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1
HELLER, WILLIAM B. "Regional Parties and National Politics in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 35, no. 6 (August 2002): 657–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035006002.
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Parties participate in national politics that do not pretend to national presence. The author asks whether such parties affect policy outcomes and concludes that they do, albeit in unexpected ways. Basically, nonnational parties influence policy making under certain conditions by trading policy for authority. They help national parties get the policies they want in return for transfers of policy-making authority to regional governments. This willingness to support national policies with minimal amendment makes regional parties attractive partners for national parties in government. The author examines this argument in light of detailed evidence from Spain's minority Socialist and Popular Party governments in the 1990s, along with discussions of the role of regionalism in Belgian politics and of the relationship between the Scottish Nationalist Party and the Labour Party in the United Kingdom.
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Shrimankar, Dishil. "Why regional parties succeed at the sub-national level in India." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 3 (April 16, 2020): 387–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120912665.
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Existing scholarship in comparative politics has either focused on regionalism or on political and economic decentralisation to explain the growth of regional parties. Using quantitative evidence from India, I show that a hitherto ignored explanation, the level of regional branch autonomy within polity-wide parties, also has a significant impact on the growth of regional parties. When regional branches of polity-wide parties have autonomy, regional parties find it difficult to grow. In contrast, regional parties benefit electorally when regional branches of polity-wide parties are less autonomous. To further account for endogeneity between regional party growth and regional branch autonomy, I use quantitative and qualitative evidence to show that the growth of regional parties is not positively correlated with more regional branch autonomy.
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Talukdar., DR Subhash. "CHAPTER: ROLE OF ALL INDIA UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (AIUDF) IN ASSAM." International Journal of Modern Agriculture 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijma.v9i3.158.
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Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government. India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties.
The Regional Political Parties are playing a very significant role in Indian political system, particularly in the post Congress era and in coalition politics. As far as the national level politics is concerned, the regional political parties play a ‘king maker’ role. Whereas, the politics at state level is concerned, the regional political parties have been playing an effective role for working of government machinery. The Assam has also not lagging behind this context. Although the state has produces some small political parties before 1985, but formation of the AGP, BPPF, BPF and the AIUDF playing a very significant role in the politics of Assam. The AGP and the AIUDF not only emerge as an alternative of the Congress party at the state politics but also could able to participate in the national politics. Following are the reasons for the growth of regional parties in Assam -
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Nur, Muhammad, Usman Usman, and Irwan Safwadi. "Dinamika Politik Partai Lokal dan Nasional Pada Pemilukada di Aceh, Tahun 2017." Jurnal Humaniora : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Ekonomi dan Hukum 2, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30601/humaniora.v2i2.61.
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This study aims to find out the political dynamics of regional and national parties in Acehs’ regioal election 2017. This study is also aimed to investigate the factors that influence the political dynamics of that particular regional election. The political dynamics in Aceh is very fluctuated. This fluctuation may be caused by the escalation of lobbying done by the political parties that has dominant influence. However, this domination seems to change from time to time particularly in certain districs. In Bireun district for example, the figures from certain national parties had been acknowledged by the local community in the previous regional election in 2017. This change was not only occured in the executive level but also in the composition of legislative members in the regional election as seen in 2014 elections’. This study used the qualitative descriptive method. The data was collected mainly from words, sentences or images that have insight meaning and trigger more tangible understanding than numbers or frequencies. The data was gathered from interview and observation in Banda Aceh. As for qualitative research, the data collection was carried out in the natural setting. The primary data source and data collection technique were more focus on the observation, in-depth interview and also documentation. The result showed that the dynamics of political development between regional and national parties were very dynamic. This dynamic was influenced by the fundamental aspect in politics, that is the interest of the party. The study suggested that the interest between regional and national parties at the district and provincial level have different degree of interest. However, in order to get the seat in the national parliament, these parties might be enggage in a political compromise. On the other hand, the political dynamics between regional and national parties lies in the party ideology itself.
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Aminah, Sitti. "The Evaluation of Regional Head Election: Developing Synergy of Regional Autonomy and Regional Head Election." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.137-151.
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The reform aims to achieve democracy, prosperity, and justice at the local level. Even though the reform process has been rolling for more than two decades, the goal of reform in realizing local democracy through an ideal regional head election is still far from expectations. This study aims to analyze the causes of the absence of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections and identify the causes. A qualitative approach is used in the literature review method. The result showed that the root of the problem is not creating a synergy between regional autonomy and regional head elections because the application of the decentralization concept in Indonesia is dominated by the administrative decentralization perspective and the lack of actualizing the political perspective decentralization. The definitions of decentralization and regional autonomy in Acts tend to preserve centralization. Besides, regional autonomy's main objective places more emphasis on the administrative objectives of government and regional development rather than the development of local democracy. The lack of synergy between regional autonomy and regional elections is the gap between expectations and reality and conflicts at the ideological and technical levels. The gap between expectations and reality can be seen from the hope of realizing the acceleration of the democratization process at the local level, but technically, regional autonomy is characterized by an oligarchy of political parties and transactional politics. There are some suggestions for the Ministry of Home Affairs to revise the policy packages for decentralization and regional autonomy, especially in articles regulating the definition and objectives of regional autonomy, as well as revising Acts of Regional Head Election and Acts of Political Parties, particularly regarding the mechanism for nominating regional heads.
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Wilson, Alex. "Direct election of regional presidents and party change in Italy." Modern Italy 20, no. 2 (May 2015): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2015.1024213.
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This article assesses the impact that direct election of regional presidents has had on party politics in Italy. It finds regional presidents exert a growing personalisation of power within parties at sub-national levels, primarily through their capacity for political nomination and de facto status as party negotiators in the governing coalition. While presidents may shape structures of regional party competition, they remain constrained by coalitional politics and can struggle to assert their authority against powerful governing partners or local powerbrokers rooted in the legislature. They also possess few mechanisms to consolidate their position at national level, consistent with a broader tendency towards ‘stratarchy’ in multi-level parties. Although the distinction between densely and loosely structured parties remains relevant, a common trend towards ‘cartelisation’ at sub-national levels is noted as political parties prioritise the control of state resources and the governing legitimacy this entails. This article contributes to our broader understanding of the multi-level dynamics of party politics in Europe, as well as the unintended consequences of experimenting with an untested hybrid model of ‘directly elected Prime Minister’ in the Italian regions.
