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1

Pulsipher, Jenny Hale. "“Dark Cloud Rising from the East”: Indian Sovereignty and the Coming of King William's War in New England." New England Quarterly 80, no. 4 (2007): 588–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2007.80.4.588.

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King William's War (1689–97) has long been overshadowed by the wars bracketing it, but it was pivotal to English-Indian relations. As the English violated the treaty promises concluding King Philip's War and ignored Indian sovereignty, Indians turned to the French, establishing an alliance that would characterize the French and Indian Wars to come.
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2

Oonk, Gijsbert. "‘After Shaking his Hand, Start Counting your Fingers’: Trust and Images in Indian Business Networks, East Africa 1900-2000." Itinerario 28, no. 3 (2004): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019847.

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In this study, I examine how ‘ethnic’ trading networks are created and recreated, but may also fracture and fall apart. This occurred among some Indian groups in East Africa, who initially strengthened their economic and cultural ties with India by maintaining intensive trade relations and taking brides from the homeland. However, after just one generation, their economic focus was on East Africa, Japan and the UK. Many of today's well-off Indian businessmen in East Africa show little economic interest in India. In fact, Gujarati businessmen in East Africa created new, rather negative images of their counterparts in Gujarat. During the last century, their overall image of Indians in India was transformed from one of a ‘reliable family or community members’ to one of ‘unreliable, corrupt and, untrustworthy ‘others’.
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3

Wadewitz, Lissa K. "Rethinking the “Indian War”: Northern Indians and Intra-Native Politics in the Western Canada-U.S. Borderlands." Western Historical Quarterly 50, no. 4 (2019): 339–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whz096.

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Abstract The standard interpretation of Washington Territory’s “Indian War” of the mid-1850s is not only east-west in its orientation, it also leaves little room for Indian auxiliaries, let alone mercenaries-for-hire from the north Pacific coast. “Northern Indians” from what later became northwestern British Columbia and southeastern Alaska provided crucial productive, reproductive, and military labor for early Euro-American settlers. Because Coast Salish communities on both sides of the border had experienced decades of raids and conflicts with various groups of northern Indians by the 1850s, Euro-Americans’ hiring of northern Indians in particular illustrates the importance of intra-Indian geopolitics to subsequent events. When placed in this larger context, the “Indian War” of 1855–56 in western Washington must be seen as part of a longer continuum of disputes involving distant Native groups, intra-Indian negotiations, and forms of Indigenous diplomacy. A closer look at how the key players involved attempted to manipulate these connections for their own purposes complicates our understandings of the military conflicts of the mid-1850s and reveals the significance of evolving Native-newcomer and intra-Indian relations in this transformative decade.
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4

Singh, Sudhir. "Sino-Indian Relations: Implications for East Asia." International Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (2011): 159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol1no1.11.

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5

Sangi, Lalhming. "India-Singapore Partnership in the 21st Century." Senhri Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (2020): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.36110/sjms.2020.05.01.008.

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India’s rebranded “Act East Policy” has led to a vibrant cooperation under the growing economic relations between India and Singapore in the 21st Century. During the Cold War, Singapore, a natural ally of India remained friendly playing a buffer role in trying to bring India towards other Southeast Asian countries. Although the bilateral relations remained constant they were neither substantial nor warm during the Cold War due to ideological differences. After the launching of India’s “Look East Policy”, India’s relation with ASEAN increases and ASEAN plays a considerable role for the development of bilateral cooperation between India and Singapore. This paper examines Indo-Singapore economic relations as impacted by the growing development of India-ASEAN relations.
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6

JAIN, RAJENDRA K. "From Idealism to Pragmatism: India and Asian Regional Integration." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (2011): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000041.

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AbstractAfter being at the periphery for decades, India's proactive engagement with East and Southeast Asia has gradually transformed it into an active participant in Asian regional organizations and multilateral processes. This paper examines early Indian attempts at forging pan-Asian unity and assesses the motivations and impact of its Look East Policy. It evaluates India's changing role towards regional cooperation in South Asia and sub-regional groupings, the impact of domestic politics, and discusses how China has influenced Indian perceptions and strategy towards Asian regionalism. After a long gap, India is again contributing ideas on Asian integration and stresses that the broader East Asian integration process should remain open and inclusive.
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7

Marchang, Reimeingam. "BCIM Economic Corridor an Integral Part of BRI for Regional Cooperation: Positioning India’s North-East and Act East Policy." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 2 (2021): 249–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970211017732.

