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Journal articles on the topic 'Relations with Gentiles'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Schaser, Nicholas J. "Unlawful for a Jew? Acts 10:28 and the Lukan View of Jewish-Gentile Relations." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 48, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107918801512.

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Most scholars read Peter's claim that it is unlawful for Jews to associate with Gentiles (Acts 10:28a) as an accurate statement on Jewish-Gentile relations according to Luke. However, Luke problematizes this view by showing Peter to be unaware of Jewish-Gentile interactions that preceded him, both in Israel's Scriptures and Luke–Acts. Rather than reflecting the exclusionary state of pre-Christian Judaism, Acts 10:28a constitutes a fallacy that Luke invalidates via intertextual references to ethnic inclusivity throughout biblical history. Peter's misunderstanding provides Luke with the theological rationale for Paul to take the missionary mantle from Peter as the apostle to the Gentiles.

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2

Oliver, Isaac W. "Forming Jewish Identity by Formulating Legislation for Gentiles." Journal of Ancient Judaism 4, no. 1 (May 14, 2013): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00401005.

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The following paper explores the formulation of universal commandments for non-Jews within the book of Jubilees and compares it with rabbinic traditions that also deal with Gentiles and law observance. The discussion concerning commandments incumbent upon all of humanity in Jubilees betrays a remarkable preoccupation with promoting the observance of particular laws (e. g., Sabbath and circumcision) for Jews alone—universal law becomes a means for highlighting Israel’s special covenantal status. The bitter opposition expressed in Jubilees against Gentiles is best understood as a polemical response to events redefining Jewish-Gentile relations during the second century B. C. E.

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Cohen, Yitshak. "Rabbi Meir Simcha of Dvinsk and His Attitude toward Gentiles." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 17, no. 2 (August 13, 2014): 218–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341269.

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This article examines various issues in R. Meir Simha Hacohen’s (rms) halakhic approach toward gentiles. His approach demonstrates innovation, and it attests mostly to moderation and an effort to reach a compromise with gentiles. We see that his halakhic and judicial approach does not advocate a complete detachment between Jews and gentiles; on the contrary, it encourages increased relations between them. On all the issues examined here, where the Halakhah could be interpreted in a strict manner or leniently, rms follows the approach that facilitates relations between Jews and gentiles. His position is consistent and forms a broad fundamental approach according to which, whenever it is possible to set the laws governing the relations between Jew and gentiles on an even footing, one should make an effort to do so. The article exposes several broad principles in rms’s attitude toward gentiles, for example, the rationale that distinguishes between religious matters and worldly affairs. The laws governing the latter apply to gentiles as well and are identical for gentiles and Jews. The article also shows that rms issued a series of rulings aimed at compromising with gentiles and bringing Jews and gentiles closer together. The article explains rms’s approach of meeting gentiles half way by examining the historical and sociological circumstances within which he acted, including the fact that in Eastern Europe his Jewish circle did not perceive itself as self-referential and conservative. This enabled rms to develop his moderate approach.

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Cohen, Shaye J. D. "Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 4 (October 1987): 409–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023762.

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Although conversion to Judaism in antiquity has been studied many times, the subject remains elusive. This essay is not a historical study of either ancient philo-Judaism or the relations between Jews and Gentiles in antiquity, but a historiographical study of one of the major bodies of relevant evidence, the writings of Josephus. I hope to answer two sets of questions. First, how does Josephus understand respect for Judaism by Gentiles? What forms does this respect take and what terminology is used to describe them? Second, what is Josephus's attitude towards respect for Judaism by Gentiles? Does his attitude change from his earliest works to his latest?

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5

Congdon, Lee. "Jews & gentiles: A historical sociology of their relations." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 41, no. 2 (2005): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jhbs.20068.

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6

Ribak, Gil. "“The Jew Usually Left Those Crimes to Esau”: The Jewish Responses to Accusations about Jewish Criminality in New York, 1908–1913." AJS Review 38, no. 1 (April 2014): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000014.

