scholarship in comparative politics has either focused on regionalism or on political and economic decentralisation to explain the growth of regional parties. Using quantitative evidence from India, I show that a hitherto ignored explanation, the level of regional branch autonomy within polity-wide parties, also has a significant impact on the growth of regional parties. When regional branches of polity-wide parties have autonomy, regional parties find it difficult to grow. In contrast, regional parties benefit electorally when regional branches of polity-wide parties are less autonomous. To further account for endogeneity between regional party growth and regional branch autonomy, I use quantitative and qualitative evidence to show that the growth of regional parties is not positively correlated with more regional branch autonomy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Talukdar., DR Subhash. "CHAPTER: ROLE OF ALL INDIA UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (AIUDF) IN ASSAM." International Journal of Modern Agriculture 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijma.v9i3.158.

Full text
Abstract:
Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government. India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties. The Regional Political Parties are playing a very significant role in Indian political system, particularly in the post Congress era and in coalition politics. As far as the national level politics is concerned, the regional political parties play a ‘king maker’ role. Whereas, the politics at state level is concerned, the regional political parties have been playing an effective role for working of government machinery. The Assam has also not lagging behind this context. Although the state has produces some small political parties before 1985, but formation of the AGP, BPPF, BPF and the AIUDF playing a very significant role in the politics of Assam. The AGP and the AIUDF not only emerge as an alternative of the Congress party at the state politics but also could able to participate in the national politics. Following are the reasons for the growth of regional parties in Assam -
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Nur, Muhammad, Usman Usman, and Irwan Safwadi. "Dinamika Politik Partai Lokal dan Nasional Pada Pemilukada di Aceh, Tahun 2017." Jurnal Humaniora : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Ekonomi dan Hukum 2, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30601/humaniora.v2i2.61.

Full text
Abstract:
This study aims to find out the political dynamics of regional and national parties in Acehs’ regioal election 2017. This study is also aimed to investigate the factors that influence the political dynamics of that particular regional election. The political dynamics in Aceh is very fluctuated. This fluctuation may be caused by the escalation of lobbying done by the political parties that has dominant influence. However, this domination seems to change from time to time particularly in certain districs. In Bireun district for example, the figures from certain national parties had been acknowledged by the local community in the previous regional election in 2017. This change was not only occured in the executive level but also in the composition of legislative members in the regional election as seen in 2014 elections’. This study used the qualitative descriptive method. The data was collected mainly from words, sentences or images that have insight meaning and trigger more tangible understanding than numbers or frequencies. The data was gathered from interview and observation in Banda Aceh. As for qualitative research, the data collection was carried out in the natural setting. The primary data source and data collection technique were more focus on the observation, in-depth interview and also documentation. The result showed that the dynamics of political development between regional and national parties were very dynamic. This dynamic was influenced by the fundamental aspect in politics, that is the interest of the party. The study suggested that the interest between regional and national parties at the district and provincial level have different degree of interest. However, in order to get the seat in the national parliament, these parties might be enggage in a political compromise. On the other hand, the political dynamics between regional and national parties lies in the party ideology itself.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Aminah, Sitti. "The Evaluation of Regional Head Election: Developing Synergy of Regional Autonomy and Regional Head Election." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.137-151.

Full text
Abstract:
The reform aims to achieve democracy, prosperity, and justice at the local level. Even though the reform process has been rolling for more than two decades, the goal of reform in realizing local democracy through an ideal regional head election is still far from expectations. This study aims to analyze the causes of the absence of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections and identify the causes. A qualitative approach is used in the literature review method. The result showed that the root of the problem is not creating a synergy between regional autonomy and regional head elections because the application of the decentralization concept in Indonesia is dominated by the administrative decentralization perspective and the lack of actualizing the political perspective decentralization. The definitions of decentralization and regional autonomy in Acts tend to preserve centralization. Besides, regional autonomy's main objective places more emphasis on the administrative objectives of government and regional development rather than the development of local democracy. The lack of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections is the gap between expectations and reality and conflicts at the ideological and technical levels. The gap between expectations and reality can be seen from the hope of realizing the acceleration of the democratization process at the local level, but technically, regional autonomy is characterized by an oligarchy of political parties and transactional politics. There are some suggestions for the Ministry of Home Affairs to revise the policy packages for decentralization and regional autonomy, especially in articles regulating the definition and objectives of regional autonomy, as well as revising Acts of Regional Head Election and Acts of Political Parties, particularly regarding the mechanism for nominating regional heads.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Wilson, Alex. "Direct election of regional presidents and party change in Italy." Modern Italy 20, no. 2 (May 2015): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2015.1024213.