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China proactively wants to establish the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC) as an integral part of the Belt and Road Initiative for economic cooperation. Through the BCIM-EC, China wants to revive the ancient Southern Silk Road trade route. Beijing realises that to achieve the BCIM-EC, India’s cooperation would be indispensable. India has been hesitant to fully commit to the BCIM-EC owing mainly to the surging trade deficit with China, overlapping of objectives with other similar existing regional cooperation initiatives, China’s dominance in South Asia, security concerns, territorial disputes and trade-related logistic issues. However, in recent times, India has shown more interest in developing the economic corridor considering its potential to promote development, security and stability in the Indian Northeast, which would align well with the geostrategic objectives of India’s Act East Policy (AEP). India however needs to better align its AEP with BCIM-EC in order to promote and strengthen the AEP and thereby concurrently build the BCIM-EC to link Southeast Asia and China.
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8

McArthur, Tom. "English as an Asian language." English Today 19, no. 2 (2003): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078403002049.

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This article discusses the current role of English not only as a world but as an Asian language. Beginning with a consideration of the views of Graddol (1997) on the role of English in Asia, especially in relation to Chinese, it discusses the situation of English in the various parts of the continent: Central, West, South, and East, noting that the language plays a distinct role in each. It also notes the vast and increasing influence of the language despite the fewness of its native speakers in the world's largest continent, drawing attention to the disproportionate influence of three small indigenous communities of more or less native-speakers: the Anglo-Indians, the East Indians, and many Filipinos. It then considers a range of countries throughout the continent, concluding with comments on Singapore and East Asia, and the vast numbers of users of English in China and India alone.
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9

Bajpaee, Chietigj. "Dephasing India's Look East/Act East Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 39, no. 2 (2017): 348–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs39-2d.

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10

Karmwar, Manish. "India-Africa: Rediscovering Trade Relations through Cultural Assimilation." VEETHIKA-An International Interdisciplinary Research Journal 6, no. 4 (2020): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.48001/veethika.2020.06.04.002.

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Indo-African trade relations are one of the imperative segments to understand African settlements in different parts of Indian sub-continent. Several Africans rose to positions of authority as generals and governors, in the Janjira and Sachin kingdoms they rose from king-makers to Emperors. The evidence of African trade in India has a significant history. From ancient times, three valuable export commodities which were prized in Africa: pepper, silk and cotton. The migration from the African sub-continent into India went up only in the sixth century A.D. but we have had an incredible trade-relation from time immemorial. From the Sixth century through the fifteenth century the history of the East African coast is somewhat illuminated by Arabs, Persians and Europeans. During the course of the sixteenth century the Portuguese dominated the Indian Ocean and its shoreline. Portugal was determined to remove Muslim merchants, especially Arabs, in the Indian Ocean system. This paper tries to explore India Africa relation especially with east Africa from earliest times to nineteenth century A.D. The paper recognizes the fact that trade and natural resources have been the principal reason behind the age-old links between Africa and India. The paper identifies the Cultural assimilation and African diaspora through the ages which has a vital facet to further strengthen the Trade Relations.
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11

Kumar, Subhash, and Souvik Chatterjee. "Mongolia’s assertive and pragmatic role in India’s Connect Central Asia Policy: Current trajectory and Future Ahead." Journal of Political Issues 3, no. 1 (2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/jpi.v3i1.61.

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Mongolia’s uniqueness and importance in contemporary world politics lie in its geographical situating, demography, and economy. Geographically landlocked and situated in the Eurasian intersection, Mongolia has the lowest population density of any sovereign country on the planet. Sandwiched among Russia and China Mongolia's harsh environment limit its economic interests. However, Mongolia's geostrategic position, unexplored energy assets, and democratic governance have expanded its importance in global politics. Because of such Mongolia holds a key position in India's Act East and Connect Central Policy to counter China's expansionist policies in North-East Asia. With regards to India-Mongolia relations, the two nations share a rich historical legacy. Tibetan Buddhism the most prevailing religion in Mongolia makes social linkages, Democracy solidified further connections between India and Mongolia. Because of these old and profoundly established linkages, India-Mongolia are 'spiritual neighbors'. However, China still has an overreaching control over Mongolia’s trade, commerce, and other sectors. China also dominates intra-regional trade in North-East Asia. Under India’s Connect Central Asia India attempts to counter Chinese encirclement by delving into close strategic, economic, and energy relations with China's neighbors like Mongolia and CAS. However, the achievement or failure of India's Connect Asia Policy will depend upon India's political as well as its diplomatic will to transform India's interest in regional integration in reality.
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12

Sikri, Rajiv. "India's “Look East” Policy." Asia-Pacific Review 16, no. 1 (2009): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439000902957624.

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13

John, Jojin V. "India–South Korea Relations Under ‘Special Strategic Partnership’: ‘Act East Policy’ Meets ‘New Southern Policy’." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 2 (2020): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420917798.