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Osipian, Ararat L., and Alexandr L. Osipian. "Regional Diversity and Divided Memories in Ukraine." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 3 (July 20, 2012): 616–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412447642.
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There appears to be a virtual absence of any serious distinctions in the programs and rhetoric of the three leading political parties in Ukraine: The Party of Regions, Bloc of Yulia Timoshenko, and Our Ukraine. Each party is in support of the market economy, democracy, human rights, and joining the European Union. The major distinction between these parties is in the way they see the country’s past. Such an intensive use of the past reflects the absence of differences in the way they see the future. This article is dedicated to the analysis of how the past has been used in Ukrainian politics during the period of active political and regional confrontation in 2004–2010. In particular, what specific historical stories and topics are in high demand in the political rhetoric and why, and how all of these factors may prevent the process of political consolidation of the nation. The article concludes that major political parties will most likely use the same regional stereotypes of viewing the past in mobilizing their electorate during the coming parliamentary elections of 2012. The technology of confronting the “two Ukraines” will be employed by the competing political camps once again.
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Pahlevi, Moch Edward Trias, Azka Abdi Amrurobbi, and Bambang Eka Cahya Widodo. "Discourse Analysis: Kinship Politics in the 2020 Regional Head Election." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.1.1.29-40.
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After the issuance of the Constitutional Court Decision No.33 / PUU-Xlll / 2015 as the cancellation of the ban on dynastic politics, a number of candidates from the incumbent's relatives advanced in the direct Pilkada and mushroomed up to the 2020 regional elections. The occurrence of kinship politics is not only seen in terms of regulation, but the rise of kinship politics is also due to problems in political parties in carrying out the political recruitment function. This study seeks to analyze the findings of the online media reported in Kompas and Tempo. This study uses qualitative methods and uses Nvivo 12 Plus in processing data. In this study, it is explained that the factors for the formation of dynastic politics from online media coverage of Kompas dominantly explains the recruitment of political parties which are less democratic, while Tempo online media dominantly explains that the supporting factors for the formation of kinship politics are party recruitment, family support, and weak legal rules. In addition, the impact of kinship politics from the analysis of Kompas online media reports is the creation of corrupt behaviour and damaging the bureaucratic order. Meanwhile, the impact of kinship politics from the analysis of Tempo online media is the decline in the quality of democracy and damage to the structure of the party. This type of research used in this research is qualitative research. The analysis used in this paper is descriptive analysis. Analysis was performed using the Nvivo 12 plus software.
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Shelemba, M. M. "Regional political parties in the context of the study of the process of nationalization (based on the results of the local elections in 2015)." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 1 (March 26, 2019): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171910.
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The article is devoted to the study of the characteristics and typology of regional political parties in Ukraine, the assessment of the connection of the nationalization of the party system of Ukraine, the deviance (non-typology) of electoral behavior of the regions with the development of regional parties in the state by the results of local elections in 2015.In the course of the study, the main scientific approaches to the characterization and typology of regional parties in Ukraine were considered. It has been established that scholars identify the following categories of regional political parties, namely: ideological parties, political parties-projects of prominent personalities, ethnic parties, administrative parties (pro-government political parties). It is proposed to expand existing typology by introducing such categories of regional parties as projects of local elites, regional parties oriented on pro-Russian politics in Ukraine, technical political parties, which are beginning active activities before the elections, helping to ensure passing to local bodies of self-government to certain persons. It was found that regional political parties, based on the results of the local elections in Ukraine in 2015, were two pro-Russian political forces, four parties that focused on supporting the interests of local elites and one ethnic party. It is noted that the support of regional political parties is low. This is confirmed by the results of the electoral vote at the national level. It was noted that against the backdrop of a high level of nationalization of the party system for the period of 2014–2015, calculated on three approaches (the nationalization index was calculated according to the approach of M. Johns and S. Meinwering, G. Holosov and author’s modified approach), these parties did not have significant influence on the electoral picture of the country. It is also determined that since the third author’s modified approach allows to take into account the results of elections to local self-government bodies, it is relevant for the study of regional parties. Therefore, its use is most optimal for similar analytical purposes.Among the factors that had the greatest influence on party nationalization over the period of 2014–2015 were the electoral system, the transformational factors in the socio-political space, the change in the form of government, decentralization (de-volition) associated with the reform of local self-government and the territorial organization of power in Ukraine Accordingly, it has been proved that the latter of these factors has become an important prerequisite for the emergence of new regional political parties at the local elections of 2015.
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Graham, B. D., and Kishalay Banerjee. "Regional Political Parties in India." Pacific Affairs 59, no. 1 (1986): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759037.
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Selin, Henrik. "Global Environmental Governance and Regional Centers." Global Environmental Politics 12, no. 3 (August 2012): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00121.
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As global environmental governance evolves, the parties to the 1989 Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and Their Disposal and to the 2001 Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants have established regional centers working on capacity building and technology transfer. This article empirically explores the following questions: Why did the parties to the Basel and Stockholm Conventions establish these regional centers? What roles do the regional centers play in treaty implementation and multilevel governance? The article argues that the parties have set up regional centers in response to three partially overlapping sets of developing- and industrialized-country interests: expanding regional cooperation (both developing and industrialized countries); attracting more resources for treaty implementation (mainly developing countries); and supporting implementation projects across smaller groups of countries (mainly industrialized countries). This article finds that the regional centers collectively operate in three broad areas important to treaty implementation: raising awareness, strengthening administrative ability, and diffusing scientific and technical assistance and information. However, the ability of the regional centers to function effectively depends on access to greater resources and stronger political support. There may also be benefits to expanding regional center mandates into areas of monitoring and compliance to improve multilevel governance. Furthermore, the regional level should be given more consideration in the study of global environmental politics.
