Academic literature on the topic 'Relations internationales – Aspect religieux'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Relations internationales – Aspect religieux.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Relations internationales – Aspect religieux"
1
Brasnett, Jonathan. "Controlling Beliefs and Global Perceptions: Religion in Chinese Foreign Policy." International Studies 58, no. 1 (January 2021): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881720981513.
Full textAbstract:
Since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has sought to control every aspect of religion in Chinese society. Recently, the CCP has increasingly leveraged religious institutions to disseminate a positive narrative of its religious policies in an effort to preserve or enhance its relations with countries that identify with those religions. This has enabled Beijing to avoid criticism and even increase international support despite widely reported violations of religious freedom in China. This article expands the concept of religious diplomacy to explain the PRC’s dynamic use of soft power, censorship and coercion in its international relations. Drawing on the examples of Buddhism, Christianity and Islam, this paper explores the CCP’s efforts to mobilize its religious institutions in order to (a) promote China’s unique religious culture, (b) strengthen domestic control through foreign relations and (c) preserve foreign relations by controlling international perceptions.
2
Masduqi, Anis. "HUBUNGAN ANTARAGAMA DALAM BIDANG PENDIDIKAN, PERKAWINAN, PENGUBURAN JENAZAH, DAN UPACARA HARI-HARI BESAR KEAGAMAAN." Al-Riwayah: Jurnal Kependidikan 9, no. 2 (September 30, 2017): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/al-riwayah.144.
Full textAbstract:
Interfaith relation is an important issue in the education field. Perhaps, it is because education plays a crucial role in the transfer of the science of religion and theology custody. Then religious education became a central issue in the arena of interreligious relations. Education will determine the style of interfaith relations in a plural society. Legislation on religious education thus should be criticized. The plurality of religion becomes a source of instability and disintegration seems to make the government tried to cope with any vulnerability harmony. Finally, the government issued regulations related to this issue. One of them is the Minister of Religious Affairs Decree Number 84 Year 1996 regarding Implementation Guidelines for Vulnerability Reduction Religious Harmony of Life. The operational guidelines vulnerability religious harmony is intended as a guide to the work of the officials and leaders of organizational units within the Ministry of Religious Affairs (now the Ministry of Religious Affairs) to take measures and coordinate in preventing insecurity in the field of religious harmony. Under these regulations, the causes of insecurity interreligious harmony, among others: the establishment of places of worship, evangelism, foreign aid, interfaith marriage, religious festivities, blasphemy, activity streams splinter and aspects of the non-religious influence, such as population density, the gap socioeconomic, implementation of education, ideological and regional political infiltration and international scale, which entered Indonesia through religious activities. This article examines these issues in the context of Indonesia.
3
Masduqi, Anis. "HUBUNGAN ANTARAGAMA DALAM BIDANG PENDIDIKAN, PERKAWINAN, PENGUBURAN JENAZAH, DAN UPACARA HARI-HARI BESAR KEAGAMAAN." Al-Riwayah: Jurnal Kependidikan 9, no. 2 (September 30, 2017): 323–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/al-riwayah.171.
Full textAbstract:
Interfaith relation is an important issue in the education field. Perhaps, it is because education plays a crucial role in the transfer of the science of religion and theology custody. Then religious education became a central issue in the arena of interreligious relations. Education will determine the style of interfaith relations in a plural society. Legislation on religious education thus should be criticized. The plurality of religion becomes a source of instability and disintegration seems to make the government tried to cope with any vulnerability harmony. Finally, the government issued regulations related to this issue. One of them is the Minister of Religious Affairs Decree Number 84 Year 1996 regarding Implementation Guidelines for Vulnerability Reduction Religious Harmony of Life. The operational guidelines vulnerability religious harmony is intended as a guide to the work of the officials and leaders of organizational units within the Ministry of Religious Affairs (now the Ministry of Religious Affairs) to take measures and coordinate in preventing insecurity in the field of religious harmony. Under these regulations, the causes of insecurity interreligious harmony, among others: the establishment of places of worship, evangelism, foreign aid, interfaith marriage, religious festivities, blasphemy, activity streams splinter and aspects of the non-religious influence, such as population density, the gap socio-economic, implementation of education, ideological and regional political infiltration and international scale, which entered Indonesia through religious activities. This article examines these issues in the context of Indonesia.
4
Efimova, L. M. "Russian-Indonesian Relations in the 21 Century." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-73-81.
Full textAbstract:
In XXI century a new faze has begun in Russian-lndonesian relations which are based on pragmatism and supremacy of nations interests of both sides. Cooperation in the political, military, trade, investment, social and cultural spheres is strengthening, cooperation on international and regional arenas is widening. In relations with Indonesia, as well as with other Southeast Asian states Russia's main purpose is stability based on the principles of equality, mutual respect and benefit according to the international law. Indonesia's foreign policy maintains its free and active character. Russian-lndonesian relations in the 21 century are marked with intensive political dialogue. Political ties are developing steadily. Mutual presidential visits has become regular. Close cooperation has been established between state institutions on various levels. The most successful cooperation is developing in scientific, technological and military spheres. Thie cooperation is especially important for Indonesia in order to diminish its dependence on the West in these aspects. Relations in trade and economic spheres are not very intensive, but are stable and have a positive dynamics. Indonesia was always a good trade partner for Russia. Direct business con tacts are now developing between the two countries and this fact in very significant for the future economic cooperation. Nowadays Russian regions have begun to establish direct ties with Indonesian regions. Humanitarian sphere constitute an important aspect of Russian-lndonesian relations. Cooperation in education is going on successfully. A new phenomenon represents friendly contacts between religious leaders of both countries. In general mutually beneficial and fruitful cooperation between Russia and Indonesia is steadily progressing and opening brilliant perspectives.
