Journal articles: 'Relations internationales Constructivisme (sociologie)'

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Klotz, Audie, and Cecelia Lynch. "Le constructivisme dans la théorie des relations internationales." Critique internationale 2, no. 1 (1999): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/criti.1999.1540.

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Klotz, Audie, and Cecelia Lynch. "Le constructivisme dans la théorie des relations internationales." Critique internationale 2, no. 1 (1999): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.p1999.2n1.0051.

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Gheller, Frantz. "Guerre et régimes sociaux de propriété dans l’Antiquité gréco-romaine. Un retour sur les contributions des Relations internationales." Cahiers de recherche sociologique, no. 52 (July 17, 2013): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017280ar.

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Le néoréalisme et l’École anglaise dépeignent l’Antiquité gréco-romaine comme un état de guerre permanent obéissant à une logique de balance du pouvoir analogue à celle du système international contemporain. De son côté, le constructivisme insiste sur les pratiques de coopération qui régulaient les interactions entre cités-États plutôt que sur la guerre elle-même. Par une analyse comparative du développement des logiques d’expansion territoriale de la Grèce démocratique et de la république romaine, cet article offre une conceptualisation alternative des stratégies de territorialisation et d’appropriation qui ont prévalu à Athènes et à Rome. Cette conceptualisation s’ancre dans la sociologie historique des relations internationales afin de souligner comment les activités militaires qui complémentent les capacités de production et d’appropriation revêtent des formes variées qu’on gagne à comprendre en analysant la spécificité historique des régimes sociaux de propriété.

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CHO, YOUNG CHUL. "State Identity Formation in Constructivist Security Studies: A Suggestive Essay." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 3 (2012): 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000114.

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AbstractAlthough any typology of constructivism might be arbitrary, there are, broadly speaking, two distinctive constructivist approaches in security studies as well as International Relations (IR) according to their different meta-theoretical stances: conventional constructivism, on the one hand, and critical constructivism on the other. Indeed, regarding how to understand state identity which is integral to national security, there has meta-theoretically been fierce contention between conventional and critical constructivist security studies. In not ignoring but slightly toning down this contention operating at the abstract level, this article aims to present a pragmatic application of the two different (or conflicting) constructivisms to capturing a more complete picture of state identity formation in substantive empirical research of constructivist security studies. The pragmatic approach is that, without being immersed heavily in the meta-theoretical strife between the two seemingly conflicting constructivist camps, both constructivisms should be treated as different analytical frameworks for examining different (internal and external) faces of state identity formation: the external construction of state identity can be well addressed by conventional constructivism, while the internal one by critical constructivism. In this sense, the relationship between conventional and critical constructivism can be understood as not conflicting but complementary in empirical research, as both constructivisms enrich and deepen our understanding of state identity formation in different ways.

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Checkel, Jeffrey T. "Social constructivisms in global and European politics: a review essay." Review of International Studies 30, no. 2 (2004): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006023.

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Social constructivism has come of age in contemporary international relations (IR) theory. Indeed, more and more submissions to presses and journals in both Europe and America characterise themselves as constructivist or situate their arguments vis à vis those of constructivists. In substantive terms and as the three books under review attest, constructivists also now offer detailed empirical studies that amplify and enrich their earlier conceptual and meta-theoretical critiques of mainstream approaches. Yet, as with any maturing research programme, there are gaps to be filled and challenges to be met. These include a better appreciation and theorisation of domestic politics; more explicit attention to research methods; further work on the linguistic turn so central to much of constructivism; and, finally, a rethink of attempts to build bridges.

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Weber, Martin. "The Normative Grammar of Relational Analysis: Recognition Theory's Contribution to Understanding Short-Comings in IR's Relational Turn." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 3 (2020): 641–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa036.

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Abstract This Theory Note focuses on the resurgent interest in relationalism in constructivist IR theory. I begin by contextualizing current efforts to move constructivism toward this theoretical register. In particular, I focus on the framing influence of Mustafa Emirbayer's “Manifesto for a Relational Sociology,” showing how key theoretical concerns articulated there have resonated with the constructivist critique of rationalist and structuralist explanatory approaches in IR. These cross-purposes, however, also signal that the lacunae identified by Emirbayer should be of interest to IR constructivists seeking to promote a relationalist research project. I argue that in particular Emirbayer's identification of a gap on normative implications has not received adequate attention in IR debates. In the second part, I discuss Honneth's recognition theoretic approach as promising for supplementing a normative register that satisfies the “process-ontological” proclivities of relationalism as understood by IR constructivists. In the final part, I outline by way of an example some of the meta-theoretical and methodological implications of this version of recognition theory, contrast it with contending arguments in current debates, and commend its potential.

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Ambrosetti, David. "Contre l’opposition « intérêts versus normes »." Études internationales 37, no. 4 (2007): 525–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014628ar.

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Résumé À partir d’un cadre d’analyse sociologique constructiviste, le présent article envisage les voies d’un rapprochement épistémologique entre « intérêt » et « norme », en interprétant la poursuite d’intérêts individuels comme un effort permanent pour la protection d’identités et de positions sociales au sein d’espaces sociaux précis, et en soulignant l’assise normative de toute reconnaissance collective d’identités et de positions sociales. Ce faisant, le propos vise à rendre opératoire une analyse d’objets privilégiés par les théories réalistes des relations internationales qui soit fondée sur les postulats communs aux approches constructivistes. Les relations de rivalité sur la scène interétatique, et plus particulièrement les relations de clientèle, sont ainsi examinées dans leurs soubassements normatifs.

