Academic literature on the topic 'Regular Baptists'

Baptist is one of the denominations and mission agencies that have been doing mission work in Ojo Island for several decades now. However, the mission work in Ojo Island is not without challenges such as poverty, cultural affiliation and idolatry, but this study focuses on religious syncretism. Therefore, the study investigated factors responsible for religious syncretism in Ojo Island, Lagos State, Nigeria with a view to identify ways of strengthening the Baptist mission work. The framework for the study was premised on theology of mission, which underscores that mission found its basis in God’s love and redemptive plan through Jesus. Descriptive survey design was adopted while questionnaires were administered to two hundred and twenty-three (223) members of the selected Baptist churches using the purposive random sampling method. The data generated was analysed through frequency count, bar chart and pie chart. Factors responsible for religious syncretism on the Baptist mission in Ojo Island include: assumption that all religious traditions are relative and complimentary, community background and economic life, seeking for rescue in a time of crisis and insecurity, family ties and brotherhood relationship. All these constitute a serious challenge and setback for the Baptist mission efforts in Ojo Island. The study recommends contextual biblical preaching, discipleship, power evangelism, and social actions such as regular medical mission and vocational training as means of strengthen the Baptist mission work in Ojo Island.

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Having as a snippet the Vale do Cariri from 1930 to 1950 this research focuses on the contribution to the Regular Baptist Church insertion in Brazil. The reference to Vale do Cariri is necessary in order to capture the context and the social relation on Brazilian ground at the arrival of the regular baptist missionary at the place. The baptist insertion in the brazilian ground was most specifically in Juazeiro do Norte what, in a certain way, was most easily made by the northeast religiosity through long years. It was focused on the customs, beliefs, pains and fears, dreams of people from that region as a starting point to identify their actions and reactions to the new religiosity offered by the regular baptists. The intention was to show that the open door left by the Priest Cícero as much as some postures of the baptist missionary were the fundamental points to the insertion and institutionalization of regular baptists in the brazilian northeast.
Tendo como recorte o Vale do Cariri nos anos de 1930 a 1950, esta pesquisa visa contribuir para a história da inserção da Igreja Batista Regular no Brasil. A referência ao Vale do Cariri é necessária para captar o contexto e as relações sociais vigentes na chegada do missionário batista regular ao local. A inserção batista regular em solo brasileiro, mais especificamente em Juazeiro do Norte, de certa forma, se deu em terreno já preparado com a religiosidade nordestina construída num longo período. Tentamos observar os costumes, as crenças, as dores, os medos e os sonhos do carirense, como ponto de partida para identificarmos suas ações e reações à nova religiosidade oferecida pelos batistas regulares. Intentamos mostrar que o espaço deixado por Pe. Cícero e certa semelhança entre algumas posturas do missionário batista com aquelas do padre carismático foram pontos fundamentais para inserção e posterior institucionalização dos batistas regulares no nordeste brasileiro.

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Taking the Regular Baptist Churches of Rio Grande do Norte as the research field, this paper seeks to contribute to a new, more appropriate vision of the new picture of the religiosity of the Brazilian Protestantism. Established since 1938, the Regular Baptists Churches have been representing and producing their speech through their 58 churches spread throughout the state, besides a Theological School, two camps, an association (AIBRERN) and a House of Spiritual Assistance to Drug Dependents (CAEDD). A reflection of the symbolic substratum of the spirituality of the group agrees with the external description of its presence in RN. We understand that the Regular Baptists represent yet one more translation of a modern religious speech and that their focus is on the inheritance of a Christian fundamentalism based on the illuminist rationalism. In this way, we observed this group trying to find in its doctrines, practices and rules of conduct a demonstration that the spirit of the post-modernism challenges the group to new dynamics in the conservative model of its spirituality
Tomando como campo de pesquisa as Igrejas Batistas Regulares do Norte, o trabalho procura contribuir para uma nova vis?o mais acurada do quadro da religiosidade protestante brasileira. Instaladas desde 1938, as Igrejas Batistas Regulares t?m representado e produz seu discurso atrav?s de suas 58 igrejas espalhadas pelo estado, al?m de contar com uma E0scola Teol?gica, dois Acampamentos, uma Associa??o (AIBRERN) e uma Casa de Assist?ncia Espiritual aos Dependentes de Drogas (CAEDD). Uma reflex?o sobre o substrato simb?lico da espiritualidade do grupo acompanha a descri??o externa de sua presen?a no RN. Entendemos que os Batistas Regulares representam mais uma tradu??o de um discurso religioso da modernidade e que seu enfoque ? a heran?a de um fundamento crist?o pautado pelo racionalismo iluminista. Assim, observamos esse agrupamento procurando encontrar em suas doutrinas, pr?ticas e regras de condutas, uma demonstra??o de que o esp?rito da p?s-modernidade desafia o grupo a uma nova din?mica no modelo conservador de sua espiritualidade