5
Ngo, Le Van. "FROM ETHNOLOGY TO ANTHROPOLOGY APPROACH FROM RESEARCH METHODS." Science and Technology Development Journal 14, no. 1 (March 30, 2011): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v14i1.1889.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, higher education in Vietnam has undergone a lot of changes in such various aspects as the formation of multidisciplinary, multi-field universities; of training forms etc. Especially, a lot of majors originating from advanced capitalist countries have been developed into training courses in Vietnamese universities, e.g. politics, international relations, religious studies, anthropology etc. The formation of institutions offering training courses on anthropology has broken the traditional structure of the organizing of training courses in the fields of ethnology and history in Vietnam higher education institutions. The paper does not aim at discussing the similarities nor differences between Ethnology and Anthropology, but focuses on the necessities to transform from Ethnology to Anthropology in every aspect from objectives, approach to methods, objects, research scope etc.
6
Oksamityna, Kseniya. "Progressing Fragmentation of Political Science." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2009): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.15.1.4.
Full textAbstract:
While state has traditionally been the sole (or at least primary) unit of analysis in International Relations, scholars are increasingly recognizing non-state entities, such as interstate organizations, multinational companies, terrorist cells, religious institutions, non-governmental organizations, epistemic communities, and transnational advocacy networks as actors in international politics. A natural question arises: is International Relations, as a discipline, capable of conceptualizing and explicating complex webs of relations among a myriad of actors, or is mapping a new field of enquiry required? Transnational Studies, offered at various degree levels at several universities, positions itself as a sub-filed within Humanities, mainly preoccupied with historical, social, cultural and linguistic aspects of cross-border interactions. Global Studies seems to reconcile International Relations and Transnational Studies. However, Global Studies, as a discipline, is only in the making; its emergence is surrounded by healthy skepticism.
7
Gatseliuk, Vitalii, Lesia Strelbitska, Oleh Herasymchuk, Andriy Pavlyshyn, and Valeriia Khrystiuk. "The influence of religion on the norms of criminal law and process: an international-comparative study." Revista Amazonia Investiga 10, no. 42 (July 30, 2021): 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2021.42.06.21.
Full textAbstract:
Criminal law and process play a significant role in regulating public relations. It is expedient to study it in terms of the influence of religion in different legal systems, as religious norms are the broader regulators of public life. The study of the religious aspect of the formation and functioning of criminal law and criminal procedure relations in different countries is an open question that needs further consideration, as well as prospects for the development of legal institutions based on religious influence. The purpose of the research is to analyze and reflect the impact of religion on the rules of criminal law and process in a comparative international context. The subject of the research is religion and criminal law and process as interdependent phenomena, international comparative study of the influence of religion on the formation of criminal law and process. As a result of the study the mutual influence of law and religion was revealed, the influence of religion on the norms of criminal law and process in different countries was analyzed, it was determined that the religious legal system is most permeated by religious norms in comparison with the legal systems of European countries.
8
Egger, Clara. "L’Union européenne est-elle une source de coopération inter-organisationnelle ?" Études internationales 44, no. 1 (April 15, 2013): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015120ar.
Full textAbstract:
Résumé Cette étude s’intéresse à la coopération inter-organisationnelle, un aspect délaissé de la recherche en relations internationales. L’analyse du cas de la politique humanitaire européenne met en lumière les facteurs, les dynamiques et les effets de la coopération au sein d’un réseau d’ong, et entre ce réseau et les institutions européennes. La construction de liens entre différentes théories permet de distinguer trois phases dans la vie des réseaux. Si les ong se rassemblent pour être reconnues comme des partenaires crédibles par les organisations intergouvernementales, les réseaux formés se caractérisent par une structure complexe de délégation visant à répondre aux intérêts des membres et de l’institution ciblée. La flexibilité supposée des réseaux ne les protège toutefois pas des pathologies dont souffrent les organisations internationales (faible adaptabilité, résistance au changement…).
9
Istomin, I. "Religious Groups and Their Influence on Interstate Relations (The Case of U.S.-Israel Relations)." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 184–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-184-191.
Full textAbstract:
The impact of interest groups on foreign policy of the state up until today has not received substantial attention in the theory of international relations. In particular, activities of the entities shaped by the common religious affiliation of their members lack assessment in the academic literature. Meanwhile, their mobilization in the recent decades became significant aspect of political life both in developing and developed countries. The activity of religious groups in the United States forced deep transformation of the national political landscape, as they desire to affect not only internal debate, but external policies as well. Among other issues attention of such social and political bodies is also focused on the situation in the middle East. Their proactive standing facilitated advancement of the partnership between the United States and Israel, including growth of American diplomatic and military aid to Tel-Aviv. The supporters of such policy include not only small, but well organized Jewish community, but also representatives of the conservative Evangelical Protestants, which constitute the most numerous religious group in the U.S. Despite the fact that leaders of both group often use theological reasons to justify their support for Israel, the real motivation of the most regular members is primarily humanitarian and pragmatic. The diversity of the Pro-Israeli groups promotes bipartisan support of cooperation between the two countries, and enabled creation of both Democratic and Republican lobby on this issue. However the growing criticism of the current policy of Tel-Aviv on behalf of some of the adherents of American-Israeli cooperation leads to the erosion of impact of these groups.