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Budhy Prianto, Dwi Suharnoko, and Mardiyono. "The Recruitment Process of the Head of Local Government by Political Parties In Malang Raya Region." Journal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Pemerintahan 7, no. 2 (January 11, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37304/jispar.v7i2.968.
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Direct regional head elections are in the process of recruiting leaders in regions that can guarantee the representation of local people through a democratic process. In this process, theoretically and constitutionally political parties have important and strategic roles and functions. Unfortunately, the oligarchic practice that engulfed almost all political parties has internally and externally recognized the basic principles of democracy in the process of recruiting prospective leaders in the region. The democratic process is only procedural, not substantial. So far it is strongly suspected that the process of regional head elections is more colored by transactional politics. This paper aims first, to obtain an overview of the recruitment process of candidates by political parties in the regional head elections in the Malang Raya region. Second, to obtain a description that is the power of money not only in choosing candidates for the regional head, but also able to lull constituents and voters in determining the choice of regional heads. Third, to obtain an explanation of the impact of the transactional political process and the use of the power of money as well as the impact on the relationship between political parties and their constituents in the Malang Raya region.
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Rifki, M. Saidi, and Mujaeni. "President, Kinship Politics, and Election 2019, and Its Influence on Regional Head Elections 2020 in Surakarta." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.1.1.41-51.
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This research departs from the victory of President Joko Widodo's son and son-in-law in the 2020 Regional Head Election. Approximately 44% or 55 candidates of the 124 regional head candidates who have a kinship with the authorities are confirmed to win the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election and stroll as regional heads. For this reason, this study will explore the phenomenon of winning candidates exposed to kinship politics, especially with the president in the 2020 Regional Head Election. This research also analyzes some of the causes of nepotism in the democratic system that are still visible in the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election. To achieve this goal, the research uses descriptive research methods with a qualitative approach. The method was chosen because the 2020 simultaneous Regional Head Election were multidimensional. The results of the study found several factors that led to kinship politics still coloring the 2020 Regional Head Election, including the advancement of candidates who were exposed to kinship with the president. These factors, such as the popularity of family names, are deliberately carried out by politicians as a way of inheriting power and the weak democratization of political parties, such as recruiting candidates for the regional head. This also led to candidates exposed to kinship with the president in striding to win the Regional Head Election. This research concludes that kinship should be able to lead to moral behavior, not just a pursuit of power. Concerning kinship politics, it can be controlled through internal reforms of political parties as institutions that carry out the role of candidate recruitment.
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Wahman, Michael. "Nationalized incumbents and regional challengers." Party Politics 23, no. 3 (July 23, 2015): 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815596515.
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The African party literature, especially research prescribing to the long-dominant ethnic voting thesis, has asserted that African party systems exhibit low levels of party nationalization. However, systematic research on nationalization across parties and party systems is still lacking. This study argues that the prospects for building nationalized parties vary substantially between incumbent and opposition parties. Incumbent parties, with their access to state resources, have been successful in creating nationwide operations, even in countries where geographical factors have been unfavorable and where ethnic fractionalization is high. The analysis utilizes a new data set of disaggregated election results for 26 African countries to calculate nationalization scores for 77 parties and study the correlates of party nationalization. The results show that factors like ethnic fractionalization, the size of the geographical area, and urbanization affect party nationalization, but only in the case of opposition parties. Incumbent parties, on the other hand, generally remain nationalized despite unfavorable structural conditions.
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BRANCATI, DAWN. "The Origins and Strengths of Regional Parties." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 1 (December 7, 2007): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000070.
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Traditional explanations of the origins of regional parties as the products of regionally-based social cleavages cannot fully account for the variation in regional party strength both within and across countries. This unexplained variance can be explained, however, by looking at institutions, and in particular, political decentralization. This argument is tested with a statistical analysis of thirty-seven democracies around the world from 1945 to 2002. The analysis shows that political decentralization increases the strength of regional parties in national legislatures, independent of the strength of regional cleavages, as well as of various features of a country's political system, such as fiscal decentralization, presidentialism, electoral proportionality, cross-regional voting laws and the sequencing of executive and legislative elections.
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Mukti, Hagi Hutomo, and Rodiyah Rodiyah. "Dynasty Politics in Indonesia: Tradition or Democracy?" Journal of Law and Legal Reform 1, no. 3 (April 30, 2020): 531–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v1i3.38090.
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The presence of political dynasties that encompassed power struggles at regional to national levels resulted in the substance of democracy itself being difficult to realize. The flourishing of political dynasties - especially in the regions - is inseparable from the role of political parties and regulations on the elections. Oligarchy in the body of political parties causes the mechanism of candidacy and nomination to not run as it should. During this time, there is a tendency for candidates to be nominated by political parties based on the wishes of the party elite - not through democratic mechanisms that take into account the subjective abilities and integrity of candidates. In addition, at the same time, political dynasties continue to build a strong network of power so that they can maintain their power within the party body both at the regional and central levels so that political dynasties are able to dominate and kill democracy in political parties.
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Susanti, Martien Herna. "Dinasti Politik dalam Pilkada di Indonesia." Journal of Government and Civil Society 1, no. 2 (February 22, 2018): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/jgcs.v1i2.440.
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The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. In the year 2017 is the second half of a new round of regional head elections, after the first half in 2015. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.Keyword: Political Dynasties, Democracy, The Regional Head Elections
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Semenov, Andrei. "Electoral Performance and Mobilization of Opposition Parties in Russia." Russian Politics 5, no. 2 (June 16, 2020): 236–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00502005.
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Abstract This paper documents the patterns of opposition parties’ engagement with street politics in Russia. It claims that in the electoral authoritarian regimes like Russia under Vladimir Putin, public protests remain a viable instrument for reaching out to the constituencies and eliciting concessions from the regime. In addition, collective actions signal commitment and strength and help to overcome the media blockade usually imposed by the state. However, in order to be a successful player in contentious politics, parties have to develop organizational capacity. Using the data on more than 7000 protest events that took place in Russia in 2012–2015, I show that the regional party branches with higher electoral returns in federal and regional elections organize more protest events controlling for other possible determinants of mobilization. The Communist Party remains the major mobilizing force covering a large array of issues and demands. However, the loyal opposition—LDPR and Just Russia—and the liberal parties like Yabloko and People’s Freedom Party also consistently stage the public protests with their electoral performance on the regional level being associated with the level of their protest activity. Overall, the study shows that the organizational capacity of the opposition is necessary though insufficient condition for the parties to engage with street politics.