ABSTRACT ORDER AND ARDOR: THE REVIVAL SPIRITUALITY OF REGULAR BAPTIST OLIVER HART, 1723–1795 Eric Coleman Smith, Ph.D. The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2015 Chair: Dr. Michael A. G. Haykin This dissertation argues that Regular Baptist Oliver Hart shared the revival spirituality of the Great Awakening, and that revival played a greater role in Regular Baptist identity than is often suggested. Chapter 2 demonstrates that Hart’s life and ministry were profoundly shaped by the evangelical revival of the eighteenth century. He was converted in revival as a young man, promoted revival at the height of his ministry in Charleston, South Carolina, and longed for revival in his latter years in Hopewell, New Jersey. Chapter 3 examines Hart’s revival piety. The theology of the Christian life that undergirded his ministry was the evangelical Calvinism that united Christians from across denominational lines during the Great Awakening. Chapter 4 focuses on the most intense personal experience of revival in Hart’s ministry, an awakening among the youth of the Charleston Baptist Church in 1754. An analysis of Hart’s diary during this period proves that it belongs to the emerging genre of eighteenth century “revival narrative,” epitomized in Jonathan Edwards’s A Faithful Narrative. Chapter 5 shows that Hart’s spirituality was marked by the evangelical activism of the Great Awakening, as illustrated by his efforts in evangelism, gospel partnerships, education, and politics. Chapter 6 demonstrates that Hart and a number of other Regular Baptists shared in the evangelical catholicity of the revival. While Hart embraced the ecumenical impulse of the awakening to promote revival, he also maintained deep Baptist convictions.

The eighteenth century was an era of religious institution-building, and no figure was more important for the birth of Baptist denominationalism in the South than Oliver Hart. In 1751 Hart drew together the Particular Baptist churches of South Carolina to form the Charleston Association, the second Baptist association in America. Successfully transplanting ideas and models he had witnessed in the Philadelphia Association, Hart led the South’s Baptists to form a minister’s education fund, send missionaries to the western frontier, and formalize the doctrines and church practices that would define the Baptist South for the next 150 years.

The 1760s were a decade of significant institutional development for America’s Baptists, and Oliver Hart was a key figure in that advance. In the South, Hart led the Charleston Association to adopt the Charleston Confession as its doctrinal statement, setting a course for traditional Calvinism among white Southern Baptists for the next one hundred years or more. He also shaped the church government practices of Baptist churches, coauthoring the Summary of Church Discipline, which outlined the rigorous church order Baptists would become known for well into the nineteenth century. This chapter provides vivid examples of how this congregational government worked itself out in specific Baptist churches of the period. Beyond the South, Hart enthusiastically supported the Philadelphia Association project of founding Rhode Island College (later Brown University), an important signal that Baptists as a whole were becoming respectable in colonial American society. Finally, Hart’s frequent preaching excursions into the Carolina backcountry brought him into contact with the exploding Separate Baptist movement. Though they were far less sophisticated than his Charleston social circles, Hart found much to appreciate in the Separate Baptists and sought opportunities to unite them with his own Regular Baptist tribe.

The Particular Baptists of the Philadelphia Association benefited tremendously from the revivals of the Great Awakening, but at the same time felt their distinctively Baptist identity threatened by the interdenominational nature of the movement, its de-emphasis on local church accountability, and its loosening of restrictions on who could speak on behalf of God. This chapter explores how Hart and the Philadelphia Association navigated these tensions in the 1740s, and how in that context Hart experienced a “regular call” to ministry. In 1749 Hart agreed to relocate to Charleston, South Carolina, where the Baptists of the South were few, weak, and divided; he would spend the next thirty years transferring a combination of Philadelphia Association church order and Great Awakening revivalism to the Baptists of the South.

In 1754 Oliver Hart led a revival among the youth of the Charleston Baptist Church which mirrored the awakenings that had been taking place throughout the colonies since the 1730s. Hart kept a careful record of the revival in his personal diary after the pattern of George Whitefield’s Journals, documenting his own revivalist practices, such as preaching in private homes and counseling those who had fallen into sin. The 1754 Charleston revival involved a number of dramatic conversion experiences and exhibited some of the egalitarian tendencies of the Great Awakening, including Hart’s encouragement of public testimony and exhortation of a enslaved black woman to a group of white girls. This revival is also noteworthy for the conversion of Samuel Stillman, who would go on to become the influential pastor of the First Baptist Church of Boston at the time of the American Revolution. The 1754 Charleston revival shows Hart attempting to walk the line of discerning, moderate revivalism in the context of a dynamic awakening. It also demonstrates that a robust revivalism existed among the Regular Baptists of the South before the more famous Separate Baptists arrived in 1755.