10
Bellin, Eva. "Faith in Politics. New Trends in the Study of Religion and Politics." World Politics 60, no. 2 (January 2008): 315–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.0007.
Full textAbstract:
Studies of religion and politics have begun to force their way into the mainstream of the discipline thanks to their increasing methodological sophistication and theoretical ambition in addition to the push of real-world events. In comparative politics, puzzle-driven structured comparison has yielded new insights into the rationality of religious behavior, the weight of path dependence in shaping religious values, and the play of socioeconomic factors in shaping religion's vitality. In international relations, recognition of the importance of religious identities and values in the play of international affairs has spelled an advance over realist caricatures that long discounted ideas as epiphenomenal and focused on the quest for wealth and power as the sole driver of international politics. But notable lacunae remain. The comparative subfield still needs to reckon with the noninstrumental aspect of religious behavior, the power of religion as an independent variable, and the differential appeal, persuasiveness, and political salience of religious ideas over time. The IR subfield must move beyond “paradigm wars” focused on whether religion matters in international politics in favor of more empirically grounded, structured comparison to illuminate when and why religion matters in international affairs.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Relations internationales – Aspect religieux"
1
Chninif, Abderrahim. "Mondialisation et civilisations : Islam-Occident." Perpignan, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PERP0792.
Full textAbstract:
Après la chute du mur de Berlin et la fin de la guerre froide, plusieurs conflits ont été déclenchés un peu partout dans le monde et pour lesquels le monde unipolaire semble incapable de trouver des remèdes et des solutions adéquates. Mais, pourquoi, malgré tous ces problèmes dont souffre le monde, on s’intéresse à la théorie du choc des civilisations ? Pourquoi le monde islamique acquiert autant d'intérêt et pose autant d’interrogations ? Quel est l'intérêt stratégique de ce monde (islamique) à l'ère de la mondialisation ? Est-il vraiment une menace pour la civilisation occidentale et la sécurité internationale ? Y a t il une exception ou une particularité islamique ? Pourquoi on assiste à une montée spectaculaire de l'islamisme ? Quelles sont les différentes branches de l'islamisme ? Quelle est la relation entre l'islamisme politique et l'islamisme djihadiste ? Peut-on mettre fin aux conflits civilisationnels et à la dualité Islam/Occident ? Pourquoi ne pas œuvrer pour une cohabitation entre les peuples et les civilisations et pour leur union contre les vrais défis menaçant l'humanité tout entière ?After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the cold war, several conflicts were started in many parts of the world and for which the unipolar world seems unable to find remedies and adequate solutions. But, why, despite everything these problems from which the world suffers, one is interested in the theory of the clash of civilizations? Why the Islamic world acquires as much interest and poses as many interrogations? Which is the strategic interest of this world (Islamic) at the era of globalization? Is it really a threat for Western civilization and international safety? Are there an exception or an Islamic characteristic? Why we assist with a spectacular rise of Islamism? Which are the various branches of Islamism? Which is the relationship between political Islamism and Islamism djihadist? Can we put an end to the conflicts civilisationnels and the Islam/Occident duality? Why not to work together for a cohabitation enters the people and civilizations and for their union against truths challenges threatening very whole humanity?
2
Allès, Delphine. "Recomposition des politiques étrangères sous l'effet du facteur religieux : une comparaison des cas indonésien et malaisien." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0038.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse a pour objet le rôle de la religion dans les relations internationales. A travers une étude de l'évolution des politiques internationales de l'Indonésie et de la Malaisie depuis leur indépendance, elle observe la manière dont ce facteur a été abordé par les dirigeants successifs deux Etats. L'approche proposée ne se limite pas aux politiques étrangères d'Etat, mais s’étend au rôle d'organisations religieuses privées sur la scène mondiale afin de comprendre leurs interactions avec les politiques gouvernementales. Au point de départ, on observe que la politique étrangère consiste à diffuser une version de l'identité promue par les gouvernants. Le rôle de la religion dans les politiques étrangères est donc étroitement lié à la place qu’elle occupe dans le contexte des tractations pour la construction de l'Etat et d'une identité nationale. Celles-ci ont évolué face au renouveau religieux survenu en Asie du Sud-Est dans les années 1980, qui a vu les communautés musulmanes de la région plus étroitement associées à la communauté musulmane globale et à ses crises, incitant les gouvernements à prendre position sur des thématiques qui ne semblaient précédemment pas les concerner directement. La religion constitue cependant un facteur qu’il est difficile d’intégrer de manière cohérente à une politique étatique, dans la mesure où elle ne peut être réduite aux compromis liés à l’intérêt national. C’est en partie pour contourner cette difficulté que les gouvernements ont eu tendance à externaliser les aspects religieux de leurs politiques internationales en déléguant à des acteurs privés, économiques ou sociaux, la responsabilité de la projection internationale religieuseThis dissertation addresses the role of religion in international relations. Through an extensive study of the evolution of the international policies of Indonesia and Malaysia since their independence, it looks at the way this factor has been tackled by the successive governments of both states. The proposed approach does not limit itself to government foreign policies: it also looks at the way private religious organizations are organized at the global level, in order to understand their interactions with official policies. The starting point is to consider that foreign policy aims at spreading the national identity vision that is promoted by government elites. The role of religion in foreign policies is therefore closely linked to the position it occupies in the context of the negotiations associated to state building and the construction of a national identity. Facing the religious revival which occurred in Southeast Asia in the 1980s, the relationship between institutions and religion has evolved: Muslim civil societies have become more closely associated to a global Muslim community, which has prompted both governments to react to crises which did not previously seem to concern them directly. Religion however constitutes a factor which it is difficult to integrate in a coherent way to a national policy, since it cannot be reduced to compromises linked to national interest. It is partly in order to overturn this difficulty that governments have been inclined to externalize some religious aspects of their international policies, delegating to private economic or social actors the responsibility of their religious international projection
3
Bayramzadeh, Kamal. "Une étude sur la sociologie politique des relations internationales : les enjeux principaux des relations entre l'Iran et l'Europe de 1979 à juillet 2003 : une relation ambiguë." Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0063.