Full text
Abstract:
This article assesses the impact that direct election of regional presidents has had on party politics in Italy. It finds regional presidents exert a growing personalisation of power within parties at sub-national levels, primarily through their capacity for political nomination and de facto status as party negotiators in the governing coalition. While presidents may shape structures of regional party competition, they remain constrained by coalitional politics and can struggle to assert their authority against powerful governing partners or local powerbrokers rooted in the legislature. They also possess few mechanisms to consolidate their position at national level, consistent with a broader tendency towards ‘stratarchy’ in multi-level parties. Although the distinction between densely and loosely structured parties remains relevant, a common trend towards ‘cartelisation’ at sub-national levels is noted as political parties prioritise the control of state resources and the governing legitimacy this entails. This article contributes to our broader understanding of the multi-level dynamics of party politics in Europe, as well as the unintended consequences of experimenting with an untested hybrid model of ‘directly elected Prime Minister’ in the Italian regions.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Osipian, Ararat L., and Alexandr L. Osipian. "Regional Diversity and Divided Memories in Ukraine." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 3 (July 20, 2012): 616–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412447642.

Full text
Abstract:
There appears to be a virtual absence of any serious distinctions in the programs and rhetoric of the three leading political parties in Ukraine: The Party of Regions, Bloc of Yulia Timoshenko, and Our Ukraine. Each party is in support of the market economy, democracy, human rights, and joining the European Union. The major distinction between these parties is in the way they see the country’s past. Such an intensive use of the past reflects the absence of differences in the way they see the future. This article is dedicated to the analysis of how the past has been used in Ukrainian politics during the period of active political and regional confrontation in 2004–2010. In particular, what specific historical stories and topics are in high demand in the political rhetoric and why, and how all of these factors may prevent the process of political consolidation of the nation. The article concludes that major political parties will most likely use the same regional stereotypes of viewing the past in mobilizing their electorate during the coming parliamentary elections of 2012. The technology of confronting the “two Ukraines” will be employed by the competing political camps once again.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Pahlevi, Moch Edward Trias, Azka Abdi Amrurobbi, and Bambang Eka Cahya Widodo. "Discourse Analysis: Kinship Politics in the 2020 Regional Head Election." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.1.1.29-40.

Full text
Abstract:
After the issuance of the Constitutional Court Decision No.33 / PUU-Xlll / 2015 as the cancellation of the ban on dynastic politics, a number of candidates from the incumbent's relatives advanced in the direct Pilkada and mushroomed up to the 2020 regional elections. The occurrence of kinship politics is not only seen in terms of regulation, but the rise of kinship politics is also due to problems in political parties in carrying out the political recruitment function. This study seeks to analyze the findings of the online media reported in Kompas and Tempo. This study uses qualitative methods and uses Nvivo 12 Plus in processing data. In this study, it is explained that the factors for the formation of dynastic politics from online media coverage of Kompas dominantly explains the recruitment of political parties which are less democratic, while Tempo online media dominantly explains that the supporting factors for the formation of kinship politics are party recruitment, family support, and weak legal rules. In addition, the impact of kinship politics from the analysis of Kompas online media reports is the creation of corrupt behaviour and damaging the bureaucratic order. Meanwhile, the impact of kinship politics from the analysis of Tempo online media is the decline in the quality of democracy and damage to the structure of the party. This type of research used in this research is qualitative research. The analysis used in this paper is descriptive analysis. Analysis was performed using the Nvivo 12 plus software.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Shelemba, M. M. "Regional political parties in the context of the study of the process of nationalization (based on the results of the local elections in 2015)." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 1 (March 26, 2019): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171910.

Full text
Abstract:
The article is devoted to the study of the characteristics and typology of regional political parties in Ukraine, the assessment of the connection of the nationalization of the party system of Ukraine, the deviance (non-typology) of electoral behavior of the regions with the development of regional parties in the state by the results of local elections in 2015.In the course of the study, the main scientific approaches to the characterization and typology of regional parties in Ukraine were considered. It has been established that scholars identify the following categories of regional political parties, namely: ideological parties, political parties-projects of prominent personalities, ethnic parties, administrative parties (pro-government political parties). It is proposed to expand existing typology by introducing such categories of regional parties as projects of local elites, regional parties oriented on pro-Russian politics in Ukraine, technical political parties, which are beginning active activities before the elections, helping to ensure passing to local bodies of self-government to certain persons. It was found that regional political parties, based on the results of the local elections in Ukraine in 2015, were two pro-Russian political forces, four parties that focused on supporting the interests of local elites and one ethnic party. It is noted that the support of regional political parties is low. This is confirmed by the results of the electoral vote at the national level. It was noted that against the backdrop of a high level of nationalization of the party system for the period of 2014–2015, calculated on three approaches (the nationalization index was calculated according to the approach of M. Johns and S. Meinwering, G. Holosov and author’s modified approach), these parties did not have significant influence on the electoral picture of the country. It is also determined that since the third author’s modified approach allows to take into account the results of elections to local self-government bodies, it is relevant for the study of regional parties. Therefore, its use is most optimal for similar analytical purposes.Among the factors that had the greatest influence on party nationalization over the period of 2014–2015 were the electoral system, the transformational factors in the socio-political space, the change in the form of government, decentralization (de-volition) associated with the reform of local self-government and the territorial organization of power in Ukraine Accordingly, it has been proved that the latter of these factors has become an important prerequisite for the emergence of new regional political parties at the local elections of 2015.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Graham, B. D., and Kishalay Banerjee. "Regional Political Parties in India." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 1 (1986): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759037.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Regional parties regional politics"

1

Terzic, Zana. "Vad är regionalism? : En jämförande studie av regionala partier i två svenska regioner; Skåne och Norrbotten." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6737.