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This article examines how communal activists, leaders, intellectuals, and the Yiddish press understood and reacted to charges regarding purported Jewish criminality, which accusers often linked to the need to curtail immigration to America. The Jewish self-image as a nonviolent people proved to be quite resilient, and one of the ways to reconcile the existence of Jewish criminals with that self-perception was to put the blame on the surrounding (American) influence, or to evoke generalized negative images of gentiles as a foil for applauding Jewish qualities. New York Jews construed their relations with the larger non-Jewish society as a continuation of old-world patterns of Jewish-gentile relations rather than a change or reversal of them. The criminal episodes demonstrated how a cultural net of transnational meanings shaped Jews' understanding and reaction to allegations against them.

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7

Blackman, Daniel. "The Court of the Gentiles." Israel Affairs 16, no. 4 (October 2010): 579–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2010.511807.

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8

Dorothée Lange, Carolin. "After They Left: Looted Jewish Apartments and the Private Perception of the Holocaust." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 3 (2020): 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa042.

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Abstract This study of the afterlife of “abandoned” Jewish property in National Socialist Germany analyzes the emotional impact on Jewish families of the loss of personal belongings, and those belongings’ emotional impact on the Gentile families that acquired them. This property could be movable and intimate: jewelry, furniture, porcelain, and the like; as well as immovable: apartments and houses illegitimately wrested from their residents or owners. The author asks how Gentiles’ behavior changed in relation to the escalating Holocaust of the Jews. She argues that the reactions of both ordinary Germans and government authorities changed when the mass deportations started, indicating that non-Jewish Germans were very much aware of the experience of their Jewish neighbors.

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9

Ben-Menahem, Hanina. "On the Talmudic Prohibition against Giving Gifts to Gentiles." Israel Law Review 29, no. 1-2 (1995): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700014576.

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Examination of the institution of the gift in the Talmud reveals that giving gifts to Gentiles is prohibited. The prohibition is generally believed to be motivated by the desire to restrict social intercourse between Jews and Gentiles. Gift-giving, it is argued, might lead to, or indicate the existence of, overly-close social relations. On this understanding of the institution, then, it is the potential consequences of the gift-giving that are problematic, rather than the act itself. I will argue that this social account of the origin of the prohibition is unsatisfactory, and that while social considerations did play a role, to regard the inhibition of fraternization with Gentiles as the sole or primary factor underlying the prohibition is a facile oversimplification. Further, I will argue that the explanation for the prohibition must be sought in the act itself, rather than in its consequences.

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10

PALDIEL, MORDECAI. "THE ALTRUISM OF THE RIGHTEOUS GENTILES." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 3, no. 2 (1988): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/3.2.187.

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11

Hurd, J. C., and Stephen G. Wilson. "Gentile Judaizers." New Testament Studies 38, no. 4 (October 1992): 605–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022104.

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In recent years a number of scholars have focused on the phenomenon of Gentiles who, in varying degrees, adopted the lifestyle of the Jews. For John Gager they are important evidence for his generally persuasive argument that in the Graeco-Roman world Judaism, far from being universally mistrusted and vilified, was in both its beliefs and its practices often attractive to non-Jews. Gager, like L. Gaston and others before him, brought this observation to bear on the more specific issue of Jewish-Christian relations in the early centuries. For, so they have argued, Christian Gentiles were among those attracted to Judaism and the reaction of ecclesiastical leaders to this situation was a major cause of anti-Jewish sentiment in the early Church. Thus judaizing was not, as had often been assumed, restricted to the first generation of Christians (approx. pre-70 CE), but remained an urgent and troublesome issue.

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12

Löwy, Michael. "Werner J. Cahnman, Jews and Gentiles. A Historical Sociology of their Relations." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 130 (April 1, 2005): 113–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.2409.

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13

Srubar, Ilja. "Werner J. Cahnman: Jews & Gentiles. A historical sociology of their relations." KZfSS Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 58, no. 4 (December 2006): 751–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11577-006-0287-9.

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Stampfer, Shaul. "Jews & Gentiles: A Historical Sociology of their Relations - By Werner J. Cahnman." Religious Studies Review 32, no. 1 (January 2006): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2006.00023_2.x.