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Munshi, Arijit. "Identity Politics and Distribution of Power: A Contemporary Study of Coochbehar." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 5, no. 3 (January 10, 2017): 497. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v5.n3.p13.
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<p><em>Contemporary India has experienced several movements. Separate state movement(s) is one of them by a particular community, Rajbanshi. Generally this movement has started to get a specific identity of the community. From the late nineteenth century it was started by a leader called Panchanan Burma. Slowly this movement has mixed with Indian national politics. And now it has taken an important role in contemporary parliamentary vote politics. To ensure the political stand the upper strata of leaders of Rajbanshi separate state movement have sketched their parties (political and non-political) in the northern districts of West Bengal and adjacent part of Assam. There are many political parties and associations within ‘the movement’. These parties and associations are – Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA), Greater Coochbehar Peoples Association (GCPA, it is a political party), Kamtapur Peoples Party (KPP), Kamtapur Progressive Party (KPP) and Greater Coochbehar Democratic Party (GCDP). </em></p><em> The present paper wishes to explore the facts of contemporary identity politics of Rajbanshis in Coochbehar and also highlights the distribution of power within the political and non-political parties or association in the region. Data has been collected from ten villages selected from the Coochbehar district during 2010 to 2016. Secondary data was also used. Section I deals with regional identity and power. Section II deals with political parties or associations and their structural formation which helps them to establish this regional identity in recent times. Section III deals with politics of forum and also highlights the fact of distribution of power within the northern districts of west Bengal.</em>
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Pink, Michal, and Otto Eibl. "The 2016 Czech regional elections: Without real regional parties or voters’ interest." Regional & Federal Studies 28, no. 3 (March 16, 2018): 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2018.1450746.
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Sridharan, Eswaran. "Drift and Confusion Reign in Indian Politics." Current History 112, no. 753 (April 1, 2013): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2013.112.753.123.
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[T]he prospect of India without a stable governing coalition—whether established by the Congress Party, by the BJP, or by regional parties supported by either the Congress or the BJP—is not beyond the realm of possibility.
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Zalyaev, Rustem. "On the Issue of Regional Political Parties in Russia." Russian Politics 4, no. 2 (June 14, 2019): 268–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00402006.
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The article deals with issues relating to the establishment of regional political parties in Russia. We assess the requirements imposed by the Political Parties Act (Federal Law 95-FZ of 11 July 2001) on the number of regional branches of a political party and analyze whether those requirements, which set an indirect ban on the creation and the activities of regional political parties, comply with the right of individuals to freedom of association. One of the conclusions made in the article is that the legislative restriction on the right to freedom of association introduced by the Political Parties Act as an indirect ban on the creation and the activities of regional political parties in Russia is excessive, it is disproportionate to the objective sought to be achieved by the measure in question and hinders the exercise of the right to freedom of association at the regional territorial level.
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Ziemer, Klaus. "Has the AfD changed German politics." Politologia 2 (November 28, 2020): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/p.7285.
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The entry of the AfD to the Bundestag marks a new stage in German politics. This article traces the origins of this right-wing populist party against the background of extreme rightwing parties in post-war Germany. It analyses the main precepts of the party’s programme and its activity in parliaments on the regional (Länder) level. A look at where AfD-voters are coming from reveals a long-term trend of a weakening alignment between voters and parties and a growing fragmentation of the German party system.
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Kyriacou, A. P., and N. Morral-Palacin. "Regional Inequalities and the Electoral Success of Regional Parties: Evidence from the OECD." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 45, no. 1 (February 20, 2014): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pju007.
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Boone, Catherine, and Leonard Wantchekon. "Africa Project Workshop Leader Reports." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (October 2008): 946. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508221311.
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The APSA Africa Initiative brought diverse group of about 25 scholars to Dakar to discuss research on political participation. Our working language was French. All participants were interested in some aspect of party politics or political participation. The conference-length research papers or research proposals that participants worked on over the course of our three-week workshop centered on questions about the weakness of opposition parties in some countries, the improbable strength of the opposition in others, regional patterns of party mobilization and voting, the role of traditional authorities in voter mobilization, the role of teacher and student unions in politics, political mobilization outside the party system (as inmotions de soutienfor ruling parties), the role of the press in shaping political preferences, women's movements and party politics, civil society and election monitoring, historical legacies that shape political culture, and the possible impact of ethnic identity on regional patterns of political behavior. There was plenty to talk about. The participants appreciated the four-tome reading packet of articles and book chapters that we prepared for the workshop and used as the launching point of our seminar and break-out group discussions.
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Aqiel, Muhammad, and Ananda Putri Sujatmiko. "Neopatrimonialism in the 2020 Regional Head Elections in the Power Cube Perspective." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.1.1.65-78.
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The number of candidates who have a kinship with political and/or government entities in the 2020 Pilkada in Indonesia has shot up compared to the previous period, namely originally 59 candidates (2005-2014 period), 86 candidates (2015-2018 period), now 124 candidates (2020-2024 period). The research aims to identify the most dominating dimensions of power in kinship politics by using the power cube theory. In summary, the power cube theory analyzes the interaction of power in 3 (three) dimensions, namely levels, spaces, and forms. The method used is a quantitative method with analytical hierarchy process techniques to determine the criteria for the highest kinship politics and to determine the regions with the highest kinship political relations based on the criteria. Researchers identified the potential impact of kinship politics practice using descriptive qualitative research methods. The results of the study found a visible dimension in the power cube theory, namely that poor regeneration of political parties dominates the causes of kinship politics (73% of the criteria weighted results). The regions with the highest kinship politics based on the criteria for weak party regeneration were South Sulawesi (60.3%), followed by Sumatra (24.88%) and Java (10.07%). There are 5 (five) potential impacts of the practice of kinship politics, namely versatile coalitions, policies originating from elite compromise, marginalized crucial public issues, the birth of regulations that accommodate the interests of actors outside of government, and the declining performance of the bureaucracy in bridging the needs of the people.