Full text
Abstract:

Regionalism is a concept of extensive proportions and as such is complex to define. This phenomenon becomes much clearer by studying it from different perspectives. This paper focuses on regional political parties and description of their political ideas. The goal of this paper is to examine and compare regional political parties in two Swedish regions: Norrbotten and Skåne. By studying two biggest regional parties in these regions, namely Norrbottensparti and Skånepartiet, I will try to get an insight into the regional politics, as well as illustrate regionalism and its meaning. My primary intention is to examine how these two regional parties experience their regions and what they consider of importance in regional development. By studying these regional parties and their opinion/apprehension about regional politics and their ideological/political affiliation, I will try to illustrate an ideological dimension of regionalism. My intention is to point out differences and similarities between politics of these regional parties, as well as to illustrate approach to the regionalism and its meaning.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Park, Bae-Gyoon. "The territorial politics of regulation under State Capitalism : uneven regional development, regional parties, and the politics of local economic development in South Korea /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51972233.html.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Cohen, Michael L. "The Ebb and Flow of Regional Parties: Political Openings, Behavioral Expectations, and Regional Party Volatility." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1250518637.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Fernandez, Torello Adrian. "Partidos politicos na integração regional = o caso do MERCOSUL." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279222.

Full text
Abstract:
Orientador: Rachel Meneguello
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T05:04:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FernandezTorello_Adrian_M.pdf: 829273 bytes, checksum: b742766894316a555b31bdb00818c43d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010
Resumo: Esta dissertação investiga o acionar dos partidos políticos no âmbito do Mercosul, procurando demonstrar como as características próprias de cada sistema partidário podem interferir na capacidade de incidência dos partidos políticos com relação o processo regional. O estudo é baseado na perspectiva teórica do Neo-funcionalismo, o que levou a separar a análises dos partidos em dois níveis: um interno e outro externo. No nível interno estudamos, primeiramente, os graus de institucionalidade dos países eleitos (Argentina, Brasil e Uruguai) e, posteriormente, realiza-se um levantamento acerca da porcentagem de aprovação das decisões emanadas do Mercosul e interiorizadas por cada Parlamento Nacional. No nível externo foram pesquisados os partidos políticos no âmbito do Parlamento do Mercosul, centrando a análise, especificamente, na composição político partidária e territorial dos parlamentares e, num segundo momento, foram estudados os debates e aprovações feitas nas sessões. A principal conclusão do trabalho permite afirmar que as características próprias dos sistemas partidários dos países do Mercosul, não estariam gerando condições propícias para um desempenho adequado dos partidos políticos para com o mesmo
Abstract: This dissertation investigates the action of political parties within the Mercosur, aiming to demonstrate how the particular characteristics of each political party may interfere in their capacity to influence the regional process. The study is based on the theoretical perspective of Neo-functionalism, which led to divide the analysis of the political parties in two levels: internal and external. At the internal level we first analyzed the level of institutionalization of the studied countries (Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay) and, subsequently, we conducted an analysis of the percentage of the decisions made by the Mercosur and adopted by the Congress of each country. At the external level, first we studied the political parties within the Mercosur Parliament, focusing the analysis in the political party and territorial composition of the representatives, and secondly, the debates and acts passed during the Sessions. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the particular characteristics of the party systems of the countries members of the Mercosur would not be fostering the appropriate conditions for an adequate performance of the political parties in the development of the regional bloc
Mestrado
Partidos Politicos e Comportamento Politico
Mestre em Ciência Política
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

McFall, Ann Patricia Radford. "Spanish Greens and the political ecology social movement : a regional perspective." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6443.

Full text
Abstract:
The present study sets out to challenge a common assumption that Green politics is virtually non-existent in Spain. This assumed state of affairs has been attributed to a number of factors including a materialist society which prioritises economic growth, Spain’s political culture and, finally, the country’s electoral system. The result, according to the few scholars who include Spain in their studies, is a country with a weak political ecology social movement (PESM) and a Green party that enjoys only ‘trivial support’ (Mair 2001:103). As will be demonstrated, such assumptions are based on an insufficient knowledge of political ecology in Spain. The lack of knowledge has resulted in Spain’s green movements and parties being routinely misinterpreted and, indeed, overlooked. The first and most glaring misconception is many scholars’ persistence in referring to the ‘Spanish Green party’ as if a single party existed. In fact, the ‘Spanish Greens’ comprise not one national party but a variable and variegated number of different political parties, a few of which have certainly achieved a measure of electoral success (depending, of course, on how success is defined). Furthermore, it will be shown that reasons often given for the failure of the Green parties – such as the country’s alleged lack of interest in environmental matters – overlook other more pertinent factors such as, for example, tensions between the Spanish Greens and the environmental movement organisations (EMO), the nationalist factor and continuing tensions between the ‘green-greens’ and the ‘red-greens’. Despite numerous problems at party level, the present study will show that Spain’s PESM is as vigorous as – though different from - that of other countries which are reputed to be environmental leaders. To pursue this argument, the thesis will provide an overview of Spain’s Green parties, setting these within the cultural and historical context of the broader PESM to which they belong. Drawing on territorial politics literature, the thesis will, in particular, demonstrate that the territorial dimension – that is, Spain’s division into 17 autonomous regions – has been one of the neglected but determining factors contributing to the problems besetting the Spanish Greens. It will also be argued that, in its own way, the efforts of Spanish ecologists have undoubtedly contributed towards the ‘piecemeal’ greening of Spain. The arguments are further developed through two in-depth case studies focusing on political ecology, and more particularly Green parties, in two of Spain’s regions, Catalonia and Andalucia.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Ziegfeld, Adam W. (Adam Weston). "Rule of law and party systems : a study of regional political parties in India." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/54606.