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Epstein, Charlotte. "Constructivism or the eternal return of universals in International Relations. Why returning to language is vital to prolonging the owl’s flight." European Journal of International Relations 19, no. 3 (2013): 499–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066113494669.

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In this contribution I engage with the question of the end of theory from a poststructuralist perspective. I begin by revisiting the making of International Relations as a discrete theoretical endeavour from Waltz (1979) to Wendt (1999), around, respectively, the efforts to unearth the structures of international politics that carved out the international as a distinct site of political analysis, and the appraisal of these structures as social structures (Wendt, 1999). I then revisit the origins of poststructuralism via the works of Jacques Derrida and Judith Butler, in order to bring its founding moves to bear directly on International Relations constructivism. Engaging with constructivism’s founding fathers, Nicholas Onuf, Alexander Wendt and Friedrich Kratochwil, I show that the search for unconstructed universals, grounded in an innate ‘human nature’, persistently haunts International Relations constructivism, even when it foregrounds language as the medium of social construction, and notably when it engages the question of gender. Just as language provided the original site for orchestrating the ‘moving beyond’ (the ‘post’ of poststructuralism) fixed, naturalized structures, I argue that a return to language holds the promise of renewal, and of constructivism’s being able to fulfil its founding promise to theorize constitutivity and the constructed-ness of International Relations’ world.

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Epstein, Charlotte. "Theorizing Agency in Hobbes's Wake: The Rational Actor, the Self, or the Speaking Subject?" International Organization 67, no. 2 (2013): 287–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000039.

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AbstractThe rationalist-constructivist divide that runs through the discipline of International Relations (IR) revolves around two figures of agency, the rational actor and the constructivist “self.” In this article I examine the models of agency that implicitly or explicitly underpin the study of international politics. I show how both notions of the rational actor and the constructivist self have remained wedded to individualist understandings of agency that were first incarnated in the discipline's self-understandings by Hobbes's natural individual. Despite its turn to social theory, this persistent individualism has hampered constructivism's ability to appraise the ways in which the actors and structures of international politics mutually constitute one another “all the way down.” My purpose is to lay the foundations for a nonindividualist, adequately relational, social theory of international politics. To this end I propose a third model of agency, Lacan's split speaking subject. Through a Lacanian reading of the Leviathan, I show how the speaking subject has in fact laid buried away in the discipline's Hobbesian legacy all along.

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Macleod, Alex, Isabelle Masson, and David Morin. "Identité nationale, sécurité et la théorie des relations internationales." Études internationales 35, no. 1 (2004): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008445ar.

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Résumé Dans cet article les auteurs commencent par présenter les trois façons principales d’aborder la problématique de la relation entre identité nationale et sécurité. La première insiste sur l’identité interne comme un objet référent de la sécurité. La deuxième démontre comment les valeurs et les normes associées à la sécurité peuvent être intériorisées par une population pour devenir partie intégrante de l’identité nationale. La troisième lie les perceptions de la menace et les conceptions de la sécurité à la définition de l’identité. Ensuite, l’article examine trois types d’approches théoriques envers cette question : celle des rationalistes, qui propose une conception essentialiste et assez statique de l’identité ; celle du constructivisme dominant, qui considère l’identité comme une donnée relativement stable, bien que perméable au changement ; et celle des approches critiques, qui perçoivent la relation entre identité et sécurité comme très malléable.

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Ramel, Frédéric. "Marcel Mauss et l’étude des relations internationales : un héritage oublié1." Sociologie et sociétés 36, no. 2 (2005): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011057ar.

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Résumé Les fondateurs de la sociologie n’ont pas écarté les relations internationales de leurs préoccupations scientifiques. C’est le cas notamment de Mauss dans ses deux manuscrits consacrés à la nation et à l’internationalisme. Le neveu de Durkheim pose des jalons essentiels : nécessité de l’empirisme, analyse des interdépendances, énonciation d’une loi sociologique quant à l’élargissement des appartenances identitaires. Ce positivisme naissant rencontre cependant des limites puisque extérieur à la sociologie pure et traversé par l’idéologie wilsonienne. Cette réflexion n’a pas eu d’héritiers. La référence à Mauss dans le champ des relations internationales fait l’objet d’une occultation d’autant plus dommageable que la sociologie réinvestit aujourd’hui cet objet.

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Ramel, Frédéric. "Les relations internationales selon Durkheim." Études internationales 35, no. 3 (2005): 495–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/009908ar.

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Résumé Prenant pour objet L’Allemagne au-dessus de tout et L’éducation morale, la présente étude entend démontrer que les relations internationales sont pour Durkheim un objet sociologique comme les autres (application du normal et du pathologique, mise en évidence des contraintes morales et juridiques imposées par le milieu international lui-même instituant un ordre). Toutefois, le sociologue ne considère pas l’humanité comme une société constituée et il fait de l’État une structure indépassable à long terme. Cette analyse de la pensée durkheimienne et non à partir de cette dernière dépasse la simple référence à la Division du travail social. Elle entend critiquer deux idées tenaces : Durkheim occulterait totalement les relations internationales de sa sociologie, Durkheim défendrait l’idée d’une société internationale fonctionnant comme les groupes nationaux.