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Of late India–South Korea relations have witnessed an upswing with the elevation of bilateral relation to Special Strategic Partnership (SSP) in 2015. Explaining the context and developments in bilateral relations, the article observes that the new momentum articulated in SSP constitutes a convergence of interests through the meeting of India’s ‘Act East Policy’ and South Korea’s ‘New Southern Policy’. The growing cooperation in defence, security, development, industry and a shared vision for regional order has visibly enhanced the scope and depth of the strategic partnership between the two countries, however, not without challenges in the emerging Indo-Pacific regional context.
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14

Xie, Baoxia, Xianlong Zhu, and Adam Grydehøj. "Perceiving the Silk Road Archipelago: Archipelagic relations within the ancient and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road." Island Studies Journal 15, no. 2 (2020): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24043/isj.118.

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This paper analyses the ancient Maritime Silk Road through a relational island studies approach. Island ports and island cities represented key sites of water-facilitated transport and exchange in the ancient Indian Ocean and South China Sea. Building our analysis upon a historical overview of the ancient Maritime Silk Road from the perspective of China’s Guangdong Province and the city of Guangzhou, we envision a millennia-long ‘Silk Road Archipelago’ encompassing island cities and island territories stretching across East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, West Asia, and East Africa. Bearing in mind the complex movements of peoples, places, and processes involved, we conceptualise the ancient Maritime Silk Road as an uncentred network of archipelagic relation. This conceptualisation of the ancient Maritime Silk Road as a vast archipelago can have relevance for our understanding of China’s present-day promotion of a 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road as part of the Belt and Road Initiative. We ultimately argue against forcing the Maritime Silk Road concept within a binary perspective of essentialised East-West conflict or hierarchical relations and instead argue for the value of a nuanced understanding of relationality.
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15

Sharma, Priyotosh. "From Look East to Act East : Opportunities for North-East India with Special Reference to Silchar." Journal of University of Shanghai for Science and Technology 23, no. 09 (2021): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.51201/jusst/21/09511.

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The Act East Policy of India which actually succeeded India’s Look East Policy has deepened India’s engagement and ties with the East and Southeast Asian countries. The Act East Policy is a continuation of former Look East Policy of India which was introduced by P. V. Narasimha Rao Government in the early years of 1990s. If we, however, look at both the policies we could find the Act East Policy has reached far beyond in several areas where the former policy could not reach. The Act East Policy emphasizes on practicing more action oriented policies towards East and Southeast Asian Countries so that India can emerge as a major power in Asia. Under the Act East Policy, India’s linkages and connectivity with the Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN have been strengthened through a numbers of bilateral and regional trade agreements. The new Policy also aims at effective implementation of proposed policies and programs by developing better relations with these countries through bilateral talks, trade, business and economic, strategic and cultural ties. This paper tries to summarize the opportunities that the Act East Policy offers to India in general and to the North-East India, in particular. To point out the role Silchar and its strategic importance in the Act Policy is another objective of this paper. At the end, it highlights the major challenges which may harm the growth of Act East Policy of India.
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16

Ramdass, MJ, P. Harnarayan, N. Mooteeram, et al. "Patterns of arteriosclerotic lesions of the lower extremity in a West Indian population based on angiographic findings and ethnicity." Annals of The Royal College of Surgeons of England 96, no. 2 (2014): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/003588414x13814021676756.

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Introduction This study aimed to determine whether ethnic differences show different patterns of arterial disease in the lower limb. Methods A prospective analysis of 100 consecutive patients with 160 lower limb arteriograms was performed looking at the pattern of disease with relation to ethnicity in Trinidad and Tobago. Results There were 53 male and 47 female patients with an age range of 43–90 years (mean: 66 years). Of the 100 patients, 45 were of East Indian descent, 36 of Afro-Caribbean descent, 14 of mixed descent and 5 had other backgrounds. There were 32 smokers and 69 diabetics. The most commonly affected artery in East Indians was the anterior tibial artery (ATA, 70%) followed by the peroneal artery (60%), superficial femoral artery (SFA, 60%), posterior tibial artery (PTA, 57%) and tibioperoneal trunk (TPT, 39%). In Afro-Caribbeans, the most commonly affected artery was the ATA (79%) followed by the PTA (74%), peroneal artery (66%) and TPT (55%). The mixed group showed the PTA (85%) to be most diseased followed by the peroneal artery (75%), ATA (70%), SFA (70%), dorsalis pedis artery (DPA, 60%) and TPT (50%). Overall, the most diseased vessel in all groups was the ATA (73%) followed by the PTA (66%), peroneal artery (64%), SFA (59%), TPT (46%), DPA (38%), popliteal artery (31%) and medial plantar artery (MPA, 29%), with the proximal vessels not being affected severely. Conclusions Ethnic divisions were only statistically significant (p<0.05) with East Indians showing worse disease in the profunda femoris artery and Afro-Caribbeans showing worse disease in the PTA, DPA and MPA. This suggests that environmental factors may play a significant role in the disease process including smoking and dietary factors rather than purely genetics.
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17

SINGHAL, D. P. "Indian Policy in South-East Asia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 12, no. 2 (2008): 258–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1966.tb00697.x.