Full text
Abstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 198-208).
Where do party systems come from? The first part of this dissertation argues that party system formation depends on the rule of law, which is defined as the extent to which the state uniformly implements and enforces its laws and policies. When the rule of law is weak, voters form attachments primarily over politicians, and voters cast their ballots for whichever party their preferred politician chooses to establish or join. Consequently, politicians ultimately shape party system formation, since their decisions about party affiliation determine whether a political party succeeds or fails. By contrast, when the rule of law is strong, voters form attachments directly over political parties; voters therefore determine which parties constitute the party system. The second part of the dissertation applies the argument about party system formation under weak rule of law to the case of regional political parties in India. This project explains the success of regional parties in a weak rule of law democracy such as India by focusing on why so many politicians choose to establish and join regional parties. The two factors that explain the extraordinary success of Indian regional parties are 1) the geographic concentration of caste groups (and to a lesser extent, other types of politically salient groups) and 2) frequent coalition government at the national level. The geographic concentration of caste groups raises the costs associated with establishing a national party by forcing politicians from various caste groups to coordinate with one another. Meanwhile, frequent coalition government increases the benefits associated with membership in a regional party by allowing regional parties to participate in national-level government. Empirically, this dissertation is based on 17 months of field research and over 550 interviews with state- and local-level politicians across three Indian states: Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal.
by Adam W. Ziegfeld.
Ph.D.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Rodarte, Claus Rommel. "Partidos políticos, poderes constitucionais e representação regional na 1ª legislatura da assembléia geral do império do Brasil: Minas Gerais (1826-1829)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-20102011-132411/.

Full text
Abstract:
O presente estudo versa sobre os embates, surgidos a partir da adoção da Lei Fundamental do Império, acerca dos poderes constitucionais e seu impacto sobre a articulação das forças políticas regionais. Acompanhou-se o surgimento, o desenvolvimento, e a tentativa de perpetuação no tempo dos grupos políticos que, disputando os assentos da Assembléia Geral, desejavam moldar Estado e Nação conforme seus interesses. O enfoque foi a Província de Minas Gerais, que ocupava o maior número de assentos na Assembléia Geral, escolhendo-se, como baliza temporal, sua 1ª Legislatura. Parte-se da tese que a interpretação dada à Lei Fundamental do Império foi um importante elemento a determinar as diferenciações identitárias, bem como a composição das alianças que, no interior da Província e da Assembléia Geral, disputavam o mando sobre o Império.
This study concerns the clashes that emerged after the adoption of the Imperial Constitution regarding the constitutional powers, and its impact on the articulation of the regional political forces. It analyzes the origin, the development, and the attempts of self-perpetuation of the political groups that, disputing the seats of the General Assembly, intended to shape the State and the Nation according to their own interests. The focus was the Province of Minas Gerais, which had the largest number of seats on the General Assembly, and the period chosen was its 1st Legislature. The study relies on the thesis that the interpretation of the Imperial Constitution was an important element determining the identitary differentiations, as well as the composition of alliances that, within the Province and the General Assembly, disputed the rule over the Empire.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Gray, C. "Fiscal sovereignty and nationalist politics in Spain : the influence of regional financing on the territorial agendas of Basque and Catalan Nationalist Parties." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3003434/.

Full text
Abstract:
This PhD thesis investigates the influence of the regional financing systems in Spain on the evolution of the territorial agendas of the mainstream Basque and Catalan nationalist parties, the Basque Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista Vasco, PNV) and Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, CDC). Spain offers the opportunity to compare two different models of fiscal decentralisation and their significance for the political evolution of two contrasting nationalist movements. While Catalonia forms part of the common financing system, which gives the regions relatively limited tax-raising competences and involves substantial revenue transfers from central government, the Basque region raises almost all of its own taxes under a separate system of extensive fiscal autonomy (the Concierto Económico or Economic Agreement). At different times since the late 1990s, both the PNV and CDC have sought a fundamental reconfiguration of their respective territories’ relationship with Spain. The question posed is why the form of accommodationist politics practised by the PNV and CDC in the 1980s and 1990s has been transformed since then, leading to shifts towards pro-sovereignty agendas, which embrace a spectrum of potential projects ranging from some degree of statehood and political sovereignty within Spain through to full independence. This thesis investigates the issue of regional financing as one explanatory factor. Based on an extensive programme of elite interviews with current and former politicians and civil servants in the Basque and Catalan regions, it is argued that in both cases, albeit in different ways and to different degrees, the regional financing systems have played a fundamental role in influencing the nationalist parties’ evolving territorial agendas.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Oliveira, Ueber José de. "Configuração político-partidária do estado do Espírito Santo no contexto do regime militar : um estudo regional acerca das trajetórias de ARENA e MDB (1964-1982)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/956.