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Jordaan, Eduard. "South Africa and Civil and Political Rights." Global Governance 25, no. 1 (2019): 171–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02501009.

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Abstract For constructivists, a state’s identity implies its preferences, interests, and resultant actions in international affairs, which is why constructivists expect democracies to support human rights internationally. This study examines South Africa’s record on civil and political rights at the UN Human Rights Council. While there is an element of anti-imperialism in South Africa’s identity that might help explain some of its actions, human rights remain important in South Africa’s self-understanding. Despite the presence of human rights in South Africa’s identity, at the Human Rights Council, South Africa’s actions have ranged from failing to uphold civil and political rights to supporting their restriction. A bifurcated national identity therefore diminishes the predictive power of a constructivist national identity approach.

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Taliaferro, Jeffrey W. "International Relations and the Challenge of Postmodernism: Defending the Discipline. By D. S. L. Jarvis, Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2000. 288p. $34.95." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (2001): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401842015.

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Over the past twenty years, the so-called third debate, or the constructivist turn in international relations theory, has elic- ited a great deal of attention. Various critical theories and epistemologies-sociological approaches, postmodernism, constructivism, neo-Marxism, feminist approaches, and cul- tural theories-seem to dominate the leading international relations journals. Postmodernism (also called critical theo- ry), perhaps the most radical wave of the third debate, uses literary theory to challenge the notion of an "objective" reality in world politics, reject the notion of legitimate social science, and seek to overturn the so-called dominant dis- courses in the field in favor of a new politics that will give voice to previously marginalized groups.

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15

Colonomos, Ariel. "La sociologie des relations internationales à la recherche d’une morale." International Review of Sociology 12, no. 3 (2002): 507–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0390670022000041448.

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Meijer, Hugo. "La sociologie de « l’état en action » au prisme des relations internationales." Gouvernement et action publique 1, no. 1 (2015): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/gap.151.0087.

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Adraoui, Mohamed-Ali. "Politiques étrangères et étranges politiques." Études internationales 48, no. 3-4 (2018): 443–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1044629ar.

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Cet article examine la genèse ainsi que les fondements de la vision des relations internationales telle qu’on l’observe au sein de certains mouvements de l’islam politique. En passant en revue les principes sur lesquels reposent la conception de la politique mondiale chez les auteurs de référence de cette doctrine, nous faisons ainsi la lumière sur les constantes et les ruptures qui caractérisent l’islamisme en tant que pensée des rapports de force mondiaux. En outre, cette contribution met également en lumière, à partir de cas précis (Frères musulmans égyptiens, Ennahda en Tunisie et Parti de la Justice et du Développement au Maroc), l’importance des contextes nationaux dans les évolutions doctrinales relatives à ces mouvements, concluant que l’une des grilles de lecture et d’interprétation les plus pertinentes à mobiliser pour le chercheur souhaitant s’intéresser à la vision des relations internationales dans l’islam politique est certainement le constructivisme, tant la place des constructions idéelles se révèle centrale dans l’univers islamiste.

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Findley, Michael G., Daniel L. Nielson, and J. C. Sharman. "Using Field Experiments in International Relations: A Randomized Study of Anonymous Incorporation1." International Organization 67, no. 4 (2013): 657–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000271.

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AbstractEfforts to fight international money laundering, corruption, and terrorist financing depend crucially on the prohibition barring the formation of anonymous shell companies. To study the effectiveness of this prohibition, we perform the first international relations (IR) field experiment on a global scale. With university institutional review board (IRB) clearance, we posed as consultants requesting confidential incorporation from 1,264 firms in 182 countries. Testing arguments drawn from IR theory, we probe the treatment effects of specifying (1) the international standards (managerialism), (2) penalties for noncompliance with these standards (rationalism), (3) the desire to follow norms through complying with international standards (constructivism), and (4) status as a U.S. customer. We find that firms prompted about possible legal penalties for violating standards (rationalism) were significantly less likely to respond to inquiries and less likely to comply with international law compared to the placebo condition. Some evidence also suggests that the constructivist condition caused significantly greater rates of noncompliance. The U.S. origin condition and the managerial condition had no significant effects on compliance rates. These results present anomalies for leading theories and underscore the importance of determining causal effects in IR research.

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KARP, DAVID JASON. "The utopia and reality of sovereignty: social reality, normative IR and ‘Organized Hypocrisy’." Review of International Studies 34, no. 2 (2008): 313–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210508008048.

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AbstractThis article applies E. H. Carr’s analysis of utopia and reality, and a Searlean-constructivist analysis of rules and norms, to the concept of ‘sovereignty’ in general, and Stephen Krasner’s argument in Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy in particular. In doing this, the article charts a theoretical space that incorporates insights from classical realism, scientific realism, and philosophical (social) constructivism. To view ‘utopia’ and ‘reality’ as distinct yet equally important planes of International Relations (IR) inquiry, thereby treating ‘sovereignty’ as a single concept with descriptive and normative elements, highlights both the merits and the shortcomings of Krasner’s approach. Furthermore, this type of analysis suggests a fruitful way to continue a contemporary normative discussion about what sovereign entities ought to do.

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Callahan, William A. "Beyond Cosmopolitanism and Nationalism: Diasporic Chinese and Neo-Nationalism in China and Thailand." International Organization 57, no. 3 (2003): 481–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818303573027.

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This article highlights the dynamic interaction between Chinese, Thai, and Sino-Thai identity construction, on the one hand, and the mutual production of domestic and international politics, on the other. It questions how nationalism and cosmopolitanism are formulated by arguing against the popular notion that a diaspora is a cosmopolitan community situated in a foreign nation. Diasporic public spheres are critically examined to show how Sino-Thai identity is produced in relation first to neo-nationalism in Thailand and China, and second in specific contexts within Thailand that call into question essential notions of Thai, Chinese, and overseas Chinese identity. Diasporas thus both construct and deconstruct the seemingly opposing forces of nationalism and cosmopolitanism. The article uses the ethnographic approach of anthropological constructivism to build on sociological constructivism's focus on national identity, norms, and formal institutions. Rather than looking to culture as a substance, the article highlights how culture takes shape in context-sensitive relations between identity and difference. This ethnographic approach encourages one to look in different places for world politics, shifting away from state actors to transnational nonstate actors, from geopolitics and international political economy to economic culture, and from law and institutions as the foundations of international society to the less formal organizations of the diasporic public sphere. Diaspora thus not only adds new data to arguments about global/local relations—it helps one question the structures of world politics that look to the opposition between cosmopolitanism and nationalism.

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Saurugger, Sabine. "Avons-nous besoin d'une sociologie des relations internationales pour analyser l'intégration européenne ?" Politique européenne 25, no. 2 (2008): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.025.0193.

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Checkel, Jeffrey T. "Why Comply? Social Learning and European Identity Change." International Organization 55, no. 3 (2001): 553–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/00208180152507551.

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Why do agents comply with the norms embedded in regimes and international institutions? Scholars have proposed two competing answers to this compliance puzzle, one rationalist, the other constructivist. Rationalists emphasize coercion, cost/benefit calculations, and material incentives; constructivists stress social learning, socialization, and social norms. Both schools, however, explain important aspects of compliance. To build a bridge between them, I examine the role of argumentative persuasion and social learning. This makes explicit the theory of social choice and interaction implicit in many constructivist compliance studies, and it broadens rationalist arguments about the instrumental and noninstrumental processes through which actors comply. I argue that domestic politics—in particular, institutional and historical contexts—delimit the causal role of persuasion/social learning, thus helping both rationalists and constructivists to refine the scope of their compliance claims. To assess the plausibility of these arguments, I examine why states comply with new citizenship/membership norms promoted by European regional organizations.

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Mehmetcik, Hakan, and Ferit Belder. "The Past as a Benchmark in Defining Turkey’s Status Politics." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 8, no. 2 (2021): 168–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798921999192.

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This article deals with Turkey’s status politics since the 2000s, by employing an aspirational constructivist approach that links social psychology with social constructivism in international relations. It focuses on the temporal side of status, stemming from historical identity construction in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) rhetoric and practices under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) since 2002. Turkey’s status politics is motivated by its past legacies rather than by a peer-to-peer comparison. Therefore, different variances and practices of identity politics in TFP offer valuable insights into its status-seeking practices. The article offers five images of the past that define various role sets and status claims for Turkey.

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Dufour, Frédérick Guillaume, and Nancy Turgeon. "Dipesh Chakrabarty et John M. Hobson sur l’eurocentrisme et la critique des relations internationales." Études internationales 44, no. 1 (2013): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015124ar.

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Résumé Les auteurs présentent et analysent le projet théorique de Dipesh Chakrabarty – un important représentant des études postcoloniales – de « provincialiser » certains développements sociohistoriques de l’Europe. Ils se penchent également sur la critique de l’eurocentrisme de John M. Hobson, un important représentant de la sociologie historique néowébérienne des relations internationales. Après avoir présenté ces contributions aux théories postcoloniales et au virage anti-eurocentriste de certains sociologues néowébériens, les auteurs soulignent que ces théories ont tendance à s’élever contre une version dépassée du marxisme, ce qui les conduirait à négliger l’étude de l’articulation entre la modernité des relations internationales et l’émergence d’un ordre global capitaliste. Les auteurs concluent en défendant l’importance d’un détour par la théorie sociale classique pour l’examen des spécificités des arguments eurocentristes dans les relations internationales passées et contemporaines.

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Woods, Matthew. "Unnatural acts." Journal of Language and Politics 6, no. 1 (2007): 91–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.6.1.07woo.

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International relations theory overdetermines proliferation but few states possess nuclear arms. This article maintains the linguistic construction of ‘proliferation’ accounts for the international nonnuclear order. Following an overview of its approach, the article begins with a review of earlier works and notes the inability of ‘nuclear language studies’ to account for the order of rejection rather than acquisition of nuclear arms. The article traces that limitation to a practical assumption about the world that animates scholars to attend to how words distort rather than create reality. The article then introduces a version of constructivism that claims speech acts produce constitutive rules that create what ‘is’ and oblige order (as ‘same use’) to suggest how language accounts for the order that turns on rejection of nuclear weapons. Finally, the article illustrates how states, following this constructivist process, often used discursive practices that emphasized the ‘unnatural’ to create ‘proliferation’ between 1958 and 1968.

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Sindjoun, Luc. "La loyauté démocratique dans les relations internationales : sociologie des normes de civilité internationale." Études internationales 32, no. 1 (2005): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704255ar.

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La démocratie peut dans une large mesure être considérée comme une valeur fondatrice d'une vision et d'une articulation précises de la société internationale dans la conjoncture actuelle. Dès lors, l'organisation interne des États cesse de relever du domaine réservé et s'inscrit à l'interface du dedans et du dehors. Bien plus, elle est influencée par la dynamique de civilisation des moeurs politiques qui semble consacrer la loyauté démocratique par delà le clivage idéalisme/réalisme. À partir de la trilogie proposée par Hirschman, on peut envisager dans les relations internationales trois formes de comportement : la loyauté, la protestation et la défection. À l'analyse du rapport des États à la démocratie et à la démocratisation, il convient de prendre en compte une quatrième catégorie à savoir, la simulation

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Viger, Jonathan. "Le développement inégal et combiné des révolutions : une réflexion critique sur la relation interdisciplinaire entre sociologie historique et Relations internationales." Études internationales 46, no. 2-3 (2016): 301–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1035182ar.

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Cet article vise à initier le lectorat francophone au programme de recherche de la sociologie historique internationale (shi) et à la théorie du développement inégal et combiné (dic) comme tentative de synthèse transdisciplinaire entre sociologie historique et Relations internationales (ri). Cette tentative sera analysée à travers l’étude des révolutions, en tant qu’objet de recherche emblématique de la fracture épistémique entre les deux disciplines. Nous déconstruirons le projet transdisciplinaire du dic pour démontrer comment celui-ci ne répond pas aux objectifs initiaux de la shi en termes de sociologisation et d’historicisation des RI. Nous tenterons par la suite de réactiver ces objectifs et de reformuler la relation interdisciplinaire entre sociologie et ri au moyen d’une réflexion épistémologique et historiciste prenant comme base la théorie des relations sociales de propriété (trsp).

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Friedberg, Aaron L. "The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?" International Security 30, no. 2 (2005): 7–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124589.

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What is likely to be the future character of the relationship between the United States and the People's Republic of China? Will it be marked by convergence toward deepening cooperation, stability, and peace or by deterioration that leads to increasingly open competition and perhaps even war? The answers to these questions are of enormous importance. They are also, at this point, unknown. Most analysts who write on U.S.-China relations deploy arguments derived from the three main camps in contemporary international relations theorizing: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Those whose basic analytical premises place them in one of these three schools, however, do not necessarily have similar views regarding the speciac question of the future of U.S.-China relations. It is possible to identify realists who believe that the relationship will basically be stable and peaceful, liberals who expect confrontation and confict, and constructivists who think that things could go either way. The six basic positions in this debate all rest on claims about the importance of particular causal mechanisms or sets of similarly aligned causal forces. In reality, one set of forces may turn out to be so powerful as to overwhelm the rest. But it is also conceivable that the future will be shaped by a confuence of different forces, some mutually reinforcing and others opposed.

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Mérand, Frédéric, and Vincent Pouliot. "Le monde de Pierre Bourdieu : Éléments pour une théorie sociale des Relations internationales." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 3 (2008): 603–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080748.

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Résumé. Cet article jette un regard original sur les débats contemporains en Relations internationales (RI) à la lumière de la sociologie de Pierre Bourdieu. Sa riche théorie sociale permet d'établir des ponts entre les approches conventionnelles et celles qui sont issues de la mouvance critique en RI. Plus précisément, nous identifions six contributions que pourrait apporter une approche bourdieusienne. Sur le plan métathéorique, cette approche se caractériserait par une épistémologie réflexive, une ontologie relationnelle et une théorie de la pratique, trois axes qui s'inscrivent à la jonction des grands débats théoriques en RI. D'un point de vue plus centré sur l'application, la sociologie de Bourdieu permet l'étude de la politique mondiale en tant qu'imbrication complexe de champs sociaux, l'ouverture de l'État comme champ de pouvoir, de même qu'une meilleure prise en compte de la nature symbolique de la puissance.Abstract. This article takes a fresh look at current debates in International Relations (IR) in the light of Pierre Bourdieu's sociology. We argue that Bourdieu's social theory could help build bridges between conventional and critical approaches in IR. More specifically, we identify six contributions that a Bourdieusian approach can make. At the meta-theoretical level, such an approach would be characterized by a reflexive epistemology, a relational ontology and a theory of practice – three dimensions that address key theoretical debates in IR. On a more applied level, Bourdieu's sociology enables us to study world politics as a complex of “embedded social fields”, to open up the state's field of power, and to factor in the symbolic nature of power.

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Louis, Marieke, and Lucile Maertens. "Des stratégies de changement dans les organisations internationales." Études internationales 45, no. 2 (2014): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1026588ar.

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Partant d’une comparaison inédite entre le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés (hcr) et l’Organisation internationale du travail (oit), cet article suggère de revisiter la problématique du changement dans les organisations internationales en montrant, dans une perspective de sociologie des relations internationales, l’existence d’un continuum de stratégies organisationnelles mises en place par ces dernières pour légitimer leur existence et leur action, stratégies allant de la survie à la revendication d’une certaine autonomie. Deux moments de la vie du hcr et de l’oit sont comparés : l’intervention, en décembre 2004, du hcr au secours de victimes du tsunami en Asie du Sud-Est et le lancement, en juin 1999, de l’Agenda du travail décent, par le directeur général de l’oit.

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Lebow, Richard Ned. "Thucydides the Constructivist." American Political Science Review 95, no. 3 (2001): 547–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401003112.

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The most superficial level of Thucydides’ history examines the destructive consequences of domestic and foreign policies framed outside the language of justice. His deeper political-philosophical aim was to explore the relationship between nomos (convention) and phusis (nature) and its implications for civilization. Thucydides concludes that nomos constructs identities and channels and restrains the behavior of individuals and societies. Speech and reason (logos) in turn make nomos possible because all conventions depend on shared meanings. The feedback loop between logoi (words) and ergoi (deeds) created Greek civilization but also the international and civil strife (stasis) associated with the Peloponnesian War. International security and civil order depend upon recovering the meanings of words and the conventions they enable. Thucydides should properly be considered a constructivist.

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Paquin, Stéphane. "Badie avant Badie. L’apport de la sociologie historique comparative à sa perspective des relations internationales." Études internationales 50, no. 2 (2019): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1071175ar.

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Addi, Lahouari. "Le concept de société en relations internationales. Approches théoriques d'une sociologie de la scène mondiale." Insaniyat / إنسانيات, no. 47-48 (June 30, 2010): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/insaniyat.4878.

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Dufour, Frédérick Guillaume. "Le retour du juridique comme dimension constitutive des théories critiques des relations internationales ?" Études internationales 39, no. 1 (2008): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018719ar.

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Dans la discipline anglo-américaine des relations internationales (ri), la frontière entre l’étude des ri et celle du droit international (di) est devenue de plus en plus étanche au cours du 20e siècle. Les théories critiques, n’échappent pas à ce traitement instrumental du di. Si plusieurs tiennent un propos plutôt empirique sur le droit, d’autres développent des stratégies théoriques afin de faire du droit une dimension constitutive de leur théorie. On se propose ici d’explorer deux tentatives des théories critiques de développer une relation plus dynamique avec les catégories juridiques. La première est celle de Jürgen Habermas de renouveler une théorie cosmopolite des ri ; la seconde est celle de Benno Teschke de faire du droit une catégorie cognitive centrale pour une sociologie historique des ri articulée autour du concept de relations sociales de propriété.

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Hopf, Ted. "The Promise of Constructivism in International Relations Theory." International Security 23, no. 1 (1998): 171–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.23.1.171.

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AlexMacleod. "Les études de sécurité : du constructivisme dominant au constructivisme critique." Cultures & conflits, no. 54 (June 1, 2004): 13–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/conflits.1526.

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Xian, Rachel. "Conditioning Constructs: A Psychological Theory of International Negotiated Cooperation." International Negotiation 26, no. 2 (2021): 319–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10025.

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Abstract Political psychology and social constructivism exist in an “ideational alliance” against realism; however, both have overlooked behavioral conditioning, the basis of animal learning. Through six stages situated in international negotiation behaviors, the theory of Conditioning Constructs shows how behavioral conditioning can take parties from specific to diffuse reciprocity, rationalist to constructivist cooperation, and crisis to durable peace. In stages 1, 2 and 3, parties use negotiated agreements to exit prisoner’s dilemmas, continuously reinforce cooperation during agreement implementation, and satiate to rewards as initial implementation finalizes. In stages 4, 5 and 6, parties receive fresh rewards with new negotiations, undergo intermittent reinforcement with periodic agreements thereafter, and finally attribute cooperative behavior to actor constructs. Conditioning Constructs demonstrates that agency is possible in socially constructed structures through willful participation in conditioning through negotiation; and that, while Anatol Rapoport’s tit-for-tat strategy is suited to initial cooperation, intermittent reinforcement better preserves late-stage cooperation.

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Sindjoun, Luc. "La civilisation internationale des moeurs : éléments pour une sociologie de l'idéalisme structurel dans les relations internationales." Études internationales 27, no. 4 (2005): 841–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703666ar.

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Human rights have been seen as basic to the ethical distinctiveness and legitimization of states. They also contribute to the international culture of state moral standards. Interdependence between states is based on a minimum of shared values or accepted rules, including human rights, which symbolically constitute a universe of constraints. The codification of human rights through the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Africa's experience in the area of international ethics support the hypothesis of an international culture of moral standards.

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Matravers, Matt. "Justice and Constructivism." Political Studies Review 13, no. 2 (2015): 176–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12083.

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ZEHFUSS, MAJA. "Constructivism and Identity:." European Journal of International Relations 7, no. 3 (2001): 315–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066101007003002.

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Grondin1, David, Anne-Marie D’Aoust, and Paul Racine-Sibulka. "La discipline francophone des Relations internationales au Québec et au Canada." Articles 31, no. 3 (2013): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1014958ar.

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Depuis les années 1990, les RI francophones semblent avoir connu un essor important au point de s’imposer comme l’un des sous-champs les plus populaires pour les étudiants de baccalauréat et des cycles supérieurs au Québec et au Canada francophone. Au-delà de ces développements institutionnels importants et à la lumière des conclusions posées par Cornut et coll. (dans ce numéro) sur les nouveaux politologues francophones, quel bilan peut-on dresser des « RI francophones » ? On a peu questionné l’effet de la pratique la plus évidente des RI, soit l’usage hégémonique de l’anglais, sur les RI dans le Canada et le Québec francophones et notamment sur les nouveaux doctorants qui y sont formés. Il nous apparaissait ainsi important de souligner que le bilan des RI francophones au Canada et au Québec nécessite que l’on questionne non seulement la singularité intellectuelle apportée par l’épithète « francophones » ajoutée à « RI », mais également la soi-disant nature proprement anglophone de la discipline des RI. Les conclusions de la sociologie de la discipline centrées sur le rôle politique de la langue dans la recherche et l’enseignement offertes dans ce texte espéraient rendre plus saillante la réalité des différentes structures de pouvoir en lien avec la production d’un savoir dans une langue plutôt qu’une autre. En soulevant certaines questions difficiles avec lesquelles les étudiants et les professeurs en RI sont aux prises et en proposant certaines mesures concrètes, nous n’espérons pas tant susciter la controverse, inévitable et nécessaire lorsque des questions d’ordre politique sont soulevées, que semer les germes d’un débat crucial à venir quant à l’avenir d’une production intellectuelle francophone en RI et la formation de doctorants francophones en RI au Québec et au Canada.

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Bode, Ingvild, and Hendrik Huelss. "Autonomous weapons systems and changing norms in international relations." Review of International Studies 44, no. 3 (2018): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000614.

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AbstractAutonomous weapons systems (AWS) are emerging as key technologies of future warfare. So far, academic debate concentrates on the legal-ethical implications of AWS but these do not capture how AWS may shape norms through defining diverging standards of appropriateness in practice. In discussing AWS, the article formulates two critiques on constructivist models of norm emergence: first, constructivist approaches privilege the deliberative over the practical emergence of norms; and second, they overemphasise fundamental norms rather than also accounting for procedural norms, which we introduce in this article. Elaborating on these critiques allows us to respond to a significant gap in research: we examine how standards of procedural appropriateness emerging in the development and usage of AWS often contradict fundamental norms and public legitimacy expectations. Normative content may therefore be shaped procedurally, challenging conventional understandings of how norms are constructed and considered as relevant in International Relations. In this, we outline the contours of a research programme on the relationship of norms and AWS, arguing that AWS can have fundamental normative consequences by setting novel standards of appropriate action in international security policy.

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Walter, Timo. "The road (not) taken? How the indexicality of practice could make or break the ‘New Constructivism’." European Journal of International Relations 25, no. 2 (2018): 538–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066118779664.

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The ‘turn to practice’ has become a methodological keystone for the project of a ‘New’ Constructivism within International Relations. This project aims to use the observable level of everyday, practical activities as a prism for making empirically tractable the processes of world-making that constitute international order. In making the logic of practice the starting point for substantive theorizing, this New Constructivism seeks to provide a methodological platform for more empirically grounded, analytically open conceptions of international order. More ‘experience-near’ modes of inquiry would thus allow us to come to terms with the increasingly heterogeneous and unruly nature of the International, and help avert further fissuring of an already divided discipline. While sharing the view that more experience-near modes of inquiry promise much in this regard, this article argues that the New Constructivism is in danger of going down a methodological blind alley that severely undermines its ability to achieve its objectives. It shows that the one-sided, meta-theoretically motivated emphasis on the (alleged) direct observability of practice orders in their natural contexts severely stunts our ability to make their logic explicit in concrete empirical analyses. To highlight these dangers, the article provides a close analysis of the methodological implications of the indexicality of meaning (its dependence on ‘socially organized occasions of its use’). It closely examines how recent applied practice-theoretical work in International Relations is handicapped by a deeply engrained misconception of indexicality. This shows that we need to accept reflexivity as a necessary ingredient for interpretation, and thus for making explicit the practical logics that constitute the International.

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Nimigan, Sarah P. "Africa and the International Criminal Court: (Re)constructing the Narrative." International Criminal Law Review 21, no. 2 (2021): 203–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10050.

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Abstract African support for the International Criminal Court (icc) from its earliest stages of institutional development is often referenced in the international criminal justice literature with limited explanation. The aim of this article is to establish a holistic account of African support for an international criminal court in the pre-Rome period, during the Rome Diplomatic Conference, and after the establishment of the icc. This analysis uses rational choice and constructivist international relations (ir) theory to help explain levels of African commitment to the Rome Statute using Kenya and Ivory Coast as case studies. While the icc has been criticized on neocolonial bases, it is important to reconstruct the narrative to more accurately reflect African agency over the international criminal justice project, and the icc in particular. African resistance to the institutional behaviour of the icc is situated in its broader political context(s): domestically and internationally, using rational and normative factors to explain various levels of African commitment to the Rome Statute.

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COICAUD, JEAN-MARC. "Emotions and Passions in the Discipline of International Relations." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (2014): 485–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109914000206.

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AbstractThe article focuses on how emotions and passions – two related but somewhat different notions – are addressed in the field of international relations. As such it makes three main points. First, the article argues that, although presupposed in mainstream international relations, because of the influence of positivism emotions and passions have tended to be overlooked. Second, it makes the point that in recent years scholars with constructivist leanings have been increasingly interested in taking emotions and passions seriously as an academic area of research. Third, and finally, the article concludes that despite the progress made in the 2000s on the understanding of emotions and passions in international relations, more work remains to be done. As such it outlines future directions of research.

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OWENS, PATRICIA. "Method or madness? Sociolatry in international thought." Review of International Studies 41, no. 4 (2015): 655–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210515000182.

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AbstractInternational theory has a social problem. Twenty years after the so-called ‘social turn’, the historical origins of distinctly social forms of thought are not subject to scrutiny, let alone well understood. Indeed, the problem of the ahistorical social is an issue not only for predominant liberal, realist, and constructivist appropriations of social theory, but also the broad spectrum of critical and Marxist modes of theorising. In contrast to practicing sociolatry, the worship of things ‘socio’, this article addresses the historicity of the social as both a mode of thought – primarily in social theories and sociology – against the background of the emergence of the social realm as a concrete historical formation. It highlights problems with the social theoretic underpinnings of liberalism, social constructivism, and Marxism and advances an original claim for why the rise of the social was accompanied by attacks on things understood (often erroneously) as political. To fully understand these phenomena demands a closer examination of the more fundamental governance form the modern social realm was purported to replace, but which it scaled up and transformed.

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BARTELSON, JENS. "Towards a genealogy of ‘society’ in International Relations." Review of International Studies 41, no. 4 (2015): 675–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210515000194.

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AbstractThe concept of society and its cognates have long been widely invoked in order to understand International Relations. Theories of international society distinguish between a society of states and a mere system of states, and theories of world society assume that the world constitutes a single social space. In order to come to terms with the social character of International Relations, constructivists of different stripes have invoked a societal context within which the construction of identities and norms takes place. As I shall argue in this article, these usages draw on conceptions of society that emerged during the early phases of modern sociology, and have then been projected onto alien historical and cultural contexts. In order to avoid the anachronism and Eurocentrism that invariably have resulted from these uncritical usages, I argue that academic International Relations should seek to accommodate those forms of human association that cannot be subsumed under a recognisably modern concept of society by incorporating insights from postcolonial sociology into its theoretical core.

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Hynek, Nik, and Andrea Teti. "Saving identity from postmodernism? The normalization of constructivism in International Relations." Contemporary Political Theory 9, no. 2 (2010): 171–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2008.49.

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Martineau, Jonathan, and Justin Rosenberg. "Pourquoi n’y a-t-il pas de sociologie historique internationale ?" Cahiers de recherche sociologique, no. 52 (July 17, 2013): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017277ar.

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Les études de sociologie historique font face à un défi similaire à celui examiné par Martin Wight dans son article intitulé « Why is There noInternational Theory ? ». Les théories sociales classiques ont conceptualisé la « société » au singulier ontologique, léguant à leurs successeurs le problème de l’analogie domestique qui a opiniâtrement résisté aux tentatives de fournir une théorie sociale des Relations Internationales. Pour surmonter ce problème, il faut étendre les prémisses de la théorie sociale pour y incorporer les éléments généraux de la réalité sociale qui génèrent le phénomène de l’« international ». Il est possible de mener cette extension à bon port grâce à l’idée de développement inégal et combiné mise de l’avant par Leon Trotsky. Plus spécifiquement, l’existence de l’« international » émerge ultimement de l’inégalité de l’existence sociohistorique humaine ; on peut dériver ses caractéristiques distinctives de l’analyse de la condition résultante de « développement combiné » ; et sa signification, bien que sociologiquement redéfinie, amène une reconceptualisation du « développement » même – une reconceptualisation qui libère la sociologie historique du problème de l’analogie domestique.

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Meszaros, Thomas. "Système contre société. Deux concepts antithétiques ?" Études internationales 39, no. 3 (2008): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019307ar.

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Résumé Cet article entend mettre en évidence l’importance des concepts de « système » et de « société » dans la discipline des Relations internationales à partir du débat engagé à l’occasion du renouvellement du programme de recherche de l’École anglaise. En effet, l’analyse de la tentative initiée par Barry Buzan, et suivie par la « nouvelle vague » de cette école, permet de souligner l’ambition de ce programme qui repose sur la complémentarité qui existe entre ces deux concepts. Ainsi, à partir de la distinction traditionnelle, théorique et méthodologique relative à ces deux notions on peut proposer une reformulation du concept de « société internationale » en le considérant, dans le sillage de la sociologie formelle de Georg Simmel, comme un idéal-type qui induit une méthode particulière d’étude des relations sociales entre États.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Relations internationales Constructivisme (sociologie)'

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