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18

Chachavalpongpun, Pavin. "Look East Meets Look West: Indian–Southeast Asian Relations in Flux." International Spectator 46, no. 2 (2011): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2011.576174.

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19

SINGH, UDAY. "India’s Strategic Engagement with the Middle East." Think India 22, no. 1 (2019): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i1.8278.

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On 10 February 2018, Narendra Modi became the first Indian prime minister to visit the Palestinian territories. He arrived in Ramallah in a helicopter from neighbouring Jordan, escorted by Israeli Air Force choppers. The trip to Jordan also marked a milestone as the first prime ministerial visit in 30 years. Next on the four-day agenda was the United Arab Emirates, where Modi was paying a second visit in less than three years, followed by a maiden visit for him to Oman. Aside from the fanfare and symbolism of Modi’s personalised style of diplomacy, there is clear strategic intent behind the efforts to deepen relations with countries to the west of India.
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Pate, Tanvi. "Re-(Modi)fying India’s Israel Policy: An Exploration of Practical Geopolitical Reasoning Through Re-representation of ‘India’, ‘Israel’ and ‘West Asia’ Post-2014." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 1 (2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020906647.

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Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nature of this bilateral relationship remained murky as India avoided any explicit recognition. However, with Modi’s visit, the policy of ‘equidistance’ or ‘de-hyphenation’ of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ was formally operationalised proclaiming that India’s relations with one country will have no impact on relations with the other. Conventional academic wisdom attributes causal determinants to Indian foreign policy vis-à-vis Israel as guided by international and domestic factors. This article contends that a constitutive approach to understanding India’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle East offers a viable alternative. Adopting Gearoid O Tuathail’s theoretical framework of practical geopolitical reasoning, this article critically explores the geopolitical representations of ‘India’, ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’, ‘West Asia’, ‘South Asia’ and ‘Middle East’ in the National Democratic Alliance government’s foreign policy discourse through an analysis of ‘grammar of geopolitics’, ‘geopolitical storylines’ and ‘geopolitical script’. The article demonstrates that re-representation of ‘India’ as a ‘global actor’ and re-representation of ‘Israel’ as a country in ‘West Asia’ have enabled the Modi-led government to implement India–Israel bilateral partnership which underscores strategic cooperation in full visibility via overt normalisation.
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Gordon, Stewart. "Moral Hinterlands of Pre-Colonial Indian Cities." Asian Review of World Histories 6, no. 2 (2018): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340036.

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Abstract This paper explores relations between Western Indian cities and the supply areas connected to them. It begins with a discussion of the term “hinterland,” frequently used to describe these relations. As we shall see, the term greatly simplifies a complex set of relationships between cities, smaller towns, and rural villages. We will consider three case studies of money advanced against future assets. The first concerns the relation of thirteenth-century Jewish traders to their indigenous spice suppliers on the Malabar Coast; the second, the relation of eighteenth-century East India Company traders to cloth producers; and the third, the relation of Pune investors to taxation areas against which they loaned money to the Maratha government. In a time of slow communications and transportation the central problem was “trust at a distance”; the operative relationships were as much emotional and moral as economic. Finally, I will suggest a new way to conceptualize cities and their hinterlands.
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Singh, Udai Bhanu. "Role of Historical Legacy in India’s Relations with Territories to its East." Strategic Analysis 39, no. 4 (2015): 453–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2015.1047230.

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23

Tuấn Bình, Nguyễn. "THE POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND MYANMAR (1992 - 2014) - A VIEW FROM THE IMPACTS OF “LOOK EAST” POLICY." Hue University Journal of Science: Social Sciences and Humanities 127, no. 6B (2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.26459/hueuni-jssh.v127i6b.4161.

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India’s Look East Policy is the policy toward the Southeast Asia region, where is abundant in natural resources and plays a role in support for India in the Asia - Pacific region strategy. The foreign policy of India can gets results on the economics, politics, society for this country. Besides, this success brought useful experiences for ASEAN countries in general and Myanmar in particular when they enforce the new foreign policy. Myanmar is considered a “bridge” between India and Southeast Asia. With its strategic location, this country has an important role in India’s Look East Policy. In this article, the author focused on India - Myanmar relations about politics and diplomacy from 1992 to 2014 under the positive impact of the “Look East” Policy in the research phase and we took out some comments about India - Myanmar relations during the research period.
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Mudiam, Prithvi Ram. "Indian Power Projection in the Greater Middle East: Tools and Objectives." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 417–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207810.

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AbstractIndia's approach to the Middle East during the Cold War years was weighed down by the partition of the subcontinent and the creation of Pakistan on a religious basis, the dispute with Pakistan over the Muslim majority province of Jammu and Kashmir and its own large Muslim minority. Hence, its policy towards the region tended to be defensive and reactive, and a general policy of support to the Arab causes, particularly that of the Palestinians, and a non-relationship with Israel were considered necessary to serve India's broad interests in the region. India's projection of secularism into the region was meant to prevent Pakistan from organizing an anti-Indian Islamic bloc in the region, and its projection of nonalignment was meant to scuttle the Western attempts to build anti-communist alliances there. However, the transformation in the superpowers relations following the collapse of the Soviet Union, changes in the regional environment in the Greater Middle East (GME) as well as South Asia and changes in India's domestic sphere created a new strategic and economic context for India to pursue its interests in the GME in the 1990s. There is an increasing convergence of strategic interests between the two regions and a growing complementarity of their economies in the post-Cold War world. Iran and Israel have become the two lynchpins of India's policy toward the region and, as an emerging global player, India, unlike during the Cold War, is in a strong position to promote its own interests as well as those of the international system in the region, which largely seem to coincide in the post-Cold War milieu.
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Brewster, David. "Indian Strategic Thinking about East Asia." Journal of Strategic Studies 34, no. 6 (2011): 825–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2011.627155.

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Mahanta, Chandan. "India’s North East and Hydropower Development." South Asian Survey 17, no. 1 (2010): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152311001700110.

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Davies, Timothy. "English Private Trade on the West Coast of India, c. 1680–c. 1740." Itinerario 38, no. 2 (2014): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000357.

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This article explores the private trade networks of English East India Company merchants on the west coast of India during the first half of the eighteenth century. Existing studies of English private trade in the Indian Ocean have almost exclusively focused on India's eastern seaboard, the Coromandel Coast and the Bay of Bengal regions. This article argues that looking at private trade from the perspective of the western Indian Ocean provides a different picture of this important branch of European trade. It uses EIC records and merchants' private papers to argue against recent metropolitan-centred approaches to English private trade, instead emphasising the importance of more localised political and economic contexts, within the Indian Ocean world, for shaping the conduct and success of this commerce.
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Akins, Harrison. "The Assam Rifles and India’s North-East frontier policy." Small Wars & Insurgencies 31, no. 6 (2020): 1373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2020.1778213.

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Kukreja, Veena. "India in the Emergent Multipolar World Order: Dynamics and Strategic Challenges." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 1 (2020): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419901187.

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India has a middle power status and a rising power mindset. The emerging multipolar world manifests opportunities as well as challenges to India’s foreign policy. The newness quotient is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘economy first’ approach rooted in his desire to create external conditions necessary to ensure domestic economic progress. He has displayed dynamism while engaging all major powers, promoting and reintegrating India with the global economy, promoting greater cooperation with South Asian neighbours and renewing strategic connections in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa. Pragmatism in India’s foreign policy is seen in Indo–US relations reaching a new level or in cooperation with China on climate change while opposing its territorial claims in the South China Sea and One Belt One Road Project. To counter China, India has sought close strategic partnerships with the USA and its allies and main partners in Asia-Pacific while retaining its strategic autonomy. A major challenge to India’s foreign policy is the downward spiral of relations with Pakistan.
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Jain, Purnendra. "Hesitant Realism: China–India Border Tensions and Delhi’s Deepening Strategic Ties with Tokyo and Canberra." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 1 (2021): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021992529.

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The deadly conflict on the Ladakh border in June 2020 will force India to re-evaluate its approach to foreign policy. This dangerous turn, despite decades of mutual restraint, border talks, agreements and recent bonhomie between the Indian and Chinese leaders, has intensified the strategically tense environment of the Indo-Pacific region. China’s assertiveness in the South China and East China seas and its technology and trade tensions with a number of neighbouring Asian and Western nations have already raised political temperatures in global politics. In that light, this article considers how the June 2020 border incident may influence India’s strategic rethink, especially in relation to two key nations of the Indo-Pacific, Japan and Australia. The article suggests that forcing a re-evaluation of the strategic challenge posed by China, the June 2020 border confrontation has inspired a more realist edge to India’s security thinking. India is continuing the strategic autonomy with a multi-alignment approach it has favoured, but with a keener sense of realpolitik it is pressing ahead to deepen its defence and strategic alignments with like-minded nations in the Indo-Pacific region. This means that India is not abandoning its relations with traditional partners such as Russia to instead pursue a more formal alliance with one or a group of other powers. Rather, India is further developing strategic partnerships with the United States and its allies, while continuing strong relations with Russia and other long-standing partners to ‘balance’ its national security position. This article identifies India’s approach as ‘hesitant realism’, an explanatory term to explore India’s moves to balance its external relations through growing ties with Japan and Australia—two US allies that are key Indo-Pacific nations.
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Bordilovska, Olena. "Current State of Ukrainian-Indian Relations." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 590–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-34.

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The article delineates the diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the Republic of India based on a high level of trust and mutual understanding, being friendly and collaborating. Recently, two countries have been able to build a solid base for the development of economic cooperation, trade and scientific relations, using the Soviet-era cooperation traditions and a certain unity of approaches to understanding of the modern world. At the same time, analysts and indologists point out the lack of attention to Ukrainian-Indian relations by Ukrainian authorities and underestimation of real opportunities and prospects for cooperation. The level of political dialogue is not in line with the potential of these relationships either. The overall image of Ukraine has been significantly improved by Ukraine’s persuasive defence of its national interests, victory in international legal instances, in particular the recognition of the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation in the east of Ukraine as well as the entry into force of the Association Agreement with the European Union that has led to a revival of interest from Indian partners. The next task for Ukrainian politicians and experts is to explain the strategic importance for Ukraine of the Association Agreement with the EU, the prospects for its implementation, and the absence of negative consequences for cooperation with Asian countries. The author emphasises that Ukraine does not make full use of this area of its foreign policy, therefore losing opportunities for advancing and protecting its national interests in this important region. Keywords: the Republic of India, Ukraine, EU, association, Ukrainian-Indian relations.
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Lionnet, Françoise. "“The Indies”: Baudelaire's Colonial World." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 3 (2008): 723–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.3.723.

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[Les critiques] ont en commun avec les tyrans de plier le monde à leurs désirs.[Critics] and tyrants have this in common: they bend the world to their desires.—Yasmina Reza, L'aube le soir ou la nuit (9)If there is anything that radically distinguishes the imagination of anti-imperialism, it is the primacy of the geographical element. Imperialism after all is an act of geographical violence through which virtually every space in the world is explored, charted, and finally brought under control.—Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (225)Denis Diderot's Encyclopédie is explicit about “Les Indes” ‘The Indies.‘ in explaining why distant landmasses were charted under the incorrect rubrics “East Indies” and “West Indies,” the Encyclopédie states in 1765 that these designations refer to countries situated on either side of the Cape of Good Hope, the southern extremity of Africa:[L]es modernes moins excusable que les anciens ont nommé Indes, des pays si différens par leur position & par leur étendue sur notre globe, que pour ôter une partie de l'équivoque, ils ont divisé les Indes en orientales & occidentales. … De-là vint l'usage d'appeller Indes orientales, ce qui est à l'orient du cap de Bonne-Espérance, & Indes occidentales, ce qui est à l'occident de ce cap. … [P]ar un nouvel abus, qu'il n'est plus possible de corriger, on se sert dans les relations du nom d'Indiens, pour dire les Amériquains. (“Indes”)[T]he moderns, who are less forgivable than the ancients, have called Indies countries so different by virtue of their location and their size on our globe that these had to be divided into East and West Indies in order to correct the ambiguity. … Hence the custom of calling East Indies what lies to the east of the Cape of Good Hope and West Indies what lies to the west of that cape. … [T]hrough a new misuse, which can no longer be corrected, the name Indians is used in travel relations to refer to Americans.
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33

Daliot-Bul, Michal. "Uncle Leo’s adventures in East Asia." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 31, no. 1 (2018): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.17114.dal.

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Abstract The best-selling children’s book series Uncle Leo’s Adventures by Yannets Levi became a sensation in Israel when it was translated into several Asian languages including Korean, Chinese, English for the Indian sub-continent, and Japanese. More than just a simple story of cross-cultural exchange, the globalization of the series allows for a look into the ways editors and translators in different cultures handle translation as a cultural and economic opportunity. This article focuses on the Gordian knot that links translation to culturally specific preferences. Combining interviews with a comparative study of the different solutions to the translation of literary and visual elements used in Uncle Leo, it explores the relations between entrepreneurship and culture, the politics of culture, and the universality/cultural specificity of imagination and of being a child.
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Steenbrink, K. A. "VII. Indian Teachers and their Indonesian Pupils: On Intellectual Relations between India and Indonesia, 1600–1800." Itinerario 12, no. 1 (1988): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300023391.

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One of the classical accounts on the coming and first establishment of Islam in Indonesia runs as follows: Already a long time before the birth of Islam a mighty stream of colonisation started from Hindustan towards Java and surrounding islands. This stream definitely dominated the culture of this area and its influence is felt until today. After part of the Hindus had accepted Islam, these Indian Muslims were active in the trade with the archipelago and part of them also settled in this area. These traders and emigrants brought Islam into the Indian Archipelago. It is true, that already before this period some other Muslim nations sought articles of trade from the East-Indies and even established small settlements there: surely there resulted no permanent religious influence from these settlements. Islam, such as received by the Indonesians, therefore already experienced a process of adaptation towards the world of Hinduism. This made it easier for this new religion to accommodate itself once again to a degenerated Hinduism. Islam in the East-Indies unmistakably shows the signs of this Indian origin.
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35

Borah, Rupakjyoti. "Japan-India Relations in the Light of India's Look-East Policy: Strengthening the Kizuna." International Journal of East Asian Studies 4, no. 1 (2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijeas.vol4no1.1.

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36

Bromley, Simon. "Connecting Central Eurasia to the Middle East in American Foreign Policy Towards Afghanistan and Pakistan: 1979-Present." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207685.

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AbstractDuring the Cold War, United States (US) policies towards the Middle East and towards Afghanistan and Pakistan were largely unrelated. India's non-alignment and relations with the Soviet Union were reasons for close US-Pakistani relations, but the Chinese success in the war with India in 1962 also highlighted the importance to the West of India's position. 1979 marked a major turning point in US foreign policy towards the Middle East and Central Eurasia (CEA) because of the two events which were to shape so much of politics and geopolitics in those regions as well as in the wider international system: namely, the Iranian revolution in February and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December. Taken together, these developments posed a major challenge to US strategy towards the Soviet Union, to the wider Middle East and to relations with China, Pakistan, and India. After the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan during 1988/89, the US lost interest in Afghanistan and followed the policies of Pakistan for most of the 1990s. Then came 9/11 and President Musharraf took the historic decision to break with the Taliban. In March 2003, the US began its second war against Iraq. Whatever the rationale for the conflict, the outcome has been to turn the future of Iraq into a key fault-line of geopolitics in the Greater Middle East. Now, with the instability following the collapse of the Soviet Empire in CEA, the defeat of the Taliban and the ongoing future of Iraq, the US faces what the Department of Defense describes as an "arc of instability" running from the Middle East through CEA to Northeast Asia. This is the region that lies at the centre of planning for the "long war" announced in the Pentagon's 2006 quadrennial review.
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Krishnan, Dhesegaan Bala. "India’s Eastward Engagement: From Antiquity to Act East Policy." Strategic Analysis 44, no. 3 (2020): 276–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2020.1783632.

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38

Das, Gurudas. "India's North‐East soft underbelly: Strategic vulnerability and security." Strategic Analysis 26, no. 4 (2002): 537–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160208450067.

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39

Vanvari, Neel, and Alexander C. Tan. "India, Taiwan and the Indo-Pacific: Economic–Security Strategic Partnership and Expected Utility Theory." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 8, no. 1 (2021): 98–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797021992531.

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The China–India border dispute has witnessed escalations recently with China making fresh claims along the disputed border and deaths of Indian military personnel. This study examines the likelihood of a strategic partnership between India and Taiwan. We begin by assessing India’s ‘Act East Policy’ and Taiwan’s ‘New Southbound Policy’ for any points of congruence between these two policies. We then propose an expected utility model of India’s decision calculus. Using the theoretical implication of the model, we then examine the likelihood of a strategic partnership along two dimensions—an economic and a defence–security partnership. This study argues that the value added by an economic strategic partnership between the two countries may be substantial, and the likelihood of such a partnership may be significant. However, the likelihood of a defence–security partnership is substantially less in the bilateral sphere, although at the multilateral level there are areas where defence cooperation can occur.
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Usov, Vyacheslav. "Food Security in East Africa and the Indian Ocean." Africa Review 1, no. 2 (2009): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2009.10597286.

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41

Bragina, Elena A. "Economic Relations of India with the Countries of Southeast Asia – Foreign Trade Aspect." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-066-072.

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The article examines India's trade policy towards Southeast Asian countries as part of the implementation of India's Look East policy and the foreign policy principle Neighborhood is first. India's foreign trade expansion intensifies the confrontation between the interests of India and the PRC in Southeast Asia. A statistical analysis of the state of trade operations between India and the countries of Southeast Asia for the last five years is given, based on which the author draws a conclusion that the main problem of India in trade with the countries of Southeast Asia is a negative balance, large and stable. Undoubtedly, to eliminate it, or at least reduce it, India will undertake serious efforts in the coming years, primarily aimed at expanding exports to the markets of the Southeast Asian countries of its products.
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Chatterjee, Shibashis. "Conceptions of Space in India's Look East Policy." South Asian Survey 14, no. 1 (2007): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310701400106.

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43

Scott, David. "India and the Allure of the ‘Indo-Pacific’." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (2012): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534038.

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This article looks at the attraction that the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has gained in strategic discourse in and around the Indian government since 2010. A strong geopolitical and geo-economic sense of the Indo-Pacific has become apparent in this emergent Indo-Pacific discourse, which combines elements of India’s ‘Look South’ and ‘Look East’ policies, and in which a core Indo-Pacific of the eastern Indian Ocean and western Pacific Ocean has particular strategic coherence. Not only have government leaders adopted the term Indo-Pacific at various times, diplomats, navy service chiefs, influential think tanks and persuasive voices like Shyam Saran and C. Raja Mohan have also been noticeable in their use of the term. India’s bilateral and trilateral relations with Japan, Australia and the US have attracted particular Indo-Pacific associations in India. While a criticism of the term Indo-Pacific is that it has negative China-centric, balancing undertones, the article finds that although China-centric balancing frequently accompanies Indo-Pacific discourse, this is not an inherent part of the concept.
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Mazumdar, Arijit. "FROM “LOOK EAST” TO “ACT EAST”: INDIA’S EVOLVING ENGAGEMENT WITH THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION." Asian Affairs 52, no. 2 (2021): 357–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1912467.

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45

Voigt, Lisa, and Elio Brancaforte. "The Traveling Illustrations of Sixteenth-Century Travel Narratives." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 3 (2014): 365–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.3.365.

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The illustrations created by Jörg Breu for the 1515 edition of Ludovico de Varthema's account of his voyage to the Middle East, India, and the East Indies (Die ritterlich uñ lobwirdig Rayss “The Noble and Praiseworthy Journey') were reprinted in other travel narratives published in the mid-sixteenth century, including Hans Staden's Warhaftige Historia ‘True History’ (1557), about his captivity among the Tupinambá Indians of Brazil. As recycled illustrations their presence in Staden's text is usually ignored or derided, but their iconography and placement suggest that they were chosen deliberately and not merely for the sake of economy and expedience. By analyzing the images' relation to the accompanying text and comparing the images with those used in other editions and other travel narratives, the article argues that these traveling illustrations do not merely demonstrate the interchangeability of exotic ”others“ but rather suggest a growing awareness of and interest in ethnographic specificity among mid-sixteenth-century European readers.
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ROY, MIHIR K. "LOOKING EAST: MARITIME CO-OPERATION IN THE INDIAN OCEAN." African Security Review 4, no. 3 (1995): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.1995.9627795.

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47

Raghuramapatruni, Radha, and Asha Latha D. "A STUDY ON INDIA’S BILATERAL TRADE WITH JAPAN." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 4 (2020): 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8435.

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Purpose of the study: India and Japan share strong cultural and economic ties. The economic relationship between the two Asian giants strengthened with the signing of the CECA agreement during the year 2011. The current research would focus on assessing the bilateral trade relations between both the countries and attempts to identify the commodity trade potential to enhance the future trade between them.
 Methodology: The study is based on secondary sources of data collected through the United Nations Conference for Trade and Development, WTO, IMF, RBI, and the Japanese Trade Databases. The annual data for the period 2005 to the year 2016 has been used to analyse the Intensity Indices and the Gravity Coefficient values between India and Japan. Similarly, the annual data from the year 2008 to 2015 is used to calculate the RCA and RID index values and finally, the average RCA and RID (2008-2016) are used for analysis to identify the commodity trade potential between both the countries.
 Main Findings: The study concludes that the trade share of Japan in India’s overall trade has been falling significantly over the years which could be seen through the declining Export Intensity and Import Intensity Indices of India with Japan. However, the overall analysis presents that 28 commodities were feasible for trade between India and Japan from the 56 commodities computed for the study which exhibits a strong potential for enhancing future bilateral trade relations between both the countries.
 Applications of this study: India had made a strategic move with its Look East Policy during the year 1991 to accelerate its trade relations with the East Asian countries and later with its success the same was transformed into Act East Policy during the year 2014. The current study would prove to be useful in shaping the policy changes in this direction.
 Novelty/Originality of this study: The study focuses on the bilateral trade relations between the two important Asian giants, India, and Japan during the post comprehensive economic cooperation agreement between the two. Further, the study identifies the areas of commodity trade potential which paves the direction for new trade between the countries to tap the untapped trade potential.
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Salvucci, Richard J. "ASIA, MIDDLE EAST, LATIN AMERICA, AND AFRICA Indians, Merchants, and Markets: A Reinterpretation of the Repartimiento and Spanish-Indian Economic Relations in Colonial Oaxaca, 1750–1821. By Jeremy Baskes. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. Pp. 305. $60.00." Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (2001): 1125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050701005678.

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Modern historians emphasize that Indians in colonial Mexico were victims of Spanish oppression, but not merely victims. The native peoples turned the institutions and culture of the conquerors to their own needs, and in so doing they mitigated the burdens of colonialism. Economic historians have been slow to take up the challenge of understanding these adaptations, in part because the history is alien and its sources difficult, and in part because the assumptions of neoclassical economics ill-describe a world that was scarcely modern, if modern at all. But if any work has risen to the challenge, it is this one.
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Jaffrelot, Christophe. "India's look east policy: an Asianist strategy in perspective." India Review 2, no. 2 (2003): 35–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480412331307022.

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50

Shepherd, Verene A. "The Dynamics of Afro-Jamaican—East Indian Relations in Jamaica, 1845–1945: A Preliminary Analysis." Caribbean Quarterly 32, no. 3-4 (1986): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00086495.1986.11671698.

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