Full text
Abstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5155.pdf: 3546191 bytes, checksum: 1adbcb9665de07305e588a507a4a4d6e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-17
Assuming that the Brazilian military regime, established in 1964, was based on maintaining two separate orders - the democratic order and exception (authoritarism) - this thesis has as main purpose to analyze this political party configuration, in Espírito Santo, between the years 1964 and 1982. The focus of this analysis is on the patch of the prevailing party associations in the period MDB and Arena - considering its constituent political groups, this specific federal unit, characterized as peripheral set in national development. The perspective taken for the analysis of this trajectory is the institutional framework set up by the Brazilian authoritarian regime (1964- 1985). It is analyzed, under this assumption and focus, the political election performance of the parties above in lawsuits aimed at filling vacancies in the legislative (Senate, House and Federal Legislature), according to electoral laws in force in each election and in own cyclical circumstances. It is also reconstituted, the different contexts succession, conducted indirectly since 1966, the choice of Governors, and exceptionally for Bionic Senator in 1978, examining the relationship between parties and governments formed in the period. The main hypothesis is that, despite the restrictions imposed by the military regime for the operation of the two-party system, it identifies certain lines of continuity between the pre-and post-1964. The results of the survey, which used a wide range of documents, and being based on the methodology multiple documentary research, demonstrate that the main political actors, be they individuals or groups within the political clubs in question, maintained certain positioning standards already verified in the political-electoral period of 1945-1964. In the case of capixaba Arena, the party met both members of the old PSD, with its two main wings - the urban-industrial and agro-land - as the political forces that gathered around the partisan front conventionally called partisan Democratic Coalition, that housed a wide range of political parties - UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, and others - which opposed the PSD. But MDB, since its beggining, rigged by a former member of the more conservative wing of the former PTB and its group, which sent to the opposition capixaba party the same conservative profile observed in regional PTB. The paper also analyzes the historical confluence between the development project that had been gestated in the Espírito Santo since the PSD governments, especially that of Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) - whose political heirs of the Governor put into practice - and the implementation of the developmental project of the Military Governments. To this confluence of agendas - which proved to be a crucial element of legitimacy and permanence in positions of regional power, of alumni figures of urban-industrial portions of the old PSD, during most of the duration of the military regime - we call the Ideal Platform. The final part of the work is inclined to identify the realignments of those aforementioned political actors in the new multiparty scenario wrought upon the establishment of the New Republic, as well as the election campaign of 1982.
Partindo do pressuposto de que o Regime Militar Brasileiro, instaurado em 1964, baseou-se na manutenção de dois ordenamentos distintos a ordem democrática e a exceção (autoritarismo) a presente tese tem como principal propósito analisar esta configuração político-partidária, no Espírito Santo, entre os anos de 1964 e 1982. O foco dessa análise recai sobre a trajetória das agremiações partidárias vigentes no período Arena e MDB , considerando seus grupos políticos constituintes, nesta unidade federativa específica, caracterizada como periférica no conjunto do desenvolvimento nacional. A perspectiva que se toma para a análise dessa trajetória é a do arcabouço institucional montado pelo regime autoritário brasileiro (1964-1985). Analisase, sob esse pressuposto e foco, o desempenho político-eleitoral dos partidos supramencionados, em pleitos voltados para o preenchimento de vagas nos poderes legislativos (Senado, Câmara Federal e Assembleia Legislativa), segundo legislações eleitorais vigentes em cada pleito e em circunstâncias conjunturais próprias. Reconstituem-se, também, os diferentes contextos sucessórios, realizados de forma indireta a partir de 1966, da escolha de Governadores, e excepcionalmente para Senador Biônico em 1978, examinando-se a relação entre os partidos e os governos constituídos no período. A principal hipótese é a de que, apesar das restrições impostas pelo regime militar ao funcionamento do sistema bipartidário, identificam-se certas linhas de continuidade entre os períodos pré e pós-1964. Os resultados da pesquisa, que utilizou uma variada gama de documentos, tendo sido pautada na metodologia da pesquisa documental múltipla, demonstram que os principais atores políticos, sejam eles indivíduos ou agrupamentos, no interior das agremiações políticas em apreço, mantiveram certos padrões de posicionamento já verificados no cenário político-eleitoral do período 1945-1964. No caso da Arena capixaba, o partido reuniu tanto os membros do antigo PSD, com suas duas principais alas a urbanoindustrial e a agro-fundiária , quanto as forças políticas que se juntavam em torno da frente partidária convencionalmente chamada de Coligação Democrática, que abrigava uma ampla gama de partidos políticos UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, entre outros os quais faziam oposição ao PSD. Já o MDB, foi, desde o início, aparelhado por um ex-membro da ala mais conservadora do antigo PTB e seu grupo, o que transmitiu ao partido oposicionista capixaba o mesmo perfil conservador verificado no PTB regional. O trabalho procura analisar, também, a confluência histórica entre o projeto de desenvolvimento que vinha sendo gestado no Espírito Santo desde os Governos pessedistas, especialmente o de Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) que os herdeiros políticos do governador colocaram em prática e a implementação do projeto desenvolvimentista dos Governos Militares. A essa confluência de agendas que se revelou elemento crucial de legitimação e permanência, nos espaços de poder regional, de figuras egressas das parcelas urbano-industriais do antigo PSD, durante a maior parte de vigência do Regime Militar damos o nome de Plataforma Ideal. A parte final do trabalho se inclina a identificar os realinhamentos desses mesmos atores políticos supramencionados no novo cenário multipartidário forjado por ocasião da instauração da Nova República, bem como no pleito eleitoral de 1982.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Ferreira, Antunes Sandrina. "New pragmatic nationalists in Europe: experienced flemish and scottish nationalists in times of economic crisis, 2004-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209497.