Full textAbstract:
"L'objectif principal de cette thèse consiste à montrer les grands enjeux des relations entre l'Iran et l'Union européenne depuis le changement du système politique en Iran en 1979. Tout d'abord, nous mettons en évidence les relations de l'Iran avec les trois pays importants de l'Europe dans un contexte politique marqué par la guerre entre l'Iran et l'Irak ; c'est-à-dire la France, l'Allemagne et l'Angleterre, car depuis 1979 jusqu'en 1992, il n'y avait pas de relations entre l'Iran et l'Union Européenne. Ensuite, nous montrons le développement des relations entre l'Iran et l'UE de 1992 à 2003 à travers les explications sur le "dialogue critique" et le "dialogue global" entre ces deux protagonistes en soulignant l'importance des conditions évoquées par l'Europe à l'Iran, à savoir : le respect des droits de l'homme, etc. . . En effet, l'arrivée au pouvoir d'un régime islamique a complètement changé l'orientation de la politique étrangère de l'Iran. La domination des critères idéologiques, résultant d'un concept islamique des relations internationales sur la diplomatie iranienne, a entraîné un bouleversement majeur dans les relations de l'Iran avec les pays européens et les Etats-Unis. Ce qui a contribué à l'isolement de l'Iran sur la scène internationale. Mais, en raison de la divergence entre les Etats-Unis et l'Europe en matière de politique internationale, l'Iran a essayé d'utiliser cette contradiction afin de développer ses relations avec l'UE depuis 1992, alors que le contexte international était marqué par l'hostilité de l'Amérique à ce rapprochement. D'autre part, en raison de l'importance stratégique de l'Iran pour l'Union Européenne, cette dernière a refusé la pression des Etats-Unis de mettre fin au dialogue critique (de 1992 et 1997) et au dialogue global (de 1998 à nos jours 2003), avec le gouvernement iranien. En dépit des relations conflictuelles de Téhéran avec certains pays de l'Europe pendant la guerre Iran-Irak, la normalisation de la politique étrangère de l'Iran, durant les gouvernements de Rafsandjani et Khatami vers l'Europe, fut la seule issue possible pour l'Etat iranien afin de trouver une solution provisoire aux crises profondes, touchant l'aspect politique, économique et social de sa société. Cependant, le récent rapprochement (2003) entre les Etats-Unis et l'Europe, au sujet du projet atomique de l'Iran, a montré que ce dernier ne peut plus profiter de la divergence entre ces deux puissances mondiales pour répondre à ses besoins internes et externes. C'est pourquoi, les relations Iran-Europe sont entrées dans une nouvelle phase depuis juin 2003. "The principal object of this thesis is to demonstrate the relationship between Iran and Europe since the Change of Iran's political system in 1979. First of all, we will explain Iran's relationship with three important european countries, that is France, Germany and England, during the war between Iran-Iraq. This followes the period between 1979 and 1992, when there was no relationship between Iran and the European Union. Next, we explain the development of the relationship between Iran and the E. U. From 1992 until 2003, taking in to accont the critical and global dialogue between these two protagonists and underlining the importance to Iran of the conditions laid down by Europe : respect for human rights, etc. In effect, the coming to power of an islamic regime has completely changed the political orientation of Iran's foreign policy. The domination of idealogical criteria, resulting in an islamic slant to international policy, has caused a major upheaval in relations between Iran and Europe, as well as the United States of America. The result has been the isolation of Iran on the international political landscape. But because of a divergence in views between the USA and Europe in matters of international policy, Iran has tried to exploit this situation in order to develop its relationship with the E. U. Since 1992 despite the U. S. A. Remaining hostil to this development. On the other hand, because of Europe's strategic need for Iran, the E. U. , has resisted americain pressure to end the critical dialogue (from 1992 to 1997) and the global dialogue (from 1998 until now) with the iranian gouvernment. Despite a tense and contradictory relations between Teheran and certain european nations during the Iran-Iraq war, the normalisation of Iran's diplomatic relationship, during the time of the Rafsanjani and Khatami gouverments, with Europe was the only option for the iranian administration if a provisional solution to the deep crisis in Iran's political, economic and social life was to be found. Neverthless, the recent agreement (2003) between Europe and U. S. A. , on the subject of Iran's atomic ambitions, has demonstrated that Iran can no longer use diverging between these two worlds powers as an answer to its internal and external problems. This is why, since 2003, the relationship between Iran and Europe has entered a new phase
4
Tedeschi, Monique. "Les politiques de l'islam : islams transnationaux et islams étatiques." Paris 13, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA131042.