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Paskarina, Caroline, Rina Hermawati, and Nuraeni Suparman. "Incumbency Advantage as a Basis of Party Coalition in Regional Heads Candidate Selection." MIMBAR : Jurnal Sosial dan Pembangunan 35, no. 1 (June 24, 2019): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.29313/mimbar.v35i1.4129.
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Studies on the incumbency advantage have proven that incumbents remain strong candidates in the elections. However, these studies focused more on the incumbent figures as the main capital in winning votes. This article analyzes the incumbency advantage from different perspective as the basis for the formation of parties coalitions in local elections. Using a qualitative method, this article compares three regions in West Java, namely City of Cimahi, City of Tasikmalaya, and Regency of Bekasi to show how incumbent use their advantages in influencing the dynamics of candidate selection within political parties, especially in determining who will become their vice mayor/regent and mobilization strategies during the campaign period. Data is collected through in-depth interview with parties’ elites who were involved in candidate selection. Although not all incumbents in the three regions won, but the results of this research proved the dominance of incumbent in the formation of party coalitions due to their structural position in the party and their access to public resources. This finding confirms the importance of criticizing the practice of transactional politics in selecting the candidates in a figure-based political era.
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Acora, Muhammad Iksan, Galang Asmara, and Kaharuddin Kaharuddin. "Position of Notary as Party Manager and Its Implications Viewed in a Legal Perspective." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 720. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i2.764.
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The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the legal position of the notary as party manager and to study and analyze the implications in terms of legal perspective. The type of research used is Normative Law research, which is a study that primarily examines positive legal provisions, legal principles, legal principles and legal doctrine to answer the legal issues at hand.The results of the research show that legislative members (leave notaries) can easily direct regional companies, regional government organizations (OPDs) and regional financial institutions to become partners in their successor’s notary office. The dual prohibition on the position of Notary as a State official also aims to prevent conflict of interest and that the Notary remains independent and neutral, which if we analyze the implication is the internal organization of the Indonesian Notary Association (INI) if the Notary is active in party management Politics, Notaries who hold concurrent positions as active members in Political Parties can use the power of their Political Parties as an effort to launch privacy interests that benefit themselves and groups of Political Parties which clearly have political power. In its capacity as an organizer of the Regional Government, the Legislative Member can interpret the deed clause made by a substitute Notary. The legal consequences of the deed made by a Notary who concurrently serves as a state official, namely the deed made will lose its authenticity, and the deed only has the power as a deed made under the hand when signed by the parties concerned.
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Filippova, E. "Factors of Coalitional Governments Formation Between Regionalist and Nationwide Political Parties in Regions of Spain." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-71-79.
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Received 09.09.2020. The paper focuses on one of the most significant arenas of multi-level politics – the interaction between regionalist and state-wide parties in the creation and functioning of government coalitions at the regional level. The research is aimed at determining the factors influencing the creation of such coalitions in which regionalist parties act as coalition partners with a specific agenda. Spain provides significant empirical material for research on this issue, where regionalist parties function in most regions, and state-wide parties often enter government coalitions with them at the level of autonomous communities. A comparative analysis of the practices of concluding coalition agreements between statewide and regionalist political parties in the regions of Spain during the democratic period is a key research method. The theoretical part of the article provides an overview of the theories of party coalitions accumulated by Political Science since the 1950s and updated by researchers due to actualization of new circumstances in the context of multilevel politics. The empirical part of the article examines the influence of three categories of factors on the construction of coalition deals between regionalist and state-wide political parties in the Spanish autonomous communities, including: the size of the coalition, the ideological inter-party distance (comprising the regionalist-ideological dimension) and correspondence of the alignments of party forces at the regional and national levels. The research demonstrates that the factor of coalition size is fundamental for transactions between regionalist and state-wide political parties, while the other two categories of factors manifest themselves situationally. Acknowledgements. The research was carried out at the expense of a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project No. 19-18-00053 " Subnational regionalism and dynamics of multilevel politics (Russian and European practices)") at the Perm Federal Research Center of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
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Morrison, Minion K. C., and Jae Woo Hong. "Ghana's political parties: how ethno/regional variations sustain the national two-party system." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 623–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06002114.
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This paper analyses Ghanaian electoral geography and its accompanying political party variations over the last decade. After re-democratisation in the early 1990s, the Fourth Republic of Ghana has successfully completed multiple elections and party alternation. Due to its single-member-district-plurality electoral system, the country has functioned virtually as a two-party system, privileging its two major parties – the NDC and the NPP. However, close examination of election results in the last parliamentary and presidential elections reveals that notwithstanding the two-party tendency, there is a dynamic and multilayered aspect of electoral participation in Ghanaian politics. Ethnic-based regional cleavages show much more complex varieties of electoral support for the two major parties, especially in light of fragmentation and concentration. Electoral support in the ten regions varies from strong one-party-like to almost three-party systems. Yet this lower, regional level tendency is not invariable. Regional party strengths have shifted from election to election, and it was just such shifts that made the party alternation possible in 2000. Employing traditional and newly designed indicators, this paper illustrates the patterns of electoral cleavage and regional party organisation, and how these ultimately sustain the party system at the national level in Ghana.
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LAM, Peng Er. "Japan's Politics: Under the Shadow of the Triple Disasters." East Asian Policy 04, no. 01 (January 2012): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000074.
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Contributory factors to Japan's poor economic performance in 2011 included the March triple disasters, the eurozone financial crisis and the yen's appreciation. The rise of 52-year-old Noda Yoshihiko as Prime Minister signals the changing of the guard in Japan. A consequence of voter discontent with the two major national parties (the Democratic Party of Japan and Liberal Democratic Party) is the rise of regional parties possibly leading to a major political realignment in Japan.
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van Houten, Pieter. "Multi-Level Relations in Political Parties." Party Politics 15, no. 2 (March 2009): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099978.
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Most political parties operate on several territorial levels, but we have only limited theoretical understanding of multi-level party dynamics. This article presents a delegation framework for studying the interaction between the national leadership and regional branches in state-wide parties. Assuming a principal—agent relationship, the national leadership can obtain benefits from delegating tasks to a regional branch, but also faces possible costs in doing this. The rules and conventions regulating the multi-level interaction in parties are possible mechanisms by which to control the actions and policies of regional branches. These include formal party rules, informal party procedures and conventions, and state laws affecting party organizations. The framework provides an agenda and hypotheses for empirical research, research that should focus on crisis situations in parties, on what regional branches cannot do (instead of just documenting the activities of branches), and on the role of parties in shaping state laws and regulations.
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Prianto, Budhy, Dwi Suharnoko, and Mardiyono. "Political Parties and the Recruitment Process of Local Government Heads in Malang Raya." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 4 (November 26, 2018): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i4.13966.
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Direct elections for the head of local government were a process of recruiting leaders in regions that can guarantee the representation of local people through a democratic process. In this process, theoretically and constitutionally political parties have important and strategic roles and functions. Unfortunately, the oligarchic practice that engulfed almost all political parties has internally and externally recognized the basic principles of democracy in the process of recruiting prospective leaders in the region. The democratic process is only procedural, not substantial. So far it is strongly suspected that the process of regional head elections is more colored by transactional politics. This paper aims first, to obtain an overview of the recruitment process for the local head government candidates by political parties in Malang Raya region. Second, to describe the power of money in choosing candidates by the parties and the voters. Third, to explain the transactional political impact on the performance of elected candidates. Methods were using descriptive analysis with qualitative approach and become parts of investigational report. Data were collected from interview and documentation. The results were consist of three aspects: first, at the stage of nomination of candidates for local head of government internally in political parties there was a tendency for friction between central and local political party leaders. In turn, this friction brought the failure of their candidate in the local election. Second, even though there were allegations of transactional politics between candidates for regional heads and political parties carrying them or between political parties, the allegations were not supported by concrete data. Third, the selection process for the head of local governments in the Malang Raya area tends to be less consistent with the performance of the government, especially those relating to PAD, IKF, and HDI.
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Toubeau, Simon, and Markus Wagner. "Explaining Party Positions on Decentralization." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 1 (August 28, 2013): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000239.
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Debates about decentralization raise cultural questions of identity and economic questions of redistribution and efficiency. Therefore the preferences of statewide parties regarding decentralization are related to their positions on the economic and cultural ideological dimensions. A statistical analysis using data from thirty-one countries confirms this: parties on the economic right are more supportive of decentralization than parties on the economic left, while culturally liberal parties favour decentralization more than culturally conservative parties. However, country context – specifically the degree of regional self-rule, the extent of regional economic disparity and the ideology of regionalist parties – determines whether and how decentralization is linked to the two dimensions. These findings have implications for our understanding of the politics of decentralization by showing how ideology, rooted in a specific country context, shapes the ‘mindset’ of agents responsible for determining the territorial distribution of power.
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Mukhametov, Ruslan. "Collective portrait of the leaders of regional branches of parliamentary political parties (on the example of the subjects of the Ural Federal District)." Socium i vlast 6 (2020): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2020-6-17-28.
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Introduction. In the political science literature, there are several main approaches that explain the weakness of the political parties’ institution in Russia. These concepts point to reasons that are outside political parties. This study attempts to link the low status of political parties in Russia with the quality of party top management, in particular, with the parties’ regional leaders (United Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and A Just Russia). The purpose of the study is to create a collective portrait of the heads of regional branches of parliamentary political parties. Methods. The identification of elites in this work is carried out within the framework of the positional approach. The main method for collecting and analyzing data is the biographical approach. Scientific novelty. An additional explanatory model of the weakness of political parties’ institution in Russia is proposed - the quality of party leadership. The factors influencing the internal party processes are considered. Results. A comparative analysis of the social and professional characteristics of the leaders of the parties’ regional branches, as well as their career trajectories is carried out. The average statistical portrait of the regional leaders of parliamentary parties is revealed. Conclusions. The head of the party’s regional branch is a middle-aged man with a higher technical education who has not served in the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and is a native of the deputy corps or the business community.
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Abqa, Muhammad Ardhi Razaq. "Partai Politik Dan Moderasi Beragama Sebagai Pilar Demokrasi di Indonesia." RESIPROKAL: Jurnal Riset Sosiologi Progresif Aktual 2, no. 1 (September 14, 2020): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/resiprokal.v2i1.27.
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Indonesia is a large nation with a diversity and a lot of its society. In a multicultural society, there is a potential conflict among the nation's children who are at risk of splitting unity and unity. This kind of reality is often found in various democratic contestations in the election of regional chiefs (elections). Religious moderation becomes very important when in a process of democracies emerging identity politics which of course risk injuring democratic values. The purpose of this research is to discuss the effectiveness of religious moderation in realizing the democratic elections (regional election) and the function of political political parties in religious moderation as a pillar of democracy in Indonesia. The method used is research libraries. The conclusion of this research is the first, religious moderation is effective in establishing democratic elections, both political parties serve as a mobilizer for religious moderation to create a dignified and lasting democracy
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Lyubarev, Arkadiy. "THE STUDY OF COMBINED ELECTIONS: REGIONAL AND MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS IN 2020." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 2 (2021): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-2-96-109.
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The paper analyzes the results of voting at the regional and municipal elections held simultaneously on September 13, 2020 on party lists in the cities of Syktyvkar and Vorkuta of the Komi Republic, the city of Kaluga of the Kaluga Region and in 12 districts of the Novosibirsk Region. The correlation and regression analysis methods are used to study the relationship between the results of political parties that participated only in regional elections and the difference in the results of other parties in municipal and regional elections. The reasons for the choice difference in regional and municipal elections are discussed: varying set of parties in the two ballots, arrangement of parties in the ballots, and attitude of voters to the candidates included in the lists of the same party in regional and municipal elections. It is shown that in different regions and even in different districts of the same region, the losses of the main parties are associated with voting for various small parties. The place of new parties ("New People", "For Truth", "Green Alternative", "Party of Direct Democracy") in the political spectrum of Russia is also discussed. The conclusion is made about the importance of the study of combined elections for political science.