Full text
Abstract:
In the 90´s, Europe used to be depicted as the most privileged political arena for regional nationalist political parties to access for “more” political power. In that sense, whereas formal channels of regional interest representation were taken for granted by those standing within federal political systems; informal channels of regional interest representation were highly valued by regional nationalists standing in decentralized or devolutionary constitutional settlements. In spite of nuanced institutional preferences, Europe was rationally inspired (Ostrom 2005) as it used to be perceived as an aggregation of formal-legal structures that could be used as a means to prescribe, proscribe and permit a certain behavior in exchange of a personal utility. Moreover, regional nationalists were policy “maximizers” who acted in isolation, away from the center, using their own limited political resources to maximize their policy gains by pursuing distinctive forms of political autonomy. However, by the end of the 90’s, both categories of regional nationalists plunged into European disillusion due to the limits of a sovereign logic prevailing in Europe.

However, in the 21st century, as soon as a new European policy cycle started to emerge and the economic crisis started to cripple, experienced regional nationalists realized that they could use the benefits of regional economic resources in face of the European Economic strategy to justify further concessions of policy competences that are still shared, either in theory or in practice, as well as to argue for new ones. The political plan would consist of using the reference of the European Economic targets to deliver policies, which would allow them to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, in both layers of governance, as well as to induce regional citizens into their political plan so they can finally reach the legal threshold to endorse a new state reform. Moreover, since they were rationally bounded, in the sense that they were lacking the policy expertise to perform these goals, they have learned to rely on a policy narrative (Shabahan et al 2011; Jones and Beth 2010; Radaelli 2010) embedded in a territorial economic argument to make sense of an advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1993), using informal channels of regional interest intermediation as “cognitive” structures (Scot 1995a) to articulate a policy strategy to be implemented in Europe and at the regional level of governance.

Therefore, and irrespectively of nuanced constitutional settlements, all experienced regional nationalists have returned to the center, using informal channels as an instrument of governance (Salamon 2002) to clarify the best policy options to be implemented in both layers of governance. In other words, regional nationalists have become “policy satisficers” (Simon 1954) who have learned to forgo immediate satisfaction in Europe to collect major gains of political power across multiple layers of governance. If the term “usage” can be defined as the act of using something to achieve certain political goals (Jacquot and Wolf 2003), in this research, we will apply the concept of “usage” to demonstrate that experienced regional nationalists in government have moved from a rational to a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to perform renewed political preferences across multiple layers of governance.

Departing from an actor centered institutionalist approach (Mayntz and Sharp 1997), we will demonstrate that the N-VA in Flanders, since 2004, and the SNP in Scotland, since 2007, have become new pragmatic nationalists. In that sense, we will argue that, in a clear contrast with pragmatic nationalists of the 90’s who expected to legitimize their nationalist aspirations in Europe by the means of a rational “usage” of the European institutions; experienced regional nationalists have become new pragmatic nationalists as they have learned to rely on a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, no longer in Europe, but through Europe.

We will then conclude that in the 21st century, and against traditional dogmas of the 90’s, the “usage” of Europe by regional nationalists is cognitively twisted, economically driven and collectively performed. It embraces all experienced regional nationalist political parties in government, irrespectively of their constitutional settlement or nationalist credo, as long as they possess the ability to anchor a political strategy embedded in “identity” without sticking to strict politics of nationalism.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Books on the topic "Regional parties regional politics"

1

Regional political parties and state politics. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1986.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Kumar, G. Gopa. Regional political parties and states politics. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1986.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Stanfield, Robert L. National political parties and regional diversity. Kingston, Ont: Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, Queen's University, 1985.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Institute of Economic Affairs (Ghana), ed. First West African Regional Conference of Political Parties: Political parties and democratic consolidation in West Africa. Accra, Ghana: Institute of Economic Affairs, 2005.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Riva, Pedro Orive. Comunicología regional: Modelo para las autonomías experimentado tres años en Cantabria. 3rd ed. Madrid: Fragua, 1985.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Yadav, Krishna Kant. Emergence of regional political parties in India: Polarisation of caste and community. New Delhi: Adhyayan Publishers & Distributors, 2009.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Yadav, Krishna Kant. Emergence of regional political parties in India: Polarisation of caste and community. New Delhi: Adhyayan Publishers & Distributors, 2009.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Emergence of regional political parties in India: Polarisation of caste and community. New Delhi: Adhyayan Publishers & Distributors, 2009.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Morales, Ramón León. La posrevolución en Colima: Historia regional del partido del estado, 1917-1967. Colima, Col., México: Universidad de Colima, 1993.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