Full textAbstract:
L’étude des manifestations génères par l'islam dans le champ des relations internationales contemporaines permet de mettre en exergue deux phénomènes de grandes amplitudes : le dédoublement de la scène internationale, qui se voit dorénavant animée par deux sortes d'acteurs, et la nécessite d'une véritable démocratie mondiale basée sur le profond respect d'autrui. Les relations internationales classiques, intervenant traditionnellement entre états ou organisations interétatiques, se trouvent progressivement juxtaposées aux relations transnationales, c'est-à-dire de relations mettant en jeu des personnes privées qui deviennent elles aussi des acteurs sur la scène internationale. Agissant au delà du cadre du territoire de l’état dont ces personnes ressortissent, elles questionnent amplement la souveraineté de l'entité étatique. Les différents flux génères par l'islam permettent d'illustrer intensément un tel phénomène. Ils montrent les tentatives d'émancipation des individus face a la puissance étatique et comment ceux-ci la combattent, la contournent ou, tout simplement, l'ignorent. Dans la majeure partie des cas, l'état perçoit les flux transnationaux comme une menace ; l'étude des réseaux islamistes le démontre amplement. Cela dit, une analyse plus approfondie tend à révéler que ce sont bien les relations transnationales des musulmans en général, et non des islamistes en particulier, qui sont ressenties comme une menace. Or, la réflexion menée à propos des manifestations contemporaines de l'islam en général, et du phénomène de l'islam politique en particulier, peut montrer que les éléments, perçus par ailleurs négativement, de ces manifestations constituent les symptômes d'un très grave malaise. À la lumière d'une analyse sociologique, ces manifestations, même et surtout les plus violentes, ainsi que toute la thématique islamiste, deviendraient cohérentes et significatives. Dans la perspective du maintien et de la consolidation de la paix à un niveau mondial, il serait donc urgent de prendre en compte une telle vision de l'islam.
5
Alaoui, Rachid Ben El Hassan. "L'organisation de la conférence islamique : étude d'une organisation internationale spécifique." Bordeaux 4, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001BOR40009.
Full textAbstract:
Le systeme institutionnel de l'organisation de la conference islamique a ete mis en place progressivement. Simple conference diplomatique en 1969, elle est vite devenue une organisation internationale regionale a vocation religieuse et politique, les deux domaines etant etroitement meles en islam. Aux organes principaux crees initialement par la charte sont venues s'ajouter d'autres instances chargees de promouvoir les multiples domaines de la cooperation interetatique et les innombrables secteurs ouverts a la solidarite islamique. Une grande part des activites de l'oci est consacree a retablir l'image reelle de la religion musulmane. Une autre serie d'actions entreprises par l'organisation islamique vise a developper la cooperation entre les etats membres et a renforcer la solidarite entre ces derniers. Des procedures de reglement pacifique des differends sont mises en place,des mesures visant a accroitre la confiance et a prevenir les conflits entre etats islamiques sont adoptees. Ces initiatives sont encore sans effet mais certaines sont deja mises en oeuvre en depit des multiples entraves qu'elles rencontrent sur le terrain. Au plan economique, commercial et technique, une ambitieuse reflexion a ete entreprise, des structures tres perfectionnees sont creees, certaines sont meme de veritables reussites, c'est le cas notamment de la banque islamique de developpement. L'oci s'est de ce fait assuree un statut d'organisation regionale specifique qui la distingue fondamentalement des autres organisations de meme nature. Elle a su conforter sa specificite et imprimer aux solutions qu'elle apporte aux problemes du monde musulman une empreinte indelebile.
6
Bruce, Benjamin. "Governing islam abroad : the Turkish and Moroccan Muslim fields in France and Germany." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0001.
Full textAbstract:
Au cours des cinquante dernières années, les communautés turques et marocaines sont devenues les deux groupes diasporiques les plus importants en Europe occidentale, notamment en Allemagne et en France. Les États d’origine de ces populations ont développé de nombreuses politiques envers leurs ressortissants à l’étranger, parmi lesquelles l’islam occupe un lieu privilégié. Depuis des décennies, les instances étatiques officielles chargées de la gouvernance du religieux en Turquie et au Maroc, à savoir la Présidence des Affaires Religieuses (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) et le Ministère des Habous et des Affaires Islamiques (MHAI), soutiennent des groupes musulmans en France et en Allemagne par le biais de divers moyens, allant de l’envoi d’imams à des financements de mosquées.Comment et pourquoi la Turquie et le Maroc réussissent-ils à gouverner l’islam au-delà de leurs frontières nationales, et quelles en sont les conséquences pour le développement des champs religieux musulmans de France et d’Allemagne ? Cette étude conclut qu’à la différence de la France et de l’Allemagne, la Turquie et le Maroc conçoivent la gouvernance du religieux comme un domaine distinct de la politique publique, et ce même à l’étranger. Grâce à la coopération diplomatique et à la convergence d’intérêts interétatiques, ces deux États ont étendu leur rayonnement dans le champ religieux transnational. Ceci se manifeste par le soutien d’un modèle d’autorité religieuse légale-rationnelle et une forme d’islam national, afin de renforcer la position des instances de gouvernance du religieux des États d’origine ainsi que les frontières ethno-nationales dans les champs religieux musulmans à l’étrangerOver the last fifty years, Turks and Moroccans have come to form the two largest diaspora groups in Western Europe, with the largest numbers in Germany and France respectively. The states of origin of these populations have developed a wide variety of policies aimed at their citizens abroad, amongst which Islam has figured prominently. For decades, the official institutions of state religious governance in Turkey and Morocco, the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) and the Ministry of Habous and Islamic Affairs, have actively engaged in providing support to Muslim groups in France and Germany, from sending imams to directly financing mosques and the associations that run them. This doctoral thesis seeks to respond to the following questions: how and why are Turkey and Morocco able to govern Islam outside of their national boundaries, and what are the consequences for the development of Muslim fields in France and Germany? Based on over one hundred interviews carried out with diplomats, state religious officials, and non-state religious actors in all four countries, this study argues that in contrast to France and Germany, the Turkish and Moroccan states consider religious governance as a distinct domain of public policy. Thanks to diplomatic cooperation and converging interstate interests, both home states have been able to expand their religious activities within transnational Muslim fields. In particular, Turkey and Morocco seek to promote a legal-rational model of religious authority and a national form of Islam, ultimately reinforcing both the position of home state religious institutions and ethno-national boundaries in religious fields abroad
7
Basiri, Mohammad Ali. "Les armes de destruction massive dans les zones à risque du Croissant islamique : Moyen-Orient et pays périphériques (1945-1991)." Toulouse 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996TOU10069.
Full textAbstract:
L'analyse de la situation des armes de destruction massive dans le croissant islamique, zone à risque allant du sous-continent indien au Maghreb, tend à identifier les causes principales de leur prolifération à l'époque contemporaine recherche de sécurité, volonté de domination, effet des stratégies politico-économiques des grandes puissances et la faiblesse du droit international et à vérifier leur pertinence dans les différents états de la région étudiée. Pour le faire, trois approches doivent être successivement adoptées. L'analyse géostratégique permet d'inventorier, de définir et de classer les multiples crises potentielles susceptibles de favoriser le développement des armes de destruction massive. Sur le plan des constructions idéologiques, il est nécessaire d'évaluer les attitudes des grands systèmes de pensée = religions, doctrines politiques, doctrines stratégiques. . . A l'égard de telles armes et de définir ainsi l'environnement culturel du problème étudié. Enfin, d'un point de vue factuel et événementiel, il convient d'étudier les diverses composantes des armes de destruction massive sous leurs aspects historiques et techniques ainsi que les conséquences de leur développement sur les conceptions stratégiques. Sur ces bases, il est possible de déterminer les fondements, les caractéristiques et les effets des politiques des pays de la zone étudiée à l'égard de ces armes et de valider ainsi les hypothèses causales de départThe analysis of the situation of mass destruction weapons in the Islamic crescent, dangerous areas spreading from the Indian sub-continent to Maghreb (North-Africa), aims at identifying the principal causes of their proliferation at the end of the 20th century: the need of security, the willingness to dominate, the effect of the political and economic strategies of the great powers and the weakness of international law. Its second goal is to appraise their relevance in the different states of the studied region. This can be done in three different ways: the geostrategic analysis enables us to do the inventory, to define and to classify the many potential crisis that are likely to facilitate the development of mass destruction weapons. As far as ideological views are concerned, it is necessary to ponder over the possible attitudes of the major systems of thoughts = religions, political doctrines, strategic doctrines. . . Regarding such weapons and thus to define the cultural background studied issue. Finally, from the factual and eventual points of view, it is advisable to study the historical aspects of the different components of mass destruction weapons as well as the consequences of their proliferation on the strategic conceptions. On this base, it is possible to determine the bases, the characteristics and the effects of the politics of studied area countries regarding these weapons and thus to validate the initial hypothesis
8
Rondeau, Dany. "Prolégomènes à une éthique globale interculturelle." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ65430.pdf.
Full text
9
Harang, Charles-Edouard. "Les mouvements catholiques de jeunesse de la décolonisation à la coopération 1945-1985." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004IEPP0043.
Full textAbstract:
Pour les Scouts de France et la Jeunesse Etudiante Chrétienne, la décolonisation puis la coopération auront largement contribué à faire évoluer leur conception coloniale de la mission catholique dans l'Empire français. Dès 1957, les deux mouvements s'engagent, non sans tension, en faveur de l'émancipation des territoires notamment en Afrique noire, cherchant à y promouvoir une société nouvelle, indépendante et informée des valeurs catholiques. Cet engagement, facilité par de nombreux contacts, modifie profondément leur vision de l'Africain, surtout à partir des indépendances, en 1960, lorsqu'ils s'investissent dans la coopération. Celle-ci, en accord avec les évolutions de l'Eglise catholique (Vatican II, Populorum Progressio) se manifeste à la fois par l'envoi de coopérants en Afrique pour soutenir l'Eglise et les mouvements catholiques de jeunesse, et par la promotion en France de l'aide au développement auprès des jeunes scouts et jécistes (le Comité Catholique contre la Faim et pour le Développement et le père Lebret jouent ici un rôle central). La politisation de l'aide au développement, celle de la JEC à partir de 1969 et les déchirements internes chez les Scouts de France freinent cet engagement durant les années 1970. Parallèlement, l'altérité entre jeunes catholiques français et africains se creuse (sécularisation du catholicisme, effacement des deux mouvements en France). Dans les années 1980, les Scouts de France et la JEC font de l'aide au développement et de la coopération un engagement autour de valeurs humaines et catholiques, et non plus la composante d'un projet global de société.
10
Al, Kharouf Kamal. "Le rôle politico-religieux du roi Abdel-Aziz dans la réunification de la péninsule arabique." Paris 10, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA100017.
Full textAbstract:
Comment et avec quels moyens le roi Abdel-Aziz a-t-il réalisé la réunification de la péninsule arabique ? Son aventure se situe entre les deux guerres mondiales, après l'exclusion des ottomans du proche et Moyen-Orient et la partition de la région au profit des deux puissances mondiales de l'époque, France et Grande-Bretagne. Ibn Saoud réussit à chasser les ottomans, conquit Hail, Al Hidjaz, annexe Al Hasa. Istanbul reconnait le sultanat d’ibn Saoud sur Nedjd et ses dépendances. A la veille de la première guerre mondiale, la Grande-Bretagne pressa ibn Saoud de s'aligner sur ses positions. Il refusa, adopta une attitude de neutralité. A la veille de la deuxième guerre mondiale, il établit des relations amicales avec les Etats-Unis. Avec la découverte du pétrole dans la péninsule, les États-Unis devinrent les premiers soutiens d’ibn Saoud. Les relations entre les deux pays provoquèrent la colère des anglais : elles sonnèrent le glas de leur influence dans la région. Le caractère légendaire et la pensée wahhabite d’ibn Saoud lui permirent de soumettre les tribus rebelles. Ibn Saoud créa le mouvement des al ikhwan. Dès la fin de 1913 il se trouva à la tête d'une armée fidèle et nationaliste. Les conquêtes territoriales se multiplièrent. A la fin de la deuxième guerre mondiale, plusieurs conventions et traites délimitèrent les frontières du royaume avec les pays voisins. Des contestations relatives aux frontières persistent de nos jours après la réunification, ibn Saoud nomma son royaume : royaume d’Arabie saouditeHow and with what means did king Abdel-Aziz succeeded in the reunification of the Arab peninsula? His impact on the history of the region takes between the two world wars. A period the ottomans were excluded from the near and middle east and the region was dominated by two powers of that era, France and Great Britain. Ibn Saoud succeeded in driving out the ottomans, conquered hail, al Hidjaz, annexes al Hasa. Istanbul recognized the sultanate of the ibn Saoud in Nedjd and the surrounding areas. Just prior to the First World War, Great Britain pressured ibn Saoud to support in political position. He refused, adopting instead, a neutral position. Right before the Second World War, he established friendly relations with the United States. With the discovery of oil in the peninsula, the united states become the first supporters of ibn saoud. The relationship between the two countries gave rise to anger of the English as they no longer held a strategic position in the area. The legendary personality and "Wahhabi" way of thinking enabled ibn Saoud to dominate the rebel tribes. Ibn Saoud created the al ikhwan movement. At the end of 1913 he found himself at the head of a faithful and nationalist army. The territorial conquest grows in number. At the end of the Second World War, many conventions and treaties limited the borders between the kingdom and the neighbor countries. However, protests regarding these borders persist even today. After reunification, ibn Saoud gave to his kingdom the name Saudi Arabia
Books on the topic "Relations internationales – Aspect religieux"
1
Religion, identity, and global governance: Ideas, evidence and practice. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011.
Find full text
2
Rouxel, Jean-Yves. Le Saint-Siège sur la scène internationale. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1998.
Find full text
3
1938-, Johnston Douglas, Sampson Cynthia, and Center for Strategic and International Studies (Washington, D.C.), eds. Religion, the missing dimension of statecraft. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Find full text
4
To be at home: Christianity, civil religion, and world community. Boston: Beacon Press, 1991.
Find full text
5
auteur, Aoun Sami, ed. Vaincre Al-Qaïda: Le défi d'Obama. Outremont (Québec): Athéna éditions, 2014.
Find full text
6
Churches, World Council of, and W.A. Visser 't Hooft Memorial Consultation (4th : 1999 : Geneva, Switzerland), eds. Democratic contracts for sustainable and caring societies: What can churches and Christian communities do? Geneva: WCC Publications, 2000.
Find full text
7
Globalization at what price?: Economic change and daily life. Cleveland: Pilgrim Press, 2007.
Find full text
8
Theologians of a new world order: Reinhold Niebuhr and the Christian realists, 1920-1948. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
Find full text
9
Aikman, David. Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity is transforming China and changing the global balance of power. Washington, D.C: Regnery Pub., 2003.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Relations internationales – Aspect religieux"
1
Hurd, Elizabeth Shakman. "International Religious Freedom." In Beyond Religious Freedom. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691166094.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter develops three interrelated claims about the politics of governing social difference through religious rights and freedoms. First, conceiving and governing social difference through religious rights singles out individuals and groups for legal protection as religious individuals and collectivities. Second, governing through religious rights shapes how states and other political authorities distinguish groups from each other, often in law. Third, contemporary international religious freedom advocacy emphasizes belief as the core of religion. The chapter unfolds in three parts, each elaborating on various aspects of these claims through a combination of empirical illustrations and theoretical discussion. The first section on the global political production of religious difference draws on an extended discussion of the Rohingya in Myanmar. The second section on the creation of a landscape populated by faith communities and the effects on those excluded from such designations incorporates examples from the Central African Republic, Guatemala, India, and South Sudan. A final section on the mutually supportive relations between religious freedom advocacy, the creation of a believing religious subject, and the ideology of the free religious marketplace builds on the work of anthropologists and religious studies scholars who complicate the notion of belief as the core of religion.