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Sasikumar, Karthika, and Gilles Verniers. "The India-U.S. Nuclear Cooperation Agreement." Asian Survey 53, no. 4 (July 2013): 679–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.4.679.
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The U.S.-India civil nuclear energy agreement triggered a contentious debate in India from 2005 to 2008. Regional political actors played crucial and unanticipated roles in the debate. We present explanations for the positions adopted by the main actors and the level of contention. We find that parties’ positions were driven not by ideology but by the compulsions of coalition politics.
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Bridgmon, Shannon L. "Intraparty and Interparty Variations of Issue Salience in Southern Parties." American Review of Politics 31 (November 1, 2010): 245–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2010.31.0.245-275.
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Political parties have many purposes, but their primary goal is to capture elected office (Aldrich 1995). They also serve as quasi-public organizations that mobilize the electorate and organize political debate. Previous research (Budge and Farlie 1977, 1983; Petrocik 1981, 1996) suggests that parties will emphasize issues that provide them an electoral or policy advantage. However, little exists to determine if this pattern extends to state and regional politics. This study measures the levels of importance southern political parties attach to various issues, as expressed through each state party’s platform. State party platforms of southern states in effect during 2009 will serve as the data for this study. After determining levels of issue salience variations among and within southern states, this study confirms that parties emphasize issues to maximize electoral prospects.
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Banaszewska, Monika, and Ivo Bischoff. "The Political Economy of EU-funds: Evidence from Poland." Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik 237, no. 3 (September 26, 2017): 191–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbnst-2017-1105.
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Abstract We provide an empirical study analysing the distribution of EU funds among 2478 Polish municipalities in the period 2007–2011. EU funds are found to be concentrated in smaller municipalities and economically weak sub-regions, and do not increase in the municipalities’ fiscal capacity. Our primary focus rests on the question whether regional governments follow their own political self-interest when allocating EU funds even though national parties only play a minor role in Polish local politics and thus the conventional logic of supporting aligned governments does not apply. Difference-in-difference estimations show that the answer is affirmative: Municipalities whose voters are aligned with the regional government receive more EU funds per capita than non-aligned municipalities. Furthermore, we find support for the swing-district hypothesis: EU funds per capita decrease in the vote-share differential between the two leading parties.
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Vorona, Petro, and S. A. Solovey. "Regional features of local elections in 2020: Poltava region." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Public Administration 13, no. 1 (2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2616-9193.2021/13-1/9.
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The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.
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Zimina, N. "ANALYSIS OF THE MODERN POLITICAL PARTIES’ FUNCTIONALITY IN RUSSIA." Transbaikal State University Journal 27, no. 1 (2021): 52–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2021-27-1-52-56.
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Modern political parties and their regional branches become an integral part of the political system of society, an important participant in public administration. They have their own organizational and legal basis, have their own charter, program, leaders, their own goals and objectives, and perform certain functions. One of the goals of any political party is to participate in the political life of society, in solving its issues. One of the party’s tasks is to participate in public administration, as a means of representing the interests of the population during elections at various levels and in the inter-election period. Political parties are a political institution and represent the ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resources of any government. The analysis of the political parties’ functionality shows how dynamic they are and how they follow their statutory goals and objectives. In this context, the research interest is the political parties’ functionality in the regional political process in the light of the changing legal field. The adopted amendments to the federal legislation on elections and on political parties have radically changed a number of conditions governing the procedure for the establishment and functioning of political parties and their regional branches in the regional dimension. The amendments made to the federal law “On Political Parties” have changed the conditions for the creation and operation of political parties, in particular, the minimum number of members of a political party when it is created has been reduced to 500 members; the approaches to voting have been changed. These changes correspond to the state of the modern political process and are aimed at the development of political institutions, including political parties
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Nyamnjoh, Francis, and Michael Rowlands. "Elite associations and the politics of belonging in Cameroon." Africa 68, no. 3 (July 1998): 320–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161252.
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The development of elite associations has been a consequence of the growth of multi-partyism and the weakening of authoritarian state control in Cameroon in the 1990s. The attachment of electoral votes and rights of citizenship to belonging to ethnicised regions has encouraged the formal distinction between ‘natives’ and ‘strangers’ in the creation of a politics of belonging. The article argues that this development has also led to the replacement of political parties at the local level by ethnicised elite associations as prime movers in regional and national politics.
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Zimina, N. "THE ROLE OF REGIONAL BRANCHES OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN THE TRANSBAIKAL REGION." Transbaikal State University Journal 26, no. 10 (2020): 46–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2020-26-10-46-50.
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Modern political parties and their regional branches have become an integral part of the political system of society, an important participant in public administration. They have their own organizational and legal basis, are registered as a non-profit organization, have their own Charter, program, leaders, and own goals and objectives. One of the tasks of any political party is to participate in managing the life of society, in solving its issues. One of the party’s tasks is to participate in public administration by representing the interests of the population of the regions during elections at various levels and during the inter-election period. Political parties are a political institution and represent an ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resource of any government. Regional branches of political parties in the current political situation fully represent the needs of the regions and represent them in the elections. They reflect regional interests, as well as the degree of democracy of regional authorities
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Alfarisi, Habib. "ANALISIS KERJASAMA PEMERINTAHAN REGIONAL DIY DAN KYOTO: SEKARANG DAN MASA MENDATANG." Publicio: Jurnal Ilmiah Politik, Kebijakan dan Sosial 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.51747/publicio.v3i1.623.
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Paradiplomacy is a diplomatic relationship carried out by non-state actors. Paradiplomacy is one part of international relations in the modern era, and that international relations in the present era is not state-centric or centered only on the state, but also on non-state actors such as individuals or even local governments. The cooperation between Kyoto Prefecture and the government of the Special Region of Yogyakarta is one form of paradiplomacy, which is called the Sister City. Sister Province itself is a collaboration either engaged in politics or economics or both carried out between two regional governments that have the same problems and views and the cooperation carried out is aimed at solving problems that exist between the two cities. The cooperation between the Special Region of Yogyakarta and Kyoto is one of the Sister Province collaborations which is said to be quite productive and produces many things that benefit both parties. In this paper, the author will try to explain the cooperation carried out by the two parties in detail and explain the past and future that can be done by both parties involved in the cooperation. The author uses data from 2015-2020. The author assumes that the Sister City cooperation between DIY and Kyoto produces many productive things. The author uses a descriptive-analytic method.