The state of disunion: Regional sources of modern American partisanship. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Regional parties regional politics"

1

Phillips, Sarah. "Nonstate Actors and Political Reform: Civil Society, Activists, and Political Parties." In Yemen’s Democracy Experiment in Regional Perspective, 113–35. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230616486_6.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Balci, Ali. "Identity, Hegemony, and Imagining World Politics." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 27–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_2.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Balci, Ali. "Writing the Soviet Union as Comrade." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 111–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_5.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Balci, Ali. "Introduction." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 1–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_1.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Balci, Ali. "Imagining the Kurdish Nation." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 57–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_3.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Balci, Ali. "Writing the USA as Imperial Power." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 85–109. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_4.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Balci, Ali. "The Collapse of the Soviet Union as Dislocation." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 133–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_6.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Balci, Ali. "Re-writing the USA After the Cold War." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 157–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_7.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Balci, Ali. "Conclusion." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 179–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_8.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Fabre, Elodie, and Enric Martínez-Herrera. "Statewide Parties and Regional Party Competition: An Analysis of Party Manifestos in the United Kingdom." In Territorial Party Politics in Western Europe, 229–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582941_12.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Regional parties regional politics"

1

Smolík, Josef. "Vznik krajské samosprávy a regionální politiky v České republice." In XXIII. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách / 23rd International Colloquium on Regional Sciences. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9610-2020-8.

Full text
Abstract:
The presented article focuses on the characteristics, origin and development of the establishment of regions in the Czech Republic. The basis discussions concerning decentralization, self-government and regional self-government establishment in the Czech Republic and the basis characteristics of territorial self-government units will be described. The article also introduces selected political concepts from the course of the 1990s, which focused on the formation of higher territorial units. Legislative documents and issues that are in the competence of individual regional self-governments will also be discussed. An important agenda of individual regional councils is also regional policy, which will be presented and described in more detail. The aim of the article is to present the process of the establishment of regions in the Czech Republic and the competences of regions in the field of regional policy. It is a case study, which was carried out on the basis of relevant literature and data from the Czech Statistical Office. The main finding of the article is the analysis of individual processes that led to the emergence of regions in the Czech Republic on the basis of the ideas of individual political parties on the issue of regional establishment and on the establishment of regional policy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Konovalchikov, J. A. "Interactions between the state and political parties as the basis for building regional sustainability." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Sustainable Development of Cross-Border Regions: Economic, Social and Security Challenges (ICSDCBR 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsdcbr-19.2019.109.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Wijaya, Rahmanu, Jeane E. Langkai, and Rusli Abdulrahman. "Criminal Liability of Political Parties in the General Election of Regional Head in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icss-18.2018.49.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Krogmann, Alfred, Magdaléna Němčíková, Ján Veselovský, and Andrej Svorad. "Geographical approach to the analysis of elections on the example of parliamentary elections in Slovakia in 2016." In 27th edition of the Central European Conference with subtitle (Teaching) of regional geography. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9694-2020-8.

Full text
Abstract:
With regard to surprising results of Parliamentary elections in Slovakia their geographic dimension is also important. The aim of this article is to analyze the milieu of elections and the subsequent spatial differentiation of the results of the 8 parties which were successful to enter the Parliament. Election data were processed via the diversification of election preferences, the identification of areas of election support and correlation analysis by means of which the mutual cohesion of individual parties election results was studied. We found out that within the diversification of election preferences the one party dominance – the winning SMER – SD (40 out of Slovakia’s 79 districts) – prevails. Further we have dealt with the identification of areas of political parties support, with emphasis to their core regions.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Aydın, Hamdi. "The Place of Russia in the Economic and Trade Partners of Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01841.

Full text
Abstract:
In this study, it is mentioned that export and import figures of turkey and the amount of economic and trade relationship between the countries of Turkey and Russian. The trade between two countries have been analyzed by historical perspective and made comments about the future. As looking from regional, it is the fact that the trade between two greatest power countries in the region is also important in terms of the world’s trade. Cooperation between the two countries not only affects the two countries trade, but also affect the whole region countries. It can be seen that up to this time, time to time the two countries closer to each other, time to time moved away the area due to certain events in the region. When relationship of politics between countries is good, trade volume is high. Politics directly affects economics and trade relationship of countries. In this study, historically, which products is used in trade and how much is the export and import figures between two countries over years.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Krummrich, C. R., R. E. Johnston, and T. W. Crist. "A Performance Incentive Contract That Pays Off For All Parties." In SPE Western Regional Meeting. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/29663-ms.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Hidayatulloh, M. Haris, Ridan Muhtadi, Moh Nafik H. R., Sri Herianingrum, Sri Iswati, Irham Zaki, and Tika Widiastuti. "The Politics of Law in Islamic Regional Regulation to Improve Regional Economy Competitiveness." In 2nd International Conference Postgraduate School. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007551908100814.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

"Analysis on Forecast Model of Regional Financial Integration." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.78.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

"The Green Management in The Context of Regional Development." In International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Ishik University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2019p7.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Shamileva, R. К. "Current Issues Of Regional Politics In Implementation Of Fairness Model." In SCTCGM 2018 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.03.02.182.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Regional parties regional politics"

1

Walsh, Alex, and Ben Hassine. Mediation and Peacebuilding in Tunisia: Actors and Practice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.061.