2
Hall, Ian. "World Guru India." In Modi and the Reinvention of Indian Foreign Policy, 81–104. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529204605.003.0005.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter analyses one of the most prominent aspects of Narendra Modi’s attempt to reinvent Indian foreign policy: his push to turn India into a ‘world guru’. It argues that this idea is deeply embedded in Hindu nationalist thinking and is widely supported on among the contemporary Hindu Right. The chapter traces the development of the idea that India ought to do more to build and leverage ‘soft power’ in international relations from the early 2000s onwards. It explores the Modi government’s effort to infuse India’s public diplomacy with Hindu nationalist themes, to promote yoga and supposedly Hindu ideas about the management of the environment and climate. It looks too at the unusual methods that the Modi government used to try to make India a world guru, including the use of inter-cultural and inter-religious dialogues.
3
Haddad, Fanar. "The Many Dimensions of Modern Sectarian Identity." In Understanding 'Sectarianism', 81–124. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197510629.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
This and the next chapter outline the book’s theoretical model for the conceptualization of sectarian identity. It will be argued that sectarian identity simultaneously operates and is imagined on four interdependent, mutually informing and reinforcing dimensions: doctrinal, subnational, national and transnational. Rather than four separate phenomena, these dimensions are four sides of one thing: sectarian identity. This model sharpens our analysis by emphasizing the inherent multidimensionality of sectarian identity and by enabling us to identify which aspect of sectarian identity is relevant to a given situation. This allows us to better match the correct analytical tools and the appropriate bodies of literature to meet the needs of a given context. IR theory is useful for understanding sectarian dynamics at the transnational level but is useless at the doctrinal level; critical race theory is useful for the subnational level but not the national level etc. The model also highlights sectarian identity’s intersection with other variables such as class, tribe, patronage networks, economic distribution and the like. This chapter explains the model and examines three dimensions: doctrinal (sectarian identity as it relates to doctrine/religious truths); subnational (sectarian identity within a given national setting); transnational (sectarian identity in international relations and geostrategic competition).
Conference papers on the topic "Relations internationales – Aspect religieux"
1
Petrović, Slobodan, and Zorančo Vasilkov. "SOCIOLOGICAL AND SECURITY ASPECTS OF GEOPOLITICAL POSITIONING OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA IN THE EU ACCESSION PROCESS." In 6th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2020.105.
Full textAbstract:
Sociological and safety aspects of the geopolitical integration of the Republic of Serbia into the EU are part of the reality the country and the society have been confronting since the beginning of the 21st century. To single out and determine every sociological and safety factor is almost impossible since there is no definiteness of factors affecting the positioning of a country within the association of new countries. Neither is there any unique prototype applicable to all countries. Each country possesses cultural, national, religious, institutional and economic uniqueness; hence, it can be concluded that each country undergoes various experiences in the process of integration into a new institutional family. Since the creation, the European Union by its structure has presented a challenge to the society in all respects. This may certainly be measured and explained by sociological and safety standards. This paper presents the past correlations of the Republic of Serbia from two decades ago to the present, using a synthetic method to carry out a comparative analysis of the descriptive pattern, position, and capacities of the national in relation to supranational.
2
Jenko, Aladin. "Divorce problems Divorce from a man does not occur except in court model." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp238-250.
Full textAbstract:
"Divorce is considered a form of family disintegration that leads to the demolition of the family and family pillars after its construction through the marriage contract and then the termination of all social ties between husband and wife and often between their relatives. Divorce rates have risen to frightening levels that threaten our Islamic societies. Among the most important causes of divorce in our society are the following: The failure of one or both spouses in the process of adapting to the other through the different nature of the spouses and their personalities, the interference of the parents, the lack of harmony and compatibility between the spouses, the bad relationship and the large number of marital problems, the cultural openness, the absence of dialogue within the family. Several parties have sought to develop possible solutions to this dangerous phenomenon in our society, including: Establishment of advisory offices to reduce divorce by social and psychological specialists, and include the issue of divorce within the educational and educational curricula in a more concerned manner that shows the extent of the seriousness of divorce and its negative effects on the individual, family and society, and the development of an integrated policy that ensures the treatment of the causes and motives leading to divorce in the community, as well as holding conferences. Scientific and enlightening seminars and awareness workshops and the need for religious institutions and their media platforms to play a guiding and awareness role of the danger and effects of divorce on family construction and society, and to educate community members about the dangers of divorce and the importance of maintaining the husband’s bond and stability. As well as reviewing some marriage legislation and regulations, such as raising the age of marriage and reconsidering the issue of underage marriage, which is witnessing a rise in divorce rates. Among the proposed solutions is the demand to withdraw the power of divorce from the man's hands and place it in the hands of the judge, to prevent certain harm to women, or as a means to prevent the frequent occurrence of divorce. The last proposition created a problem that contradicts the stereotypical image of divorce in Islamic law, for which conditions and elements have been set, especially since Islamic Sharia is the main source of personal status laws in most Islamic countries. Therefore, the importance of this research is reflected in the study of this solution and its effectiveness as a means to prevent the spread of divorce, and not deviate from the pattern specified for it according to Sharia."