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Smilovitsky, L. "Righteous Gentiles, the Partisans, and Jewish Survival in Belorussia, 1941-1944." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 11, no. 3 (March 1, 1997): 301–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/11.3.301.

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16

Conway-Jones, Ann. "Challenging anti-Judaism in the New Testament: a case study from Luke." Theology 123, no. 6 (November 2020): 424–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x20970150.

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What are the most troubling New Testament verses for Jewish–Christian relations? Matthew 27.25 or John 8.44 perhaps? I am increasingly disturbed by Luke 4.28–30, particularly after hearing sermons that take the story at face value, seeking to explain why the Nazareth synagogue worshippers turned into a lynch mob, rather than questioning why Luke published such a calumny. This article examines the explanations given in biblical commentaries for the behaviour of the Nazareth congregation. It argues that we ought to be looking instead to Luke’s context, and the complex dynamics involved in Gentiles adopting Israel’s Scriptures, prepared to acknowledge the violence of New Testament rhetoric.

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DYKE, CHRISTINA VAN. "Human identity, immanent causal relations, and the principle of non-repeatability: Thomas Aquinas on the bodily resurrection." Religious Studies 43, no. 4 (November 7, 2007): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412507009031.

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AbstractCan the persistence of a human being's soul at death and prior to the bodily resurrection be sufficient to guarantee that the resurrected human being is numerically identical to the human being who died? According to Thomas Aquinas, it can. Yet, given that Aquinas holds that the human being is identical to the composite of soul and body and ceases to exist at death, it's difficult to see how he can maintain this view. In this paper, I address Aquinas's response to this objection (Summa Contra Gentiles, IV.80–81). After making a crucial clarification concerning the nature of the non-repeatability principle on which the objection relies, I argue that the contemporary notion of immanent causal relations provides us with a way of understanding Aquinas's defence that renders it both highly interesting and philosophically plausible.

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18

Esler, Philip F. "Making and Breaking an Agreement Mediterranean Style: a New Reading of Galatians 2:1-14." Biblical Interpretation 3, no. 3 (1995): 285–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851595x00159.

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AbstractBuilding on earlier research by the author indicating that the situation which Paul had previously encountered in Antioch was closely related to that facing him in Galatia, in that both involved demands by Jewish Christians that Gentile members of the congregations be circumcised to solve the problem caused by mixed eucharistic table-fellowship, this article develops one aspect of this position by arguing that Peter was actively advocating the circumcision of the Antiochean Gentiles and that this involved a direct breach of the agreement previously reached in Jerusalem (Gal. 2:1-10). It is suggested that much contemporary opposition to this possibility rests upon the anachronistic imposition of modern notions of fair play upon ancient Mediterranean social relations. To avoid this outcome, the author employs a model of social interaction based on the agonistic pattern of challenge and response within the framework of the honour/shame culture as developed recently within the field of Mediterranean anthropology. The model is used to pose a set of new and socially realistic questions to the text. The central issues which emerge in a fresh light using this methodology include: (a) the impact of bringing the uncircumcised Titus into Jerusalem as a provocative challenge to those advocating circumcision of Gentile members of the congregations; (b) the severe shame occasioned to those in Jerusalem who had actively but unsuccessfully sought the circumcision of Titus; (c) an interpretation of the meaning of the agreement in Gal. 2:9 as the declaration of peace after a period of hostility, a peace which consisted of an acknowledgement of the legitimacy of mixed Jewish-Gentile table-fellowship in Paul's communities; (d) pressure motivated by the desire for revenge by those shamed in Jerusalem with respect to Titus as explaining the subsequent change of attitude of James (and Peter); and (e) the meaning of 'Ioin Gal. 2:14 as "to become Jews (through circumcision)," for which there is shown to be ancient support in the commentary of Ambrosiaster.

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Reumann, John. "Contributions of the Philippian Community to Paul and to Earliest Christianity." New Testament Studies 39, no. 3 (July 1993): 438–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500011310.

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Pauline studies have long dealt with the theology (and sometimes the ethics) of Paul and the career of the apostle to the Gentiles. Lesser attention has been given to the communities of Paul. When Victor Furnish'sForschungsberichttook up ‘the Pauline congregations’, as part of what he termed an ‘overdue refocusing’, the emphases were on (1) relations with Jewish Christianity; (2) Paul's opponents; and (3) social history. The first area still often reflects hypotheses of the Tübingen School; the second, conflicts with rampant Judaizers or Gnostics or both as the opposition. Social world research looks to accumulate descriptive data from antiquity or also to use some modern sociological theory, to interpret Pauline church life and structures.

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20

Damjanović, Miloš M. "Relations among Jews and Gentiles in Kosovo and Metohija between the Two World Wars: From Autocentrism to Assimilation." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 9 (December 31, 2020): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2020.009.

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Relations among Jews and Gentiles in Kosovo and Metohija between the Two World Wars: From Autocentrism to AssimilationThe period between the two world wars in Kosovo and Metohija (1918-1941) was a peak period of legal protection, economic development, national and political self-positioning, educational and cultural emancipation, and general progress of the local Jewish community. The local Sephardic community, dedicated to tradition, enriched by the presence of the most progressive Ashkenazi newcomers, and surrounded by the Islamic and Christian majority populations in the private and public arena, strived to access the broader, more general framework of modern societal trends. Encouraged by examples from the immediate surroundings, by the national Yugoslav framework and the more developed Jewish municipalities within the state, through daily and varied interaction with neighbors and institutional contact, a metamorphosis of the local Jewish community was enabled. Internal changes were partially conditioned by intensifying relations with the non-Jewish communities. They mostly accompanied these relations and were their inevitable outcome. Parallel to the development of increasingly diverse and more frequent contacts which were pursued in order to self-develop, to maintain and improve interethnic relations, at the social level there erupted elements of interethnic intolerance based on political, religious or economic grounds. Antisemitism strained and, alongside other factors (internal tightness, popular mentality, national tradition, religious differences), additionally complicated and halted closer cooperation. Besides these disagreements, integration into Yugoslav society was complete, especially among the young generation, but only in extraordinary conditions did it end in assimilation, which was exclusively enabled by the newly arrived Jews coming from other, more open and more cosmopolitan environments. This paper will show and elaborate on numerous examples of private and social collaboration between Kosovo-Metohijan Jews and other nations in the given chronological framework that were, above all, of wider importance for regional development and establishing civilizational heritage. Relacje Żydów ze społecznością nieżydowską w Kosowie i Metochii między dwiema wojnami światowymi – od autocentryzmu do asymilacjiOkres między dwiema wojnami światowymi w Kosowie i Metochii (1918-1941) to ważna epoka ochrony prawnej, rozwoju gospodarczego, samostanowienia narodowo-politycznego, emancypacji edukacyjno-kulturowej i ogólnego rozwoju tamtejszej społeczności żydowskiej. Wierna tradycji lokalna społeczność sefardyjska, wzbogacona o wpływy bardziej postępowych przybyszów aszkenazyjskich i otoczona w większości przez ludność islamską i chrześcijańską, w sferze prywatnej i publicznej aspirowała do wejścia na szerszą, ogólną ścieżkę współczesnych ruchów społecznych. Zachęcona przykładami z najbliższego otoczenia – ze strony narodów jugosławiańskich i bardziej rozwiniętych społeczności żydowskich w kraju, poprzez codzienne różnorodne obcowanie z sąsiadami i poprzez kontakty instytucjonalne, lokalna społeczność żydowska uległa metamorfozie. Zmiany wewnętrzne były częściowo uwarunkowane intensyfikacją stosunków ze światem nieżydowskim, z reguły podążały za tymi stosunkami i były ich nieuniknionym skutkiem. Równolegle z rozwojem coraz bardziej zróżnicowanych i częstszych kontaktów budujących, utrzymujących i poprawiających relacje międzyetniczne, na płaszczyźnie społecznej pojawiały się elementy nietolerancji międzyetnicznej, wynikającej z kontekstu politycznego, religijnego i ekonomicznego. Antysemityzm, oprócz kilku innych czynników (zamknięcie wewnętrzne, mentalność mieszkańców, tradycja ludowa, różnice wyznaniowe), dodatkowo obciążał i wstrzymywał jeszcze ściślejszą współpracę. Mimo tych sprzeczności integracja ze społeczeństwem jugosłowiańskim, zwłaszcza wśród młodego pokolenia, była pełna, ale tylko w wyjątkowych przypadkach kończyła się asymilacją, wyłącznie wśród nowo przybyłych Żydów, pochodzących z innych, bardziej otwartych i kosmopolitycznych środowisk. W artykule zostaną przedstawione i omówione liczne przykłady prywatnej i społecznej współpracy Żydów z Kosowa i Metochii z innymi narodami w podanych ramach chronologicznych, które miały przede wszystkim szersze znaczenie dla rozwoju regionalnego i postępu cywilizacyjnego.

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Pavlenko, Pavlo Yuriyovych. "Elements of Zelotism in the Character of the Public Activity of Jesus of Nazareth." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 47 (June 3, 2008): 80–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2008.47.1950.

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If Phariseeism in most of its followers had somehow assumed the coexistence of Jews within the pagan world, implied some compromise on relations with colonial Rome, then zealotism in this matter was categorical. His main motto can be summarized in the following thesis: Israel under Yahweh's rule or death. The Zealots considered any reconciliation with the Gentiles the gravest sin, recognizing the true ruler and ruler of Israel as only one Most High. Thus, Zelotism, coming out of Phariseeism, differed from the latter not so much by political views as by the means of realizing these views. The idea of political freedom and independence of Judea, the ethnocultural purity of the Zealots was the cornerstone of their religious and political doctrine.

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Ziegler, Philip G. "“Peace through the Cross”." Journal of Reformed Theology 14, no. 3 (August 27, 2020): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-01403011.

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Abstract Central to Markus Barth’s work as a New Testament exegete was the pursuit of an ever more responsible interpretation of the letters of the apostle Paul that combined rigorous historical and theological concerns into a form of “biblical theology.” The culmination of this endeavour is unarguably his two-volume commentary on Ephesians. This essay explores the central claims advanced in that commentary with an especial focus on Barth’s claim that Ephesians 2:11–22 represents a high point in Paul’s witness concerning Jews and Gentiles. It goes on to demonstrate how Barth understood justification as the ‘sociohistorical’ outworking of God’s reconciling act in Jesus Christ. It concludes by examining some of the consequences of Barth’s contentions for orienting Christians toward the important task of Jewish-Christian relations in the present.

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Gushee, David P. "Many Paths to Righteousness: An Assessment of Research on Why Righteous Gentiles Helped Jews." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 7, no. 3 (1993): 372–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/7.3.372.

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Gilman, S. L. "Werner J. Cahnman, Jews and Gentiles: A Historical Sociology of Their Relations, eds. Judith T. Marcus and Zoltan Tarr." Modern Judaism 27, no. 1 (December 20, 2006): 100–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjl009.

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Holtz, Gudrun. "Inclusivism at Qumran." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 1 (2009): 22–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x395759.

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AbstractWithin Early Judaism the Qumran Community is widely perceived as a strictly exclusivist group. A thorough analysis of Qumran texts, however, reveals, apart from the dominant strand of exclusivism, remarkably clear inclusivist tendencies. In Qumran literature inclusivist tendencies can be seen both in eschatological texts and in materials dealing with the self-understanding of the Qumran Community in historical time. The legal texts discussed basically confirm this pattern: the Community is to separate from Gentiles and from members of those Jewish groups with whom it earlier entertained close relations. At the same time it is to support the poor and the proselytes. Strictly legal statements prohibiting contacts with non-Essene Judaism as such are missing. In the literature discussed inclusivist and exclusivist tendencies have diff erent weight. A pan-Israelite, e.g. inclusivist, perspective can be seen in 4QpNah, 4QFlor, 4QSM and especially in 4QMMT, 1QSa, and CD/4QD whereas in 1QS exclusivist tendencies predominate.

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Wahlen, Clinton. "The Temple in Mark and Contested Authority." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 248–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184883.

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AbstractThe purpose of this study is to demonstrate that Mark's portrayal of Jesus' temple action reinforces a larger narrative aim: to show that the time of messianic fulfillment for both Jews and Gentiles has come. The study consists of three sections. First, it is observed that the unifying theme of Mark 11:12-25 is not the destruction of the temple but prayer. Second, Jesus' activity in the temple occupies a central place not only in this series of pericopae but in the larger structure of Mark 11-15. Mark shows that Jesus fulfils the original design of the temple by making it a place of prayer for everyone. This includes Gentiles as Mark alone makes clear (11:17b; cf. Matt. 21:22; Luke 19:46). Third, enabling Gentiles to worship in the temple meshes with a larger Markan concern. Jesus does not limit his ministry to Galilee but extends it to Gentile lands to the north and east, as a study of the exorcism and feeding stories in relation to the pivotal discussion of 7:1-23 reveals. Implicitly, then, Israel has begun to be redefined. Jesus' action in the temple enlarges on this theme in order to suggest more explicitly that Gentiles have a rightful place within Israel.

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Carter, Michael S. "William Pencak, Jews and Gentiles in Early America, 1654–1800. Ann Arbor, MI:University of Michigan Press, 2005. xiv + 321 pp. ISBN: 0-472-11454-9 (hbk.)." Itinerario 30, no. 3 (November 2006): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013784.

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Laitila, Teuvo. "Local history of Jewish-Gentile relations." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 29, no. 2 (November 3, 2018): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.74139.

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Vergerio, Claire. "Alberico Gentili’s De iure belli: An Absolutist’s Attempt to Reconcile the jus gentium and the Reason of State Tradition." Journal of the History of International Law 19, no. 4 (October 21, 2017): 429–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-19041006.

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Abstract Based on a detailed analysis of Gentili’s use of sources in De iure belli, this article argues that Gentili’s famous treatise on the laws of war is an incongruous attempt at reconciling an absolutist conception of sovereignty and a strong penchant for reason of state principles with an enduring commitment to the language of natural law and to its centrality in ordering relations between sovereigns.

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Crespo Alcázar, Alfredo. "Acotando el fascismo como fenómeno histórico." Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, no. 126 (December 18, 2020): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2020.126.3.275.

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Crespo Alcázar, Alfredo. "Acotando el fascismo como fenómeno histórico." Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, no. 126 (December 18, 2020): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2020.126.3.275.

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32

Conway-Jones, Ann. "The New Testament: Jewish or Gentile?" Expository Times 130, no. 6 (November 5, 2018): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618812672.

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The Jewish Annotated New Testament, edited by Amy-Jill Levine and Marc Brettler, has recently been republished in a second edition. It performs the vital task of correcting Christian misunderstandings, distortions, stereotypes and calumnies to recover the various Jewish contexts of Jesus, Paul, and the early Christian movement. This is a welcome development in the painful history of Jewish–Christian relations. There is a danger, however, in the book’s Christian reception, of a kind of nostalgia for ‘Jewish roots’—an expectation that by returning to Jesus’ original message, and an ‘authentic’ Jewish form of Christianity, one can bypass centuries of mistrust and worse. Matters are not that simple. Christianity grew out of a complex dual heritage, already reflected in the New Testament. The Christian message quickly spread into the Greek-speaking world, and its adherents soon became majority Gentile. This paper explores the implications of that process, which was begun by Paul, who presented Jewish messianic ideas to a Gentile audience, assigning universal significance to the traditions of his own particular community. It examines how Jesus’ teachings acquired new meanings, often reflecting a Christian movement at odds with the majority of Jews. And it unearths the subtext beneath the New Testament’s defamatory polemic. Doing so involves negotiating the complex relationship between theology and sociology: between ideals (Jewish and/or Christian) and the lived experiences of Jewish and Gentile communities.

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Pickus, Keith H., and Jonathan C. Friedman. "The Lion and the Star: Gentile-Jewish Relations in Three Hessian Communities." German Studies Review 23, no. 3 (October 2000): 608. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432856.

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Holzgrefe, J. L. "The origins of modern international relations theory." Review of International Studies 15, no. 1 (January 1989): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113051.

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‘Who is the founder of modern international relations theory?’ is a popular question and much ink has been spilt trying to answer it. JL C. Scott championed Vitoria's claim to the title; T. E. Holland, Gentili's; Hedley Bull, Grotius's. Whatever the merits of these and similar claims, they do little to explain the origins and evolution of modern international relations theory. They may describe pieces of the puzzle, but they do not, either individually or collectively, reassemble those pieces to reveal the nature of the whole development. It is the aim of this article to redress, in some small measure, this comparative neglect.

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Langhorne, Richard. "Alberico Gentili on Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 4, no. 3 (2009): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119109x455928.

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AbstractAlberico Gentili was a significant academic lawyer of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. He was an Italian religious refugee who fled to England and became professor of law at Oxford. Among his works are three books on diplomacy dating from 1585. These have never attracted the same degree of interest as his other works and this article discusses both why this has been so and indicates ways in which they are worthy of more attention — particularly that they are peculiarly accurate representatives of the contemporary discussion of diplomacy and that there are two real and original contributions that Gentili made. One concerns the rights and privileges of resident ambassadors and the other rests on his clearly expressed conviction that diplomacy could know no bounds set by religion or culture. In both these opinions he was ahead of his time.

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Wilson, Benjamin R. "Jew–Gentile Relations and the Geographic Movement of Acts 10:1–11:18." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 80, no. 1 (2018): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cbq.2018.0004.

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Wysocki, Marcin. "„Nie ma nic ważniejszego od religii, nic wznioślejszego od wiary” (Epistula 72, 12). Wiara w świetle listów św. Ambrożego." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2018): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4004.

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The presented paper discusses the issue of faith in St. Ambrose’s letters. According to him, there is nothing more important than faith and therefore he refers repeatedly in his correspondence to various issues related to faith. So Ambrose’s letters are the perfect practical complement to his dogmatic and exegetical works. The above article on the basis of the reading of his letters shows the faith as a gift to be developed and improved, having the source in the Scriptures; richness of faith and its reference to other virtues and the Christian faith in relation to Jews and Gentiles are shown as well.

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Shen, Yao, Qing Ai, and Gui Lu Long. "The relation between properties of Gentile statistics and fractional statistics of anyon." Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and its Applications 389, no. 8 (April 2010): 1565–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.physa.2009.12.042.

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Niewyk, Donald L., and Jonathan Friedman. "The Lion and the Star: Gentile-Jewish Relations in Three Hessian Communities, 1919-1945." American Historical Review 104, no. 3 (June 1999): 1023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651163.

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Brethour, Miranda. "Jewish–Gentile Relations in Hiding during the Holocaust in Sokołów County, Poland (1942–1944)." Journal of Holocaust Research 33, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 277–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25785648.2019.1677090.

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Kraut, Benny. "The Lion and the Star: Gentile-Jewish Relations in Three Hessian Communities, 1919–1945." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 3 (January 1999): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528417.

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Bolkosky, Sidney M. "The Lion and the Star: Gentile-Jewish Relations in Three Hessian Communities, 1919-1945 (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 19, no. 4 (2001): 138–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2001.0092.

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ROBERTSON, JOHN. "SACRED HISTORY AND POLITICAL THOUGHT: NEAPOLITAN RESPONSES TO THE PROBLEM OF SOCIABILITY AFTER HOBBES." Historical Journal 56, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000532.

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ABSTRACTFrom the mid-seventeenth century, the problem of human sociability, long a staple of natural jurisprudence, became even more central to political thought. Faced with Hobbes's insistence on man's natural unsociability, Protestant thinkers continued to treat the question from within natural law. For reasons we do not yet understand, however, Catholic thinkers did not. Instead, it is argued here, they turned to sacred history, and in particular to the Old Testament, as the earliest record of the formation of human societies, Hebrew and gentile. The materials for this enquiry were provided by new critical scholarship on the Bible and the peoples of the ancient Near East. Despite the hostility of the authorities in Rome to its findings, this scholarship was widely available in the Catholic world, notably so in contemporary Naples. Two of the most remarkable applications of sacred history to the problem of sociability were by the Neapolitans Pietro Giannone, in his ‘Triregno’ (1731–3), and Giambattista Vico, in the Scienza nuova (1725–44). These works explored the ways in which family relations, religious practices, and war enabled the ancient Hebrews and their gentile neighbours to form and maintain societies, notwithstanding the unsocial tendency of human passions.

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Loader, William. "Jesus Left Loose Ends." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 2, no. 2 (June 1989): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x8900200205.

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Many of the major issues which confronted the apostolic Church are to be accounted for by the fact that Jesus left loose ends. These include the Torah (food laws, purity laws, circumcision), the inclusion of Gentiles, the order of the Church and its relation to Israel, scripture interpretation and the timing and character of the Kingdom hope. This article looks at some of the ways the early communities grappled with these issues, and at the implications of Jesus’ having left loose ends for an appropriate understanding of the Church. The Church's identity and authority lie ultimately not in the use of scriptural witness and/or community structures as fixed law, but in its solidarity with the past event and future hope of the Kingdom which is good news for the poor.

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Khiterer, Victoria. "The Holodomor and Jews in Kyiv and Ukraine: An Introduction and Observations on a Neglected Topic." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 3 (October 24, 2019): 460–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.79.

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AbstractThe Holodomor in Ukraine from 1932 to 1933 was a result of the collectivization policy of the Soviet government and took approximately 4 million lives. The Holodomor had a profound impact on the entire population of Ukraine. It badly affected the lives of Jews in Kyiv and Ukraine, and it damaged Jewish–gentile relations for many years. The famine occurred not only in rural areas, but also in the cities and towns of Ukraine. The Holodomor provoked a significant migration of Jews from shtetls to the large cities, particularly to Kyiv. Many desperate inhabitants of villages and towns fled to the large cities where they hoped to receive some aid. However, the overcrowded cities could not accommodate this flood of migrants. Anatolii Kuznetsov wrote in Babi Yar: A Document in the Form of a Novel that if not for the Holodomor in Ukraine and Stalin’s repressions of the 1930s, the attitude of the Kyiv gentile population toward the Holocaust would perhaps have been different. People had gotten so used to the suffering of others, victims of the famine and political repression, that they remained mainly passive, silent, and indifferent toward the mass execution of Jews in Babi Yar during the Holocaust.

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Kanarfogel, Ephraim, R. Po-chia Hsia, and Hartmut Lehmann. "In and out of the Ghetto: Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 2 (1997): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206432.

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Spalding, Paul S., R. Po-chia Hsia, and Hartmut Lehmann. "In and out of the Ghetto: Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany." German Studies Review 21, no. 1 (February 1998): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432399.

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Minty, Mary. "In and out of the Ghetto: Jewish—Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany." Journal of Jewish Studies 48, no. 1 (April 1, 1997): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1968/jjs-1997.

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Gamauf, Anita, Graham Tebb, and Erwin Nemeth. "Honey BuzzardPernis apivorusnest-site selection in relation to habitat and the distribution of GoshawksAccipiter gentilis." Ibis 155, no. 2 (March 16, 2013): 258–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ibi.12023.

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Johnston, J. William. "Which “All” Sinned? Rom 3:23-24 Reconsidered." Novum Testamentum 53, no. 2 (2011): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853610x492983.

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AbstractBecause πς is a rather elastic pronominal adjective, the sense and scope of “all” must be carefully handled in context. The expression “all have sinned” in Rom 3:23 is tightly focused on “all who believe” in Rom 3:22, thus making more of Jew-Gentile relations in the early church than providing a prooftext of universal condemnation. Such a recognition also helps clarify that 3:24 is from Paul rather than traditional material. While it is undoubtedly true Paul sees the whole of humanity as condemned (cf. Rom 5:12), the scope of “all” is without distinction more than it is without exception.

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