Full text
Abstract:
This Helpdesk Report is part mapping of the mediation and peacebuilding actors in Tunisia and part review of the available literature. There are a host of governmental and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that are involved in the mediation of conflicts and peacebuilding, both in formal and informal ways. There is overlap in the principles and goals of peacebuilding and mediation; many organisations conduct both practices, intermingling them. Local, regional, national and international actors have applied mediation and peacebuilding to many different types of conflict in the past decade in Tunisia, involving varied parties. The case studies included in this rapid review cover conflicts relating to labour and the economy, the environment, basic services, constitutional/political disputes, and women’s rights. They involve local communities, the unemployed national and regional trade unions, civil society organisations (CSOs), national utility and mineral companies, and political parties.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Pinkston, Bobby R. The Rhodesian Insurgency: A Failure of Regional Politics. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432376.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Irwin, Douglas. Antebellum Tariff Politics: Coalition Formation and Shifting Regional Interests. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12161.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Birch, Izzy. Thinking and Working Politically on Transboundary Issues. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.010.

Full text
Abstract:
There is growing consensus that political factors are a key determinant of development impact. The practice of Thinking and Working Politically (TWP) is built around three interconnected principles: (i) strong political analysis, insight, and understanding; (ii) detailed appreciation of, and response to, the local context; and (iii) flexibility and adaptability in program design and implementation. The literature notes that while TWP emphasises the centrality of politics and power, technical knowledge is still important and can reinforce the political agenda, for example by increasing the confidence of smaller states or by strengthening collective understanding. Furthermore, improving the quality of domestic cooperation can be a step towards regional cooperation, and flexible engagement with the diverse range of actors that populate transboundary settings has been shown to be an effective strategy. The literature also highlights lessons learned including Transboundary cooperation can be built from the bottom up and for development partners, pre-existing bilateral partnerships may facilitate their engagement at a transboundary level, particularly on sensitive issues. Given the relatively isolated experience of TWP in transboundary settings, the evidence base for this report is also limited. The two areas where most examples were found concern regional integration and transboundary water management.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Canga Larequi, Jesús, César Coca García, Simón Peña Fernández, and Jesús A. Pérez Dasilva. Terrorism and Politics Predominate on the Front Pages of the Basque Press. Content and Area Analysis of the Front Pages of the Regional Newspapers. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-65-2010-883-061-070-en.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

Full text
Abstract:
In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, Maria Sibylla Merian Centre. Conviviality in Unequal Societies: Perspectives from Latin America Thematic Scope and Preliminary Research Programme. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/mecila.2017.01.

Full text
Abstract:
The Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America (Mecila) will study past and present forms of social, political, religious and cultural conviviality, above all in Latin America and the Caribbean while also considering comparisons and interdependencies between this region and other parts of the world. Conviviality, for the purpose of Mecila, is an analytical concept to circumscribe ways of living together in concrete contexts. Therefore, conviviality admits gradations – from more horizontal forms to highly asymmetrical convivial models. By linking studies about interclass, interethnic, intercultural, interreligious and gender relations in Latin America and the Caribbean with international studies about conviviality, Mecila strives to establish an innovative exchange with benefits for both European and Latin American research. The focus on convivial contexts in Latin America and the Caribbean broadens the horizon of conviviality research, which is often limited to the contemporary European context. By establishing a link to research on conviviality, studies related to Latin America gain visibility, influence and impact given the political and analytical urgency that accompanies discussions about coexistence with differences in European and North American societies, which are currently confronted with increasing socioeconomic and power inequalities and intercultural and interreligious conflicts.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Bolton, Laura. Attitudes to Water Usage in Jordan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.105.

Full text
Abstract:
The author undertakes a literature review of attitudes to water usage in Jordan. One survey was identified which assessed attitudes towards water conservation, sampling 2000 residents in three regions in Jordan (Irbid, Amman, and Zarqa) in 2017. According to the survey, only 61% of respondents believed there was a water shortage in Jordan. 23% believed the water shortage was due to population pressures. The survey focussed more on water conservation than water use. Most of the respondents felt the government were not doing enough on water shortage issues. They were not asked how they feel about the role of the government versus their individual responsibility. Older respondents perceived the shortages to be more critical. A lack of interest in participating in water saving activities was identified among the youth. Water quality was perceived as poor in the USAID survey and noted in other sources. The survey found that most residents had management strategies in place for the day that the water was delivered. Views about politics of regional cooperation and refugee pressure on water use potentially affect attitudes to water but this was not identified specifically within the scope of this report.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Regional parties regional politics' for particular source types:
Journal articles Dissertations / Theses Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography