Academic literature on the topic 'Relations with Japanese authors'

The article analyzes forming the image of modern Russia in Japan. The authors point out that along with the territorial claims of the Japanese regarding the islands belonging to Russia, the negative attitude of the Japanese towards our country is formed by false stereotypes and prejudices. Analyzing the development of relations between countries, the authors attempt to find out the factors that have a particular influence on the image of Russia and Russians in the minds of the Japanese.

This work examines the main directions of the Japanese Arctic policy, its impact on the development of Russian-Japanese cooperation in the region.Aim. The study aims to analyze the formation of the Japanese Arctic strategy, to define promising areas and problems of Russian-Japanese relations.Tasks. The authors identify the main stages of the Japanese Arctic policy, determine the significance of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) for Tokyo, study the areas of Russian-Japanese cooperation, assess the problems and prospects of bilateral cooperation in the Arctic.Methods. Using the method of comparative analysis, content analysis, event analysis, we have identified areas that contribute to the strengthening of Russian-Japanese relations in the Arctic and factors that can weaken this cooperation.Results. The study shows that Japan seeks to be an active actor in the Arctic processes, since this region will play a significant role in the development of the Japanese economy through the energy supplies diversification. Japan’s key partner here is Russia, and they are implementing a major energy project — Arctic LNG-2. The modernization of the NSR’s infrastructure is another promising area for the development of Russian-Japanese relations. However, there are contradictions that may affect their cooperation — this is the differences in definition the NSR status and the international legal status of the Arