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1

Terzic, Zana. "Vad är regionalism? : En jämförande studie av regionala partier i två svenska regioner; Skåne och Norrbotten." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6737.

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Regionalism is a concept of extensive proportions and as such is complex to define. This phenomenon becomes much clearer by studying it from different perspectives. This paper focuses on regional political parties and description of their political ideas. The goal of this paper is to examine and compare regional political parties in two Swedish regions: Norrbotten and Skåne. By studying two biggest regional parties in these regions, namely Norrbottensparti and Skånepartiet, I will try to get an insight into the regional politics, as well as illustrate regionalism and its meaning. My primary intention is to examine how these two regional parties experience their regions and what they consider of importance in regional development. By studying these regional parties and their opinion/apprehension about regional politics and their ideological/political affiliation, I will try to illustrate an ideological dimension of regionalism. My intention is to point out differences and similarities between politics of these regional parties, as well as to illustrate approach to the regionalism and its meaning.

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Park, Bae-Gyoon. "The territorial politics of regulation under State Capitalism : uneven regional development, regional parties, and the politics of local economic development in South Korea /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51972233.html.

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3

Cohen, Michael L. "The Ebb and Flow of Regional Parties: Political Openings, Behavioral Expectations, and Regional Party Volatility." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1250518637.

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4

Fernandez, Torello Adrian. "Partidos politicos na integração regional = o caso do MERCOSUL." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279222.

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Orientador: Rachel Meneguello
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação investiga o acionar dos partidos políticos no âmbito do Mercosul, procurando demonstrar como as características próprias de cada sistema partidário podem interferir na capacidade de incidência dos partidos políticos com relação o processo regional. O estudo é baseado na perspectiva teórica do Neo-funcionalismo, o que levou a separar a análises dos partidos em dois níveis: um interno e outro externo. No nível interno estudamos, primeiramente, os graus de institucionalidade dos países eleitos (Argentina, Brasil e Uruguai) e, posteriormente, realiza-se um levantamento acerca da porcentagem de aprovação das decisões emanadas do Mercosul e interiorizadas por cada Parlamento Nacional. No nível externo foram pesquisados os partidos políticos no âmbito do Parlamento do Mercosul, centrando a análise, especificamente, na composição político partidária e territorial dos parlamentares e, num segundo momento, foram estudados os debates e aprovações feitas nas sessões. A principal conclusão do trabalho permite afirmar que as características próprias dos sistemas partidários dos países do Mercosul, não estariam gerando condições propícias para um desempenho adequado dos partidos políticos para com o mesmo
Abstract: This dissertation investigates the action of political parties within the Mercosur, aiming to demonstrate how the particular characteristics of each political party may interfere in their capacity to influence the regional process. The study is based on the theoretical perspective of Neo-functionalism, which led to divide the analysis of the political parties in two levels: internal and external. At the internal level we first analyzed the level of institutionalization of the studied countries (Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay) and, subsequently, we conducted an analysis of the percentage of the decisions made by the Mercosur and adopted by the Congress of each country. At the external level, first we studied the political parties within the Mercosur Parliament, focusing the analysis in the political party and territorial composition of the representatives, and secondly, the debates and acts passed during the Sessions. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the particular characteristics of the party systems of the countries members of the Mercosur would not be fostering the appropriate conditions for an adequate performance of the political parties in the development of the regional bloc
Mestrado
Partidos Politicos e Comportamento Politico
Mestre em Ciência Política
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5

McFall, Ann Patricia Radford. "Spanish Greens and the political ecology social movement : a regional perspective." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/6443.

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The present study sets out to challenge a common assumption that Green politics is virtually non-existent in Spain. This assumed state of affairs has been attributed to a number of factors including a materialist society which prioritises economic growth, Spain’s political culture and, finally, the country’s electoral system. The result, according to the few scholars who include Spain in their studies, is a country with a weak political ecology social movement (PESM) and a Green party that enjoys only ‘trivial support’ (Mair 2001:103). As will be demonstrated, such assumptions are based on an insufficient knowledge of political ecology in Spain. The lack of knowledge has resulted in Spain’s green movements and parties being routinely misinterpreted and, indeed, overlooked. The first and most glaring misconception is many scholars’ persistence in referring to the ‘Spanish Green party’ as if a single party existed. In fact, the ‘Spanish Greens’ comprise not one national party but a variable and variegated number of different political parties, a few of which have certainly achieved a measure of electoral success (depending, of course, on how success is defined). Furthermore, it will be shown that reasons often given for the failure of the Green parties – such as the country’s alleged lack of interest in environmental matters – overlook other more pertinent factors such as, for example, tensions between the Spanish Greens and the environmental movement organisations (EMO), the nationalist factor and continuing tensions between the ‘green-greens’ and the ‘red-greens’. Despite numerous problems at party level, the present study will show that Spain’s PESM is as vigorous as – though different from - that of other countries which are reputed to be environmental leaders. To pursue this argument, the thesis will provide an overview of Spain’s Green parties, setting these within the cultural and historical context of the broader PESM to which they belong. Drawing on territorial politics literature, the thesis will, in particular, demonstrate that the territorial dimension – that is, Spain’s division into 17 autonomous regions – has been one of the neglected but determining factors contributing to the problems besetting the Spanish Greens. It will also be argued that, in its own way, the efforts of Spanish ecologists have undoubtedly contributed towards the ‘piecemeal’ greening of Spain. The arguments are further developed through two in-depth case studies focusing on political ecology, and more particularly Green parties, in two of Spain’s regions, Catalonia and Andalucia.
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Ziegfeld, Adam W. (Adam Weston). "Rule of law and party systems : a study of regional political parties in India." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/54606.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 198-208).
Where do party systems come from? The first part of this dissertation argues that party system formation depends on the rule of law, which is defined as the extent to which the state uniformly implements and enforces its laws and policies. When the rule of law is weak, voters form attachments primarily over politicians, and voters cast their ballots for whichever party their preferred politician chooses to establish or join. Consequently, politicians ultimately shape party system formation, since their decisions about party affiliation determine whether a political party succeeds or fails. By contrast, when the rule of law is strong, voters form attachments directly over political parties; voters therefore determine which parties constitute the party system. The second part of the dissertation applies the argument about party system formation under weak rule of law to the case of regional political parties in India. This project explains the success of regional parties in a weak rule of law democracy such as India by focusing on why so many politicians choose to establish and join regional parties. The two factors that explain the extraordinary success of Indian regional parties are 1) the geographic concentration of caste groups (and to a lesser extent, other types of politically salient groups) and 2) frequent coalition government at the national level. The geographic concentration of caste groups raises the costs associated with establishing a national party by forcing politicians from various caste groups to coordinate with one another. Meanwhile, frequent coalition government increases the benefits associated with membership in a regional party by allowing regional parties to participate in national-level government. Empirically, this dissertation is based on 17 months of field research and over 550 interviews with state- and local-level politicians across three Indian states: Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, and West Bengal.
by Adam W. Ziegfeld.
Ph.D.
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7

Rodarte, Claus Rommel. "Partidos políticos, poderes constitucionais e representação regional na 1ª legislatura da assembléia geral do império do Brasil: Minas Gerais (1826-1829)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-20102011-132411/.

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O presente estudo versa sobre os embates, surgidos a partir da adoção da Lei Fundamental do Império, acerca dos poderes constitucionais e seu impacto sobre a articulação das forças políticas regionais. Acompanhou-se o surgimento, o desenvolvimento, e a tentativa de perpetuação no tempo dos grupos políticos que, disputando os assentos da Assembléia Geral, desejavam moldar Estado e Nação conforme seus interesses. O enfoque foi a Província de Minas Gerais, que ocupava o maior número de assentos na Assembléia Geral, escolhendo-se, como baliza temporal, sua 1ª Legislatura. Parte-se da tese que a interpretação dada à Lei Fundamental do Império foi um importante elemento a determinar as diferenciações identitárias, bem como a composição das alianças que, no interior da Província e da Assembléia Geral, disputavam o mando sobre o Império.
This study concerns the clashes that emerged after the adoption of the Imperial Constitution regarding the constitutional powers, and its impact on the articulation of the regional political forces. It analyzes the origin, the development, and the attempts of self-perpetuation of the political groups that, disputing the seats of the General Assembly, intended to shape the State and the Nation according to their own interests. The focus was the Province of Minas Gerais, which had the largest number of seats on the General Assembly, and the period chosen was its 1st Legislature. The study relies on the thesis that the interpretation of the Imperial Constitution was an important element determining the identitary differentiations, as well as the composition of alliances that, within the Province and the General Assembly, disputed the rule over the Empire.
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Gray, C. "Fiscal sovereignty and nationalist politics in Spain : the influence of regional financing on the territorial agendas of Basque and Catalan Nationalist Parties." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3003434/.

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This PhD thesis investigates the influence of the regional financing systems in Spain on the evolution of the territorial agendas of the mainstream Basque and Catalan nationalist parties, the Basque Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista Vasco, PNV) and Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, CDC). Spain offers the opportunity to compare two different models of fiscal decentralisation and their significance for the political evolution of two contrasting nationalist movements. While Catalonia forms part of the common financing system, which gives the regions relatively limited tax-raising competences and involves substantial revenue transfers from central government, the Basque region raises almost all of its own taxes under a separate system of extensive fiscal autonomy (the Concierto Económico or Economic Agreement). At different times since the late 1990s, both the PNV and CDC have sought a fundamental reconfiguration of their respective territories’ relationship with Spain. The question posed is why the form of accommodationist politics practised by the PNV and CDC in the 1980s and 1990s has been transformed since then, leading to shifts towards pro-sovereignty agendas, which embrace a spectrum of potential projects ranging from some degree of statehood and political sovereignty within Spain through to full independence. This thesis investigates the issue of regional financing as one explanatory factor. Based on an extensive programme of elite interviews with current and former politicians and civil servants in the Basque and Catalan regions, it is argued that in both cases, albeit in different ways and to different degrees, the regional financing systems have played a fundamental role in influencing the nationalist parties’ evolving territorial agendas.
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Oliveira, Ueber José de. "Configuração político-partidária do estado do Espírito Santo no contexto do regime militar : um estudo regional acerca das trajetórias de ARENA e MDB (1964-1982)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/956.

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Assuming that the Brazilian military regime, established in 1964, was based on maintaining two separate orders - the democratic order and exception (authoritarism) - this thesis has as main purpose to analyze this political party configuration, in Espírito Santo, between the years 1964 and 1982. The focus of this analysis is on the patch of the prevailing party associations in the period MDB and Arena - considering its constituent political groups, this specific federal unit, characterized as peripheral set in national development. The perspective taken for the analysis of this trajectory is the institutional framework set up by the Brazilian authoritarian regime (1964- 1985). It is analyzed, under this assumption and focus, the political election performance of the parties above in lawsuits aimed at filling vacancies in the legislative (Senate, House and Federal Legislature), according to electoral laws in force in each election and in own cyclical circumstances. It is also reconstituted, the different contexts succession, conducted indirectly since 1966, the choice of Governors, and exceptionally for Bionic Senator in 1978, examining the relationship between parties and governments formed in the period. The main hypothesis is that, despite the restrictions imposed by the military regime for the operation of the two-party system, it identifies certain lines of continuity between the pre-and post-1964. The results of the survey, which used a wide range of documents, and being based on the methodology multiple documentary research, demonstrate that the main political actors, be they individuals or groups within the political clubs in question, maintained certain positioning standards already verified in the political-electoral period of 1945-1964. In the case of capixaba Arena, the party met both members of the old PSD, with its two main wings - the urban-industrial and agro-land - as the political forces that gathered around the partisan front conventionally called partisan Democratic Coalition, that housed a wide range of political parties - UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, and others - which opposed the PSD. But MDB, since its beggining, rigged by a former member of the more conservative wing of the former PTB and its group, which sent to the opposition capixaba party the same conservative profile observed in regional PTB. The paper also analyzes the historical confluence between the development project that had been gestated in the Espírito Santo since the PSD governments, especially that of Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) - whose political heirs of the Governor put into practice - and the implementation of the developmental project of the Military Governments. To this confluence of agendas - which proved to be a crucial element of legitimacy and permanence in positions of regional power, of alumni figures of urban-industrial portions of the old PSD, during most of the duration of the military regime - we call the Ideal Platform. The final part of the work is inclined to identify the realignments of those aforementioned political actors in the new multiparty scenario wrought upon the establishment of the New Republic, as well as the election campaign of 1982.
Partindo do pressuposto de que o Regime Militar Brasileiro, instaurado em 1964, baseou-se na manutenção de dois ordenamentos distintos a ordem democrática e a exceção (autoritarismo) a presente tese tem como principal propósito analisar esta configuração político-partidária, no Espírito Santo, entre os anos de 1964 e 1982. O foco dessa análise recai sobre a trajetória das agremiações partidárias vigentes no período Arena e MDB , considerando seus grupos políticos constituintes, nesta unidade federativa específica, caracterizada como periférica no conjunto do desenvolvimento nacional. A perspectiva que se toma para a análise dessa trajetória é a do arcabouço institucional montado pelo regime autoritário brasileiro (1964-1985). Analisase, sob esse pressuposto e foco, o desempenho político-eleitoral dos partidos supramencionados, em pleitos voltados para o preenchimento de vagas nos poderes legislativos (Senado, Câmara Federal e Assembleia Legislativa), segundo legislações eleitorais vigentes em cada pleito e em circunstâncias conjunturais próprias. Reconstituem-se, também, os diferentes contextos sucessórios, realizados de forma indireta a partir de 1966, da escolha de Governadores, e excepcionalmente para Senador Biônico em 1978, examinando-se a relação entre os partidos e os governos constituídos no período. A principal hipótese é a de que, apesar das restrições impostas pelo regime militar ao funcionamento do sistema bipartidário, identificam-se certas linhas de continuidade entre os períodos pré e pós-1964. Os resultados da pesquisa, que utilizou uma variada gama de documentos, tendo sido pautada na metodologia da pesquisa documental múltipla, demonstram que os principais atores políticos, sejam eles indivíduos ou agrupamentos, no interior das agremiações políticas em apreço, mantiveram certos padrões de posicionamento já verificados no cenário político-eleitoral do período 1945-1964. No caso da Arena capixaba, o partido reuniu tanto os membros do antigo PSD, com suas duas principais alas a urbanoindustrial e a agro-fundiária , quanto as forças políticas que se juntavam em torno da frente partidária convencionalmente chamada de Coligação Democrática, que abrigava uma ampla gama de partidos políticos UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, entre outros os quais faziam oposição ao PSD. Já o MDB, foi, desde o início, aparelhado por um ex-membro da ala mais conservadora do antigo PTB e seu grupo, o que transmitiu ao partido oposicionista capixaba o mesmo perfil conservador verificado no PTB regional. O trabalho procura analisar, também, a confluência histórica entre o projeto de desenvolvimento que vinha sendo gestado no Espírito Santo desde os Governos pessedistas, especialmente o de Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) que os herdeiros políticos do governador colocaram em prática e a implementação do projeto desenvolvimentista dos Governos Militares. A essa confluência de agendas que se revelou elemento crucial de legitimação e permanência, nos espaços de poder regional, de figuras egressas das parcelas urbano-industriais do antigo PSD, durante a maior parte de vigência do Regime Militar damos o nome de Plataforma Ideal. A parte final do trabalho se inclina a identificar os realinhamentos desses mesmos atores políticos supramencionados no novo cenário multipartidário forjado por ocasião da instauração da Nova República, bem como no pleito eleitoral de 1982.
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Ferreira, Antunes Sandrina. "New pragmatic nationalists in Europe: experienced flemish and scottish nationalists in times of economic crisis, 2004-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209497.

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In the 90´s, Europe used to be depicted as the most privileged political arena for regional nationalist political parties to access for “more” political power. In that sense, whereas formal channels of regional interest representation were taken for granted by those standing within federal political systems; informal channels of regional interest representation were highly valued by regional nationalists standing in decentralized or devolutionary constitutional settlements. In spite of nuanced institutional preferences, Europe was rationally inspired (Ostrom 2005) as it used to be perceived as an aggregation of formal-legal structures that could be used as a means to prescribe, proscribe and permit a certain behavior in exchange of a personal utility. Moreover, regional nationalists were policy “maximizers” who acted in isolation, away from the center, using their own limited political resources to maximize their policy gains by pursuing distinctive forms of political autonomy. However, by the end of the 90’s, both categories of regional nationalists plunged into European disillusion due to the limits of a sovereign logic prevailing in Europe.

However, in the 21st century, as soon as a new European policy cycle started to emerge and the economic crisis started to cripple, experienced regional nationalists realized that they could use the benefits of regional economic resources in face of the European Economic strategy to justify further concessions of policy competences that are still shared, either in theory or in practice, as well as to argue for new ones. The political plan would consist of using the reference of the European Economic targets to deliver policies, which would allow them to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, in both layers of governance, as well as to induce regional citizens into their political plan so they can finally reach the legal threshold to endorse a new state reform. Moreover, since they were rationally bounded, in the sense that they were lacking the policy expertise to perform these goals, they have learned to rely on a policy narrative (Shabahan et al 2011; Jones and Beth 2010; Radaelli 2010) embedded in a territorial economic argument to make sense of an advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1993), using informal channels of regional interest intermediation as “cognitive” structures (Scot 1995a) to articulate a policy strategy to be implemented in Europe and at the regional level of governance.

Therefore, and irrespectively of nuanced constitutional settlements, all experienced regional nationalists have returned to the center, using informal channels as an instrument of governance (Salamon 2002) to clarify the best policy options to be implemented in both layers of governance. In other words, regional nationalists have become “policy satisficers” (Simon 1954) who have learned to forgo immediate satisfaction in Europe to collect major gains of political power across multiple layers of governance. If the term “usage” can be defined as the act of using something to achieve certain political goals (Jacquot and Wolf 2003), in this research, we will apply the concept of “usage” to demonstrate that experienced regional nationalists in government have moved from a rational to a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to perform renewed political preferences across multiple layers of governance.

Departing from an actor centered institutionalist approach (Mayntz and Sharp 1997), we will demonstrate that the N-VA in Flanders, since 2004, and the SNP in Scotland, since 2007, have become new pragmatic nationalists. In that sense, we will argue that, in a clear contrast with pragmatic nationalists of the 90’s who expected to legitimize their nationalist aspirations in Europe by the means of a rational “usage” of the European institutions; experienced regional nationalists have become new pragmatic nationalists as they have learned to rely on a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, no longer in Europe, but through Europe.

We will then conclude that in the 21st century, and against traditional dogmas of the 90’s, the “usage” of Europe by regional nationalists is cognitively twisted, economically driven and collectively performed. It embraces all experienced regional nationalist political parties in government, irrespectively of their constitutional settlement or nationalist credo, as long as they possess the ability to anchor a political strategy embedded in “identity” without sticking to strict politics of nationalism.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Grabarkiewicz-Davis, Christina. "The rise and fall of regional parties : the Reform Party of Canada, the Northern League of Italy, and the Western Canada Concept Party /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1341502704.

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Rodriguez, Mauricio Javier. "The Social Bases of the Vote for the Left in Ecuador 2002-2006: The Effects of Socioeconomic, Demographic and Regional Attributes of Places." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1374143374.

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Marinello, Adiane Fogali. "Quando o poeta toma partido : literatura e política em Mansueto Bernardi." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2005. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/132.

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Esta Dissertação investiga o projeto literário e político de Mansueto Bernardi (1888-1966), através da interpretação e análise dos seus ensaios literários e historiográficos, discursos e poemas. O autor, apesar de ter editado uma única obra literária, Terra convalescente, teve intensa atuação cultural e política durante a primeira metade do século XX, criando e dirigindo periódicos da Livraria e Editora Globo, de Porto Alegre, atuando em funções administrativas dos governos estadual e federal, chegando, inclusive, a chefiar a Casa da Moeda, durante o governo de Getúlio Vargas. Desse modo, este estudo tenta mostrar que Bernardi procurou divulgar a cultura do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul e esforçou-se para difundir o catolicismo na sociedade brasileira, colocando, em virtude disso, a religião como linha norteadora de seu projeto literário e político. Trata-se, portanto, de uma discussão interdisciplinar que transita entre a Literatura, a História e a Sociologia, e se volta para a cultura regional.
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The aim of this research is to investigate the literary and political project of Mansueto Bernardi (1888-1966), through comprehensive analysis of his literary and historiographic essays, as well as of his speeches and poems. Having published only one literary work, the author had nevertheless intense cultural and political activity in the first half of twentieth century. Besides creating and supervising periodicals at Livraria e Editora Globo, in Porto Alegre, he served in both the federal and the Rio Grande do Sul state governments, having achieved the position of Chairman of the Brazilian Mint (Casa da Moeda) during President Getúlio Vargas administration. This study attemps to demonstrate that Bernardi tried to make the culture of Rio Grande do Sul known and made considerable efforts to divulge the creed of Catholicism in Brazilian society, therefore placing religion as a main source for his literary and political project. This Dissertation constitutes an interdisciplinary approach that reports the findings of research involving Literature, History and Sociology, while focusing regional culture.
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Rocha, Neto Jo?o Mendes da. "Coopera??o e competi??o entre pol?ticas no Brasil: os custos da governabilidade no presidencialismo de coaliz?o." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2012. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/12072.

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Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President?s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva?s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso?s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies
As pol?ticas p?blicas t?m sido estudadas em diversas ?reas das ci?ncias humanas e sociais, a partir de diferentes aspectos te?ricos e t?cnicos. No entanto, ainda h? car?ncia de estudos que incorporem a dimens?o do exerc?cio da pol?tica e suas interfer?ncias em tais a??es, reconhecendo inclusive a import?ncia da arquitetura institucional do modelo presidencialista brasileiro na implementa??o dessas pol?ticas. Esse sistema multipartid?rio e fragmentado tem levado ao poder conjuntos heterog?neos de partidos pol?ticos. Dessa forma, os gabinetes ministeriais, mais do que auxiliarem o projeto de governo do presidente da Rep?blica, passam a operar agendas particularizadas, que possuem marcas partid?rias e influ?ncia de grupos de interesse hegem?nicos nos temas tratados pelas ag?ncias governamentais. Quando estas agendas operam em pol?ticas setoriais e especializadas, o n?vel de atrito aparentemente ? baixo. Por?m, quando isto ocorre em a??es intersetoriais, a exemplo do desenvolvimento regional, evidenciam-se fortes tra?os de competi??o entre ag?ncias governamentais, que em tese deveriam operar de forma integrada. Embora este n?o seja um tra?o especifico do governo de Luiz In?cio Lula da Silva o per?odo que ser? estudado , encontrando-se comportamentos similares na presid?ncia de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, percebe-se que a amplia??o da coaliz?o em nome da governabilidade vem interferindo cada vez mais no resultado das pol?ticas p?blicas intersetoriais, em virtude destas m?ltiplas l?gicas que se manifestam. Para se entender estes processos, elegeu-se como foco do estudo o Programa de Desenvolvimento Integrado e Sustent?vel de Mesorregi?es Diferenciadas (PROMESO), parte da Pol?tica Nacional de Desenvolvimento Regional (PNDR). O programa estabelece interfaces com diversas ag?ncias governamentais e suas pol?ticas p?blicas em um claro desenho intersetorial. A pesquisa buscou identificar e analisar as rela??es das ag?ncias governamentais e seus programas com grupos de interesse, fossem eles partidos pol?ticos ou outros segmentos da sociedade civil, evidenciando as l?gicas de favorecimento, que secundarizam a integra??o de a??es nas pol?ticas intersetoriais. Para tanto, al?m do debate te?rico que incorpora categorias diversas da ci?ncia pol?tica, da administra??o p?blica, das pol?ticas p?blicas, da geografia e da economia, o estudo debru?ou-se sobre fontes secund?rias, utilizando bases de dados das diferentes ag?ncias governamentais, com a finalidade de levantar informa??es. Evidenciou-se que a interfer?ncia da pol?tica partid?ria tem sido um aspecto nefasto para algumas pol?ticas p?blicas. Assim, a pesquisa confirma que ? t?nue o car?ter cooperativo no ?mbito das ag?ncias governamentais, muitas vezes limitado aos documentos oficiais, e que de fato h? um tra?o marcante de competi??o, sobretudo quando se fala em pol?ticas transversalizadas
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Malinová, Soňa. "Financování politických stran a hnutí: Monitoring financování předvolebních kampaní do krajských zastupitelstev 2016." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-358944.

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This diploma thesis focuses on the topic of financing of political parties and political movements in the Czech Republic, which is still neglected and insufficiently regulated in our country. In the practical part, the focus is on the financing and monitoring of the election campaigns for the regional council elections 2016. It primarily deals with the evaluation of the transparency of candidates and their campaigns. The election campaigns of the political movement ANO 2011 and the political party ČSSD are analyzed in detail in this thesis with an emphasis on the analysis of transparent accounts of the two candidates. The mandatory establishment of transparent accounts and expenditure ceilings for campaigns, in force since January 2017, are a very positive move towards a transparent political environment. Combined with control mechanisms and a system of sanctions, they form the basis for building a more transparent Czech political scene and they are the cause for further reforms and widening of rules in the system of political party and movement financing in the Czech Republic.
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Marinac, Anthony Schuyler. "Connectional politics in regional Queensland communities /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16418.pdf.

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Nelson, Andria M. "Regional politics: the importance of regional planning bodies in ensuring effective communication and collaboration." Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/8564.

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Master of Regional and Community Planning
Department of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning
John W. Keller
Regions are an intricate network of communities, geographies and economies that together impact the long-term growth and stability of one other. Cooperation between municipalities within the same region is vital in order to achieve sustained growth, both economically and in the built environment. The research question states: What is the value of regional planning bodies in ensuring effective communication and collaboration among region-wide governmental and non-governmental agencies? This research report includes a detailed history of the role and significance of regional planning bodies in the United States, as well as a case study involving the regional planning body in Houston, Texas and the Gulf Coast Region. The Houston-Galveston Area Council is the lead participant in a 25-member coordinating committee working together to complete a regional sustainability plan under the federally funded Sustainable Communities Regional Planning Grant Program. The interviews included in this report give conclusions and recommendations to the success of the region working together in terms of communication and collaboration. The challenge of establishing effective collaboration among a variety of agencies in the Gulf Coast Region is proving to be difficult and slow moving, however, there are signs of improvement as the three-year grant program moves forward. The conclusions from the literature review and case study show that regions with an unbiased planning body benefit both from the communication and social capital gained by working together on a shared goal.
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Gibson, James 1982. "Political parties and their competitors : party development in Russia's regions." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99373.

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The variation in expansion of national political parties into regional politics in Russia poses a fundamental challenge to theories of party development by presenting an empirical puzzle: why have national politics dominated in some regions yet failed to elect or even present candidates in others? Conventional explanations for party weakness in Russia invoke cultural constraints or poor institutional incentives but neither provide sufficient variation to explain these outcomes at the regional level. These failures correspond to a larger lacunae in the party literature on the process by parties become nationalized and eliminate their regional competitors.
This study addresses these empirical questions by re-examining regional elites and their ability to create informal alternatives to parties. I argue that the failure of national political party development in Russian regional politics is not simply the product of poor institutional incentives but rather due to the active opposition of regional elites. Where regional elites successfully mobilized the resources made available during transition, they prevented the entry of national parties by furnishing their own candidates with powerful financial resources and lending them reputation that resonated with the electorate. These outcomes were not predetermined by legacies of the Soviet era, however, but were rather contingent on the ability of regional executives to rapidly construct winning coalitions, particularly through the mobilization of administrative resources and the construction of patronage networks. Hence, the successful development national parties in regional politics was as much a story of weak regional regimes as it was a story of successful regional party branches.
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Nyirabikali, Gaudence. "Promoting Socio-Economic Development through Regional Integration - The Politics of Regional Economic Communities in Africa." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-206.

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Regional integration has gained momentum since the 1980s and throughout the world. The new regionalism process prevailing since differs from the old one by its multidimensionality covering economic, political, social, and cultural issues within a regional setting. While the old regionalism focused on market protection using a range of tariff and non tariff barriers, the New Regionalism is reinforced by the globalisation effects and strives for efficiency in production, and market access. Using the New Regionalisms Approach, the aim of this thesis is to appreciate the actual levels of regional integration in Africa and explore plausible ways of deepening the integration process with the view that regional integration can promote socio-economic development, provided a pro-development approach is privileged in the conception and implementation of the regional integration process. Focusing on SADC as a representative regional economic community, a qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is carried out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal discrepancies between policy formulation and policy implementation when it comes to enhancing the pro-developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process. In spite that shortcomings in past experiences triggered dramatic structural reforms ranging from the reorganisation of the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union, the creation of NEPAD, to structural reforms within regional economic communities with the example of the 2001 restructuring of SADC, empirical evidence shows that little change has occurred at the operational level. Moreover, even policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for harmonisation and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritising regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies.

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Diallo, El Hadj Mohamed Ramadan. "Ethnicité et processus démocratique en Guinée, de 1990 à 2015." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE3048/document.

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La décennie 1990 constitue pour bon nombre de pays d’Afrique subsaharienne – francophones notamment – une transition de régimes autoritaires vers des régimes démocratiques. C’est le cas de la Guinée où un processus démocratique s’est ouvert dès la moitié des années 1980, avec la chute du régime dirigiste d’Ahmed Sékou Touré. A l’inverse des démocraties libérales occidentales dont elle s’inspire, la démocratie conventionnelle adoptée en Guinée existe dans l’architecture juridico-institutionnelle mais ne fonctionne pas, dans les faits, sur la base d’institutions politiques et sociales qui transcendent les clivages ethniques et communautaires. L’ethnicité en est la matrice fondamentale. Elle se manifeste par l’hybridation de produits institutionnels d’import-export à des réalités locales spécifiques. L’Administration publique, les partis politiques, les organisations socio-culturelles s’appuient explicitement ou implicitement sur l’ethnicité dans leur rapport au politique. Plusieurs facteurs sont à la base de ce double phénomène d’ethnicisation du fait politique et de politisation du fait ethnique en Guinée. On peut l’attribuer aussi bien à la fragilité de l’Etat qui peine à assurer ses missions régaliennes – sécurité, justice, bien-être, etc. – qu’à l’insuffisance de l’ancrage des valeurs, normes et principes de la démocratie libérale dans la société guinéenne. A cela, il faut ajouter le rôle structurant de l’ethnie comme groupe social de mobilisation politique dans les représentations collectives
For a good number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa – the French-speaking ones especially – the 1990s represented a transition from authoritarian regimes to democratic ones. This is the case in Guinea where a democratic process began in the mid-1980s, with the fall of the very strict regime of Ahmed Sékou Touré. In contrast to the Western liberal democracies on which it is based, the conventional democracy adopted in Guinea exists in the juridico-institutional layout but does not, in reality, function on the basis of political and social institutions that transcend the ethnic and community groups tensions. Ethnicity is the fundamental matrix. It is manifested by the hybridization of import-export institutional products with specific local realities. Public administration, political parties, socio-cultural organizations rely explicitly or implicitly on ethnicity in their relationship to politics. Several factors are at the root of this double phenomenon of ethnicization of the political fact and politicization of the ethnic fact in Guinea. One may attribute both to the fragility of the State which is struggling to ensure its sovereign missions - security, justice, well-being, etc. - and to the inadequacy of the anchoring of the values, norms and principles of liberal democracy in Guinean society. To this must be added the structuring role of ethnicity as a social group of political mobilization in collective representations
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Peet, Chelsea. "Regional politics of carbon taxation : lessons from British Columbia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28020.

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This research examines the reactions of British Columbians to the provincial carbon tax legislation implemented in 2008. It focuses particularly on northern interior communities and commuter suburbs in the Lower Mainland. In studying these jurisdictions, the paper attempts to explain the vocal opposition to the policy from communities in British Columbia’s northern interior and the quiescent reaction in the Lower Mainland. These responses are complicated by the fact that numerous sources have shown that northerners are not disproportionately impacted by the carbon tax, and in fact, commuters in the Lower Mainland tend to drive farther on average to get to work than rural British Columbians. Thus, the evidence indicates that the residents that appeared undisturbed by the carbon tax, and not the vocal citizens of northern BC, feel a greater impact from the implementation of the carbon tax policy. In light of this regional development, the paper attempts to address two questions. First, how can we explain the paradoxical reactions displayed by these jurisdictions? Second, what do the distinct reactions tell us about the politics of carbon pricing and about regional political dynamics in British Columbia? To answer these questions, the paper employs three theoretical approaches; Mancur Olson’s theory of collective action, electoral incentive theory, and an ideational argument. While each theory builds upon and reinforces the others, ideas are argued to have the greatest capacity to explain the outcomes in these distinct regions. Community identities that were perceived and formed long before the carbon tax policy was ever imagined manifested themselves in this new policy debate. The longstanding sense of regional alienation in the north was significant in fostering northern perceptions of the carbon tax policy, while the absence of such historic world views, as well as some with good policy motives, encouraged the reserved approach in the Lower Mainland.
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Chang, Jacqueline Danielle. "Politics of North Korean refugees and regional security implications." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Jun/09Jun%5FChang.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, and The Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Twomey, Christopher. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 10, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: North Korean refugees, Six Party, Republic of Korea, ROK, South Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK, North Korea, China, Japan, Russia, Northeast Asia regional stability, UNC, CFC, USFK, UNC Rear, UNC Sending States, Korean diaspora, assimilation, immigration, human rights, humanitarian assistance, stability and reconstruction operations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-70). Also available in print.
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23

Gross, Deanna Katherine, and deanna gross@adelaide edu au. "POLITICS AND PLUNDER: Civil war and regional intervention in Africa." Flinders University. School of Political and International Studies, 2007. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20080502.111658.

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Over recent decades, civil wars in Africa have taken millions of lives and caused widespread destruction of whole states and regions. The living standards of peoples residing in such states in Africa which have been devastated by war are often deplorable, with violence, disease and poverty characterising life there. Lawlessness is another feature of such wars, making these states optimal places for international terrorist groups to operate in, and from. For both the above reasons, the West should not turn a blind eye to this issue. These wars that have occurred in a number of African states, including Rwanda, Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan, have often become regionalised with surrounding states increasingly becoming involved. This is particularly the case when economic gain can be sought through involvement in the civil war. The introduction of regional actors into domestic civil wars frequently serves to intensify and prolong the conflict, through an increase of arms and troops entering the fighting. The surrounding state actors largely claim to be involved for political reasons, namely to provide security to their own state. However, numerous credible reports have shown that vast plundering of natural resources has been carried out in war-time by surrounding states in the war-torn state. Consequently, this thesis examines the motives of surrounding state actors when deciding to participate in domestic civil wars of their neighbours. To do this, I compile case studies on both Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo since both states had been ravaged by violent and drawn-out civil wars involving regional actors. Furthermore, the regional actors in both cases (Liberia in Sierra Leone, and particularly Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe in the DRC) have been accused of participating in the wars for economic gain. The case studies showed that while political motivations largely drive the initial decision by regional actors to participate in civil wars in their region, it is subsequently economic gain that both allows and compels them to continue their involvement in the civil war. Henceforth, in the final chapter, I put investigate policy suggestions for the future including: prevention of resources being used to fuel warfare through controlling their access to legitimate channels; the use of aid to reduce the likelihood of those in poverty turning to war in pursuit of sustenance, including opportunities to target aid and use compliance with particular peace agreements as a prerequisite for attaining the funding; diversification of the economies of these weak states through development assistance to reduce risks produced by a high dependency on primary commodity exports for income and financial sanctions in the form of freezing of assets or asset blocking. These policy suggestions seek to address both the political and economic motivations of the surrounding state actors in participating in civil wars in Africa.
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Bodung, Sverre. "Regions, Powers And Order: A Structural Approach To Regional Politics." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/337267.

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In this dissertation I develop a theory that seeks to account for the variation in stability and conflict proneness we observe across regions. I propose that the observed variation in regional order in the international system is fundamentally rooted in the polar arrangements of the different regions. Specifically, I argue that regions that do not have clearly recognized regional powers are more prone to conflict, that their conflicts are more severe, and that these regions are more vulnerable to outside influence than those that do have such powers. Using an opportunity and willingness framework, I define regions as stable geographic spaces of interacting states behaving uniquely from the broader international system. In order to test these propositions, I make use of novel data defining both regional memberships and that identifies leading regional actors. The results show that not only do regional polarity have a strong explanatory effect, but they also suggest that it is necessary to take regional-level effects into account when analyzing international politics.
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Sengupta, Jayanta. "Politics in Orissa, 1900-1956 : regional identity and popular movements." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337304.

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Nakana, Steven C. "Regional integration and warlord politics : the case of West Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7708.

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Includes bibliographical references.
This research thesis is a critique of the main explanations of regional integration in West Africa. In critiquing West African regional integration, this research introduces and integrates the growing literature on the concept of warlords with theory of regional integration. The main explanations of West African regional integration are functionalism and federalism respectively. The critique in this study is informed by the practical lack of successful regional integration in West Africa, i.e. the failure to merge West African states and establish regional co-operation through regional integration. With regards to West African regional integration, the conventional, also known as the traditional view, argues and maintains that on practical and theoretical levels, integrationist approaches are inherently inappropriate to such integration because they ignore complex realities faced by states that are integrating or wish to integrate. According to the conventional argument, these realities include forces such as globalisation, the nature of North-South trade relations, the colonial experience, which today is responsible for the chaotic social-political and economic landscape in regions such as West Africa This landscape is characterised by economically, politically and institutionally weak countries.
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Abdulai, Abdul-Gafaru. "State elites and the politics of regional inequality in Ghana." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/state-elites-and-the-politics-of-regional-inequality-in-ghana(0991e06a-5ad1-4ce9-a776-6dbafa70f4ff).html.

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Recent years have witnessed renewed global attention to persistent spatial inequalities and the potential role of politics and power relations in redressing and reinforcing them. This thesis offers a political analysis of the problem of regional inequality in Ghana, with particular attention to the role of inter-elite power relations in underpinning the country’s historical North-South divide. The analysis is based on three main sets of data: the regional distribution of political power during 1993-2008; the regional composition of public expenditure; and elite interviews. The thesis argues that a key factor that explains Ghana’s stark unbalanced regional development has been the continuous exclusion of the historically poorer Northern regions from a fair share of both productive and social sector spending. The socio-economic marginalisation of these regions has been underpinned principally by a weaker influence of Northern elites on resource allocation decisions within a political environment that is driven largely by patron-client relations. Consequently, even policies and programmes designed with the formal objective of targeting the ‘poor’ often end up discriminating against the poorer Northern regions at the level of implementation. However, Northern elites’ lack of ‘agenda-setting powers’ is not a function of their exclusion from government, but rather of their ‘adverse incorporation’ into the polity, whereby they have often been included on relatively unfavourable terms. This explanation differs significantly from much of current mainstream thinking regarding the underlying drivers of persistent unbalanced regional development, including dominant accounts of Ghana’s North-South inequalities. Notably, there has been a tendency of both academics and policy makers to put the blame on certain innate characteristics of the North, such as the region’s fewer production potentials associated with its ‘bad geography’ and Northerners’ proclivity for violent conflicts. Such accounts therefore tend to blame the relative socio-economic backwardness of the Northern regions on the North itself rather than the nature of its incorporation into broader political formations.
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Mann, Zahid Nawaz. "The nature of insurgency in Afghanistan and the regional power politics." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FMann.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna ; Second Reader: Khan, Feroz H. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 15, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Pashtun Nationalism, Pashtunwali, Durand Line, Afghan Jihad, Afghan Taliban, Al-Qaeda, Insurgency, Counterinsurgency, FATA, South Asian Conflicts, Indian Cold-Start Strategy, Kashmir Dispute, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, U.S. AFPAK Strategy, U.S. Troop Surge, Reconciliation with Taliban, Operation Enduring Freedom, U.S.-Pakistan Relations, Nuclear Weapons of Pakistan, Counterinsurgency Strategy of Pakistan, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Operation Rah-e-Raast, Operation Rah-e-Nejat, Drone Attacks, Central Asian Republics (CARs), Oil and Gas, The New Great Game, Interests of Iran, India, China and Russia in Afghanistan, Gwadar Port. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-115). Also available in print.
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Ali, Hawraman. "The Iraqi Kurds, the Cold War and regional politics, 1958-1975." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-iraqi-kurds-the-cold-war-and-regional-politics-19581975(b3887e68-04b1-4e4b-a071-fa71ac3eec69).html.

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The Kurds comprise the fourth largest ethnic group in the Middle East. As such, they have had a considerable influence on the international relations of a number of Middle Eastern states and their internal politics. Conversely, regional and international politics have had their own effects on the political status of that people. This thesis focuses especially on the Iraqi Kurds, examining the impact on them of regional and international politics in terms of the Cold War and focusing on US policy during the period 1958-1975. Given Iraq’s location in a sensitive area of the world, this is a surprisingly under-explored area, both geographically, at country level, and specifically at this time, during the Cold War. That is the gap in the literature, therefore, that the present research fills. It takes 1958 as its starting point as this was the year of the overthrow of the Hashemite monarchy and the establishment of the Republic, which had a profound effect on the Cold War in the Middle East, and it takes 1975 as its end point, since this saw the signing of the Algiers Accord between Iran and Iraq, which, widely perceived as a betrayal amongst the Iraqi Kurds, constituted a major setback for the Kurdish national liberation movement in the country. The thesis approaches this topic through the examination of several issues, including American policies, Iraq-Iran relations and the impact of regional politics on the Kurdish Issue in the new Republic, analysing the impact of these not just as discrete factors but also in terms of their complex and dynamic interplay.
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McLean, Graham Alwin, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The History of the Geelong Regional Commission." Deakin University. School of History, Heritage and Society, 2005. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051110.105014.

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This thesis is the first systematic history of the Geelong Regional Commission (GRC), and only the second history of a regional development organisation formed as a result of the growth centres policy of the Commonwealth Labor Government in the first half of the 1970s. In particular, the thesis examines the historical performance of the GRC from the time of its establishment in August 1977 to its abolition in May 1993. The GRC Commissioners were subject to ongoing criticism by some elements of the region's political, business, rural and local government sectors. This criticism focused on the Commissioners' policies on land-use planning, their interventionist stance on industrial land development, major projects and industry protection and their activities in revitalising the Geelong central business district. This thesis examines these criticisms in the light of the Commission's overall performance. This thesis found that, as a statutory authority of the Victorian Government, the GRC was successful over its lifetime, when measured against the requirements of the Geelong Regional Commission Act, the Commission's corporate planning objectives and performance indicators, the corporate performance standards of private enterprise in the late 1990s, and the performance indicator standards of today's regional economic development organisations in the United States of America, parts of the United Kingdom and Australia. With the change of Government in Victoria in October 1992 came a new approach to regional development. The new Government enacted legislation to amalgamate six of the nine local government councils of the Geelong region and returned regional planning responsibilities to the newly formed City of Greater Geelong Council. The new Government also made economic development a major objective of local government. As a result, the raison d'etre for the GRC came to an end and the organisation was abolished.
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Francis, David J. "Uniting Africa: Building Regional Peace and Security Systems." Ashgate, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3614.

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No
Plagued by bloody wars and armed conflicts, political instability, communal violence and displaced persons, and at the mercy of natural catastrophes such as drought and famine, it is not surprising that the Western press has long dismissed Africa as the 'hopeless continent'. In the face of these challenges, Africa today is faced with a stark choice: either unite or perish. The debate on why and how the continent should unite in terms of co-operative peace, security and development is more urgent than at any other time in Africa's post-colonial history. Moving forward from the failure of the earlier, typically idealistic Africa unity project, David Francis demonstrates how peace and security challenges have created the imperative for change. He argues that a series of regional peace and security systems are emerging, and that states that have participated in practical experiments in regional peacekeeping, peace support operations, conflict stabilization/management and preventive diplomacy are building de facto systems of peace and security that could be institutionalized and extended.
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Xenakis, Dimitris K. "Transforming regional orders : the Helsinki and Barcelona processes compared." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302665.

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Dundes, Ana Cláudia [UNESP]. "Região do devir e região do atraso: discurso e representações sobre a região de Presidente Prudente-SP." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/105076.

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Esta tese refere-se ao estudo da Região de Presidente Prudente, localizada no oeste do Estado de São Paulo, que se constituiu no auge da expansão da cultura cafeeira paulista no século XX. Trata-se de um estudo de Geografia Regional, que se aproxima da Geografia Histórica, buscando compreender a partir do discurso regional as representações sociais sobre a região e os significados políticos dessas representações. O veículo escolhido para a apreensão do discurso foi o jornal mais antigo da região, ainda editado, que é simultaneamente também um dos sujeitos produtores do discurso regional. O jornal, documento de domínio público, é reconhecido nesta tese como um espaço de diálogo de atores sociais (jornalistas, acadêmicos, empresários, políticos etc.) que enunciam e têm a região como importante base territorial nas relações de poder. No conjunto de discursos apreendidos no jornal e de três obras referenciais sobre a formação da região, identificou-se através das diferentes denominações e imagens regionais, contidas nesses discursos, representações sociais sobre a região. Do Sertão do Vale do Paranapanema à Região de Presidente Prudente, passando pela Alta Sorocabana e 10ª Região Administrativa, percorreu-se sua história centenária identificando duas formas como a região é representada socialmente: a região do devir e a região do atraso. Dessa identificação, levantou-se a hipótese de que o discurso, político em sua essência, significa e ressignifica a região tornando suas fronteiras voláteis e indefinidas, atuando no sentido de ampliá-las, o que demonstra que a região tem grande importância nas relações de poder que se dão em âmbito regional. A região é, portanto, além de um espaço de identidade e convivência, um espaço de conveniência política.
This study is about Presidente Prudente s region in the west of São Paulo State. This region was constituted in the summit of the coffee plantation expansion in São Paulo State in the century XX. Through to Regional Geography study and the Historical Geography it s looking for to understand the regional speech and social representations and the political meanings of them. The local oldest newspaper play a part of the role to building this regional speech then it was chosen to indentify theirs subjects. This thesis uses a newspaper like a recognized public document whose is a space for dialogue between social subjects (journalists, academics, entrepreneurs, political etc.). Those subjects enunciate and consider the region as well as important territorial base in the relationships of power. In the group of speeches studied in this newspaper and others three referencial academic works it was possible to identify differents denominations for regional imaginary means contained in those speeches and social representations. From the of Paranapanema Valley to Presidente Prudente Region, going by Alta Sorocabana and 10th Administrative Region, it was traveled by centennial history identifying two forms socially represented: the region of the devir (to become economically developed) and the region of the delay (to fail economically). The hypothesis building is that a regional speech gives significations and new signifactaions for region that turning their borders volatile and indefinite. The effect of indefined borders is acting in the sense to enlarge the region area influence, what demonstrates that has great power importance in this space. The region is, therefore, the space of social identity and coexistence and the space of political conveniences.
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34

Hermansson, Annick. "Regional Integration in Southern African Development Community.Politics Versus Economics : Politics versus Economics." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-8563.

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Regional integration has gained keen drive since the 1980s throughout the world. Political and economic considerations complement each other in any kind of process; yet classical economic integration theory would advocate that regional integration is an economic process occurring largely as a result of greater interaction between neighboring states, functioning almost like a kind of invisible hand. This theory is based on the historical example of the development of the European Union, yet it completely discounts the fact that the European Union was first and foremost a political project. Such also has been the case with the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), the world’s oldest customs union, and with the Southern African Development Cooperation Conference (SADCC) and its successor, the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

 

Using the new regionalisms approach, with focus on SADC as a representative regional economic community, the purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the extent to which politics rather than economic considerations, has determined the establishment and functioning of SADCC (1980-1992) and thereafter of SADC (from August 17, 1992) and to point out the impact, that these political-driven processes has had on the development of the southern African region integration. A qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is brought out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal divergence between policy formulation (political) and policy implementation (economic) when it comes to enhancing the developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process, yet both equally influential. Moreover, policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for the harmonization and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritizing regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies.

Keywords: Regional integration; regionalism, political economic development; regional and Southern African Development Community.

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35

Salman, Faisal. "International disengagement and regional politics : Iran and the Persian Gulf, 1968-1971." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288051.

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36

Biniakos, Michail. "The changing politics of local and regional development and governance in Romania." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1226.

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This thesis investigates the extent to which a move from a planned to a market economy has changed the nature and character of local and regional development and government in Romania. In the aftermath of the collapse of the ‘Iron Curtain’, the swift towards a market economy and democracy by the ex-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe triggered a vast process of change that affected all aspects of social life across different many levels. In spite of the complexity of these changes, and the general realisation that local and regional policies are determined from place to place and overtime according to specific domestic characteristics and political decisions the nature of which will also depend on the time and the place of their execution and implementation, most scholarly analyses remain entrapped within existing theoretical ‘orthodoxies’ and research gaps. In this thesis, various theories in local and regional development, post-Socialist transition and Europeanisation are combined to derive a ‘heterodox’ approach to understanding local and regional development and government in Romania by placing particular emphasis on noneconomic factors. The case-study of Neamt County in the North East Region is used to illustrate the empirical evidences of local and regional development policies for the post-Socialist period in Romania. Through a close examination of the context, the procedures and the actors of these policies, this thesis argues that despite the occurrence of systemic change in Romania, local and regional policies present ‘layering’ effects, a ‘change in continuity’ that emphasises more the continuity instead of the changes. The ‘heterodox’ analysis proposed in this thesis challenges the theoretical hegemony and uniform applicability of the New Regionalism that is suggested by the European Union (EU) and adopted by the Romanian Government. The consideration of historical and cultural legacies, alongside the economic environment, challenges both the explanatory power and policy paradigm proposed by the New Regionalism for the Romanian experience. Furthermore, it raises questions regarding the effectiveness and efficiency of the EU’s local and regional policies and underlines the necessity to reconsider and reform several aspects of these polices- in the direction of a rather different orientation that responds better to specific local and regional needs and aspirations.
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37

Bechev, Dimitar. "Constructing South East Europe : the politics of Balkan regional cooperation, 1995-2003." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b2c66c28-2d24-4e09-b184-5dd1155910ee.

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In the post-Cold War era, the Balkans came to exemplify the power of resurgent nationalisms freed from the straitjacket of bipolar stability. The break-up of the Yugoslav federation suggested that exclusivist ethno-national identities trumped the logic of political and economic integration. Yet, by the early 2000s, regional cooperation made significant inroads into South East Europe. This study addresses the puzzle of why the Balkan states have engaged in a number of multilateral schemes in fields such as military security, trade, infrastructure development, energy, despite the region's divisive historical legacies and political instability. The thesis explores the impact of three factors: regional interdependence denoting the socio-economic and political linkages which contribute to the convergence of Balkan states' material interests, external push referring to the policies for fostering regional cooperation adopted by key actors such as the EU, US, and NATO, and identity politics: the discourses on the borders, cultural make-up and history of a Balkan regional entity as well as the latter's relationship with constructs like Europe and the West. The thesis argues that external projection of power, rather than regional interdependence, accounted for the development and growth of Balkan regionalism. However, the push from outside was legitimised by Balkan collective identity built upon myths of belonging to and exclusion from 'civilised Europe'. Regionalism was not solely a reflection of the supply and demand for integrative frameworks, but amounted to a symbolic strategy for transforming the volatile Balkans into South East Europe by the adoption of the institutional norms and practices of international clubs such as the EU and NATO. The case of regional cooperation in South East Europe contributes to the debates about the politics of interest and the politics of identity in the field of International Relations, and raises questions about the nature of power in contemporary Europe and the international society.
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38

Paul, Evan Thomas. "Projections, politics, and practice in regional planning : a case study of MetroFuture." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59582.

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Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2010.
This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-107).
This thesis describes the comprehensive planning effort undertaken by the Metropolitan Area Planning Council in the Boston area. This effort engaged over 4,000 of the area's residents between 2002 and 2009 and produced a new vision and action plan for the region entitled 'MetroFuture,' Without formal authority to ensure compliance with the plan, the agency worked to increase the scale, transparency, and specificity of its efforts in order to build broad-based support for implementation. This study analyzes MAPC's use of modeling, public participation, and advocacy and evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the agency's "new regionalism" approach. They were able to achieve more diverse participation, a more comprehensive plan, and actionable recommendations with input from a much broader set of actors than previous efforts. They were hampered by the lack of political endorsement from state and local leaders, as well as by financial constraints and their inability to secure stakeholder agreement on key recommendations. The concluding discussion makes recommendations to other metropolitan regions trying to re-think how best to conduct comprehensive regional planning efforts.
by Evan Thomas Paul.
M.C.P.
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39

Crabtree, Andrew Douglas. "Regional values and the politics of growth management in the Pacific Northwest." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/65242.

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40

Amer, Rawya M. Tawfik. "State-society relations and regional role : comparing Egypt and South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c00e6d89-06a1-40b5-b760-33965d32bcef.

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The study explains the regional roles of Egypt and South Africa in the last two decades by reference to the state’s relationship with society, a variable that has long been underplayed in international relations and foreign policy literature. It suggests that the different character of this relationship in each country has shaped the opportunities and constraints affecting the foreign policy choices of both the state and societal institutions in the two countries. The study adopts a cross-disciplinary approach using debates on state capacity and its relationship with regime type in comparative politics and political economy to understand and evaluate the two countries' foreign policies in their respective regions. After analysing the impact of state-society relationships on the regional role conceptions of the state and societal actors, the study compares the performance of these actors in two case studies; the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in the case of Egypt and the Zimbabwean crisis in the case of South Africa. It concludes that although the role of each state in resolving its respective regional conflict has been less than effective, the post-apartheid democratic dispensation has provided opportunities for South African social forces to play roles that complemented, checked and balanced the role of the state, compared to their Egyptian counterparts. On the other hand, the soft authoritarian Egyptian state used its role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to maintain the international alliances that helped to sustain its domestic control. This constrained the state's foreign policy options. It made marketing peace as 'a strategic choice' and containing resistance movements the priorities of Egypt's intervention in the Palestinian issue. The co-optation of the Egyptian business community and the exclusion of Islamist forces by the state weakened their roles in conflict resolution, depriving the state of tools of effectiveness. In the case of South Africa, racial politics, the ANC's liberation movement psyche, and the domination of the presidency over foreign policy making have hindered the promotion of NEPAD's principles of democracy and respect for human rights in the case of Zimbabwe. However, South African civil society played a crucial role in supporting its Zimbabwean counterpart, holding the South African state accountable to its foreign policy principles and its democratic institutions, and intervening where the state's role was missing or insufficient.
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41

Tsamareb, Clemensius. "Decentralization in Namibia: a case study of the Hardap Regional Council." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7485_1254813044.

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The main objective of this study was to examine how the process of decentralization has affected the rendering of essential services in Namibia, through a case study of the Hardap Region. The main aim of this research was to determine the extent to which the objectives of the decentralization policy have been achieved by the Hardap Regional Council. The main objectives of the decentralization policy of the Namibian Government were to extend, enhance and guarantee participatory democracy and to safeguard rapid sustainable development.

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42

Prytherch, David. "Planning the urban emblematic: Valencia and the politics of entrepreneurial regionalism." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280378.

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In this dissertation I explore how globalization and ethnic regionalism collide in the planning of the contemporary European city. Political-economic restructuring is making Europe simultaneously more integrated and regionalized. An emerging literature approaches such restructuring as a matter of geographic 'scale,' refraining globalization as 'rescaling' or 'reterritorialization,' often contested through a 'politics of scale.' These innovative approaches, however, need to be elaborated through case study. More, they fail to account for how globalization is not merely resisted, but is negotiated locally, particularly in the politics and landscapes of European cities where ethnic regionalism is resurgent. I ask: How may local politician and planners balance the external imperatives of globalization with the internal politics of regionalism, particularly in the cultural landscapes upon which a rescaled Europe must necessarily be constructed? I approach this question through case study of the city of Valencia, capital of the autonomous region the Comunitat Valenciana, emblematic of the European regionalization at which Spain is at the vanguard. Analyzing secondary literature, archival research of planning documents and newspapers, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation, I show politics in Spain to have long been defined by the politics of scale, revolving around issues of regional, cultural difference. Planning in capital cities like Valencia is thus central to efforts to consolidate regional territory, but the rescaling of urban space usually implies the transformation of traditional, cultural landscapes, like the irrigated croplands of the Horta that surround the city of Valencia. The politics of scale are both more contested and 'cultural' than the existing literature suggests, and they unfold in and through the cultural landscape. Globalization must necessarily be negotiated through what I call the cultural politics of scale, which are struggles to define the meaning of economic restructuring in political discourse and the material landscape. In Valencia, political leaders attempt to strike a balance between entrepreneurialism and regionalism in an ideology of entrepreneurial regionalism, which is manifest in both political discourses and new landscapes of economic development meant to materialize them. In the process, the cultural politics of scale remake local places and the global political economy simultaneously.
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43

Sanchirico, Emily. "A Strong Institutional Climate: Regional Trade Networks and Climate Action." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13410.

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Climate change has been described as a malign, wicked, and super wicked problem. I focus on key characteristics that make international collective action challenging: asymmetry, fear of free riding, scientific uncertainty, and inherent interdependencies. I argue that an institution designed to tackle such a complex problem requires a key set of features: leadership, linkage, quality information, differentiated obligations, monitoring/enforcement, transparency, and flexibility. I assess the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and Kyoto Protocol to determine what aspects are missing. I then ask why the European Union (EU), with incentives to the contrary, set broad unilateral goals. I argue that the framework of political and economic integration made deep cooperation possible. Lastly, I consider whether this experience is specific to the EU and ask whether regional trade networks have a role in the global arsenal of climate change solutions.
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44

Dundes, Ana Cláudia. "Região do devir e região do atraso : discurso e representações sobre a região de Presidente Prudente-SP /." Presidente Prudente : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/105076.

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Resumo: Esta tese refere-se ao estudo da Região de Presidente Prudente, localizada no oeste do Estado de São Paulo, que se constituiu no auge da expansão da cultura cafeeira paulista no século XX. Trata-se de um estudo de Geografia Regional, que se aproxima da Geografia Histórica, buscando compreender a partir do discurso regional as representações sociais sobre a região e os significados políticos dessas representações. O veículo escolhido para a apreensão do discurso foi o jornal mais antigo da região, ainda editado, que é simultaneamente também um dos sujeitos produtores do discurso regional. O jornal, documento de domínio público, é reconhecido nesta tese como um espaço de diálogo de atores sociais (jornalistas, acadêmicos, empresários, políticos etc.) que enunciam e têm a região como importante base territorial nas relações de poder. No conjunto de discursos apreendidos no jornal e de três obras referenciais sobre a formação da região, identificou-se através das diferentes denominações e imagens regionais, contidas nesses discursos, representações sociais sobre a região. Do Sertão do Vale do Paranapanema à Região de Presidente Prudente, passando pela Alta Sorocabana e 10ª Região Administrativa, percorreu-se sua história centenária identificando duas formas como a região é representada socialmente: a região do devir e a região do atraso. Dessa identificação, levantou-se a hipótese de que o discurso, político em sua essência, significa e ressignifica a região tornando suas fronteiras voláteis e indefinidas, atuando no sentido de ampliá-las, o que demonstra que a região tem grande importância nas relações de poder que se dão em âmbito regional. A região é, portanto, além de um espaço de identidade e convivência, um espaço de conveniência política.
Abstract: This study is about Presidente Prudente’s region in the west of São Paulo State. This region was constituted in the summit of the coffee plantation expansion in São Paulo State in the century XX. Through to Regional Geography study and the Historical Geography it’s looking for to understand the regional speech and social representations and the political meanings of them. The local oldest newspaper play a part of the role to building this regional speech then it was chosen to indentify theirs subjects. This thesis uses a newspaper like a recognized public document whose is a space for dialogue between social subjects (journalists, academics, entrepreneurs, political etc.). Those subjects enunciate and consider the region as well as important territorial base in the relationships of power. In the group of speeches studied in this newspaper and others three referencial academic works it was possible to identify differents denominations for regional imaginary means contained in those speeches and social representations. From the of Paranapanema Valley to Presidente Prudente Region, going by Alta Sorocabana and 10th Administrative Region, it was traveled by centennial history identifying two forms socially represented: the region of the devir (to become economically developed) and the region of the delay (to fail economically). The hypothesis building is that a regional speech gives significations and new signifactaions for region that turning their borders volatile and indefinite. The effect of indefined borders is acting in the sense to enlarge the region area influence, what demonstrates that has great power importance in this space. The region is, therefore, the space of social identity and coexistence and the space of political conveniences.
Doutor
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45

Mulholland, Holly. "Water politics in the Middle East a multicase approach to regional water shortage." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4988.

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Water shortage is a salient issue in the Middle East commonly overshadowed by more sensational topics such as the oil crisis and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. There is a debate among scholars as to whether water shortages in the Middle East will destabilize the region into armed conflict. Realists argue that non sustainable water sources will be the catalyst which will inevitably lead states to fight one another in a zero-sum game over limited water resources. Liberal Functionalists argue that there are precedents for multilateral cooperation and a technical approach may hold the key to providing solutions to the current water crisis. This research will examine three case studies from the Middle East region: the Jordan River Basin, the Tigris and Euphrates River Basin, and the Disi Aquifer on the border of Jordan and Saudi Arabia. Limited to a specific geographic region, these cases are indicative of water shortages that have or will become potential geostrategic centers for the water crisis.
ID: 029810515; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references.
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
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46

Nolan, Keith. "Municipal politics and regional monopoly : railways and the Port of Hull, 1840-1922." Thesis, University of York, 2006. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14080/.

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47

Prasetyawan, Wahyu. "Politics of regional autonomy and business : political economy in decentralizing Indonesia, 1998-2004." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/144267.

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Kyoto University (京都大学)
0048
新制・課程博士
博士(地域研究)
甲第12430号
地博第29号
新制||地||10(附属図書館)
24266
UT51-2006-J421
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻
(主査)教授 水野 廣祐, 教授 濱下 武志, 助教授 パトリシオ・ヌネズ・アビナウレス
学位規則第4条第1項該当
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48

Corrêa, Maria Teresa Fernandes. "Políticas públicas de desenvolvimento regional: análise territorial em Rio Grande-RS (1987-1994)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da FURG, 2009. http://repositorio.furg.br/handle/1/2235.

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Dissertação(mestrado)-Universidade Federal do Rio Grande, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Geografia, Instituto de Ciências Humanas e da Informação, 2009.
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O município do Rio Grande-RS foi considerado um marco geoestratégico desde o período colonial, mas a partir da década de 40 começou a perder seu dinamismo, resultando no fechamento de diversas indústrias. Diversos estudos apontam que o processo declinante está ligado à colonização e às atividades produtivas pouco diversificadas. Ao mesmo tempo, os índices socioeconômicos demonstram o desleixo dos governantes para com a cidade mais antiga do estado. O presente trabalho buscou como objetivo central apontar e destacar as políticas públicas de desenvolvimento regional para a recuperação da economia municipal, tendo analisado o período de 1987 a 1994.
The city of the Rio Grande was considered a geostrategic landmark since the colonial period, but from the decade of 40 it started to lose its dynamism, resulting in the closing of diverse industries. Diverse studies point that the declining process is on to the settling and the productive activities little diversified. At the same time, the socioeconomics indices demonstrate the negligence of the governing stop with the city oldest of the state. The present work searched as objective central office to point and to detach the public politics of regional development for the recovery of the municipal economy, having analyzed the period of 1987 the 1994.
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49

Noikokyris, Athanasios. "EU regional policy and new modes of governance : implications to the EU's democratic legitimacy." Thesis, Kingston University, 2015. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/34711/.

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Several indicators highlight that the EU suffers from a democratic legitimacy deficit that threatens not only the effectiveness of its policies, but also its integration project. This deficit has become very prominent since the 1990s and derives from the EU's multilevel governance political system. This political system combines elements both of a nation state and an international organisation, and, thus, transforms traditional politics and government and redefines the concepts of democracy and legitimacy both at European and national levels. This thesis investigates the EU's democratic legitimacy issue and also demonstrates how New Modes of Governance (NMG) can contribute towards the democratic legitimation of the EU's political system. NMG, due to their non-hierarchical, more inclusive and co-operative governance approaches, can theoretically enhance participation and improve the quality of policies and policy-making. Against this background, this thesis examines the employment of NMG in the EU's regional policy and especially in four case studies (Austria, Denmark, Italy and Poland). Through this comparative investigation, it offers an assessment of NMG influence on the EU's democratic legitimacy. Nevertheless, NMG have certain limitations too which constrain their employment on the EU's regional policy and limit their contribution to the EU's democratic legitimation of the EU, but they have to be better connected with the processess of representative democracy. They also depend on the progress of the EU's political integration. However, they constitute an innovative method of governance and further inquiry is necessary.
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50

Ramos, Marcelo M. A. "Politics of Urban and Regional Competitiveness, Custo Brazil and the International Airport Tancredo Neves." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1339079927.

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