Oliver Hart faced a crisis of decision when the Charleston Baptist Church extended an invitation for him to return as pastor there in 1783. Hart repeatedly equivocated in his correspondence with them, but ultimately blessed the appointment of his young friend Richard Furman to the post, thus sealing the union of Regular and Separate Baptists in the South. In Hopewell, Hart continued to lament the absence of revival in his apathetic congregation, as well as his own physical decline and old age. He found his greatest encouragement during these years in the “rising glory” of the young American republic, which he believed to be uniquely blessed by God. He celebrated the federal Constitution and urged his skeptical Baptist colleagues to support its ratification. This chapter also explores Hart’s change of perspective on the issue of slavery.

While most Baptists ultimately supported the American Revolution, many approached the conflict with a certain ambivalence, especially in New England and Virginia, where many of the Patriot leaders had actively suppressed their religious freedoms. Oliver Hart enthusiastically backed the cause of liberty from the beginning. At age fifty-two he accepted an assignment from the South Carolina Council of Safety to join the Patriot leader William Henry Drayton and the Presbyterian William Tennent III on a recruiting mission into the Tory-infested Carolina backcountry. While Hart found this to be rugged and distressing work, the mission was successful overall. Hart used the occasion of the new South Carolina state constitution to broker something of a merger between the formerly estranged Regular and Separate Baptists of the state, believing that they could gain greater concessions for religious freedom if they displayed a unified front to the state. When the British Army invaded Charleston in 1780, Hart’s conspicuous patriotism marked him for reparations from the Crown, and he fled northward in the company of Edmund Botsford. He would never return to the South.

Jane James performed her last baptism for the dead in the Salt Lake Temple in 1894. Health concerns began to arise more often as she aged, but she remained active and regularly attended women’s meetings and special events. Her daughter died in 1897, leaving only two of her children alive for the last decade of her life. James was one of few remaining Mormons who had known Joseph Smith personally, so the community valued her memories and gave her regular opportunities to talk about them. James obliged, partly because this allowed her to press her case for temple privileges. James was regularly referred to as “Aunt Jane,” a title that conveyed respect but also reinforced the racial hierarchy and kept her at arm’s length. James’s 1908 death was front-page news. Her funeral was well attended and included remarks by the LDS Church president.

O estudo foi desenvolvido em contexto regular de ensino com estudantes matriculados em turma de 2º Ano, Ciclo I, na EMEF Olga Benário. E apresenta como objetivo a descrição das ações pedagógicas desenvolvidas de forma colaborativa por duas docentes: uma lotada na sala regular (SR) e a outra em Sala de Recurso Multifuncional (SRM) para a inclusão de estudante com deficiência visual em contexto regular de ensino. Para tanto, a pesquisa dialoga com os autores Cappellini (2018), Feire (2022A, 2022B, 2022C, 2022D), Mosquera (2010), Pereira (2021), Nascimento (2020), Marco (2020), Baptista (ORG., 2019), Carvalho (2013), Pletsch (2014) e Rodrigues (ORG.,2016) para o embasamento de tal prática. A pesquisa também mostra o percurso metodológico adotado pelas professoras com vistas à inclusão de estudante cega em turma de 2ºAno, Ciclo I. Portanto, o estudo apresenta como resultados a efetiva inclusão de estudante cega em contexto regular de ensino bem como o sentimento de pertencimento à escola e o não estranhamento, por parte dos demais colegas de sala de aula, dos recursos utilizados por uma pessoa cega que, a propósito, garantem sua autonomia.

Pruitt, who regularly attended the First Methodist Church, photographed religious rituals including births, christenings, baptisms, weddings, funerals, and revivals. In the buckle of the Bible Belt, he took pictures of countless church groups, Black and white. He had no reservation about taking pictures of African Americans: “All you had to do was to pay him,” Lula May Williams said in a 1994 interview. She recalled how in 1942, Pruitt photographed her church—the only time Pruitt ever took her picture. She pointed to a panorama on her living room wall. The picture shows a hundred church members in their Sunday-go-to-meeting clothes. This image depicts the installation of a new pastor, Rev. R. M. Prowell, and the officers of the auxiliary groups of Shiloh Missionary Baptist, the oldest Black church in Columbus, founded in 1861. Lula May Williams’s treasuring of the photograph testifies to the power of an image to carry forth the memory of faith and faithfulness. Pruitt took the picture he was paid to take; the subjects of the photograph paid the price he asked and then put on the wall or on a table a framed picture to reinforce their belief in something spiritual, something they considered priceless.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.