Keywords : Sister Province, Yogyakarta, Kyoto, Paradiplomacy, Transnational
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Katchanovski, Ivan. "Regional Political Divisions in Ukraine in 1991–2006." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 5 (November 2006): 507–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600952939.
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This article examines determinants of persistent regional political cleavages in post-Communist Ukraine. The question is how significant the role of culture is compared to ethnic, economic, and religious factors in the regional divisions. This study employs correlation, factor, and regression analyses of regional support for the Communist/pro-Russian parties and presidential candidates and pro-nationalist/pro-independence parties and candidates in all national elections held from 1991 to 2006, the vote for the preservation of the Soviet Union in the March 1991 referendum, and the vote for the independence of Ukraine in the December 1991 referendum. This study shows that the pattern of these regional differences remained relatively stable from 1991 to 2006. Historical experience has a major effect on regional electoral behavior in post-Communist Ukraine. The legacy of Austro-Hungarian, Polish, Romanian, and Czechoslovak rule is positively associated with the pro-nationalist and pro-independence vote; the same historical legacy has a negative effect on support for pro-Communist and pro-Russian parties and presidential candidates and on the vote for the preservation of the Soviet Union.
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Arfan, Arfan, Sinta Rahmatil Fadhilah, and Siti Aminah. "Failed Kinship Politics: Three Cases of the 2020 Regional-Head Election in Jambi." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.1.1.15-27.
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The 2020 Regional Head Election continued to show the presence of Kinship Politics at the regional level, including in Jambi. The incumbents encouraged their family members to run as candidates in the election for Governor and Deputy Governor of Jambi, Regent of Batang Hari, and Mayor of Sungai Penuh. Surprisingly, Kinship politics failed to win in all three locations. This study aimed to analyze the failure of Kinship politics in the 2020 Regional Head Election in Jambi (namely Yuninta Asmara-Muhammad Mahdan in Batang Hari Regency, Cek Endra-Ratu Munawaroh in the election for the Governor of Jambi, and Fikar Azami-Yos Andrino in the election for Mayor of Sungai Penuh) through an independent observation from November 2020 to January 2021, as well as documentation of data and news related to the 2020 Regional Head Election in Jambi. The failure of the three candidate pairs was due to: first, the lack of public trust in the incumbent's family; second, the lack of campaign fund contributions; third, lack of promotions for the candidate pairs on social media; fourth, the lack of political communication between candidates, political parties, and constituents, while the alternative candidates optimally, effectively and efficiently managed the campaign team, campaign logistics, and their constituents; five, the alternative candidates' track records showed better credibility and capability; and six, better electability and acceptability of the alternative candidates. This study concluded that Jambi could be an example of minimizing the dominance of Kinship politics by using an alternative candidate who has a solid team, good online campaign management, and effective logistics management. Jambi can be a barometer of the rise of real democracy.
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Gimpel, James G., and Jason E. Schuknecht. "Reconsidering Political Regionalism in the American States." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 2, no. 4 (December 2002): 325–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000200200401.
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Political scientists, historians, pundits, and campaign managers have often sought to understand electoral politics by examining intrastate political geography. But what practical or theoretical contribution can political geography make when we have the powerful tool of survey research? We use a geographic statistic to identify regional nodes in four states, for the 1928–36 and 1988–2000 presidential elections. By weighting county-level election returns for their contribution to the total statewide vote for each party, we find that traditional regional characterizations of these states' politics are altered dramatically. We find that the parties typically compete on the same turf, making clear sectional distinctions harder to draw. Furthermore, over time within three of these four states, the Democratic vote has become more geographically concentrated, while the Republican vote has become more geographically dispersed. These findings have implications for the organization of statewide governing coalitions, the cost of party mobilization efforts, and the study of candidate emergence and success.
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Habibie, Dedi Kusuma, Herdin Arie Saputra, Sanny Nofrima, and Dafrin Muksin. "Reexamining the Democratic Party in the Implementation of Indonesia’s General Elections." Journal of Local Government Issues 4, no. 1 (August 23, 2021): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/logos.v4i1.14853.
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Direct elections (Pilkada) are part of democracy; it shows a clear orientation, where the positioning and interests of the people are at the highest level in politics so far. This study aims to analyze some of the main problems in the implementation of regional elections in Indonesia. This type of research used in this research is qualitative research. Analyzes were performed using the Nvivo 12 plus software. In data collection, this research was conducted through literature studies or focused on secondary data in journals and well-known online media news. The result of this research is that the direct regional election cannot be separated from various problems, such as the size of political capital, the weak role of political parties, the existence of interests, oligarchs, political dynasties, money politics, and intimidation of state civil servants (ASN). Pilkada immediately seemed to be dominated by elite groups with established modalities not to provide public space to participate
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Kathman, Jacob D. "Civil War Diffusion and Regional Motivations for Intervention." Journal of Conflict Resolution 55, no. 6 (July 7, 2011): 847–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711408009.
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Third-party states consider the regional destabilization consequences of civil wars when deciding to intervene. However, previous work implicitly assumes that potential interveners base their intervention decisions solely on their links to the civil war country. This approach is unlikely to reflect the regional concerns of interested parties. When a civil war is increasingly likely to infect its surrounding region, potential interveners with strong interests in those states neighboring the conflict will be more likely to intervene to contain the violence. Thus, relationships outside the civil war state—intervener dyad are causally associated with intervention. To test these arguments, the author accounts for the contagious properties of civil wars and the regional interests of third parties, constructing dynamic measures to represent the contagion threat posed to third party regional interests. Analyses of these measures support the argument that third parties are increasingly likely to intervene as the risk of diffusion increasingly threatens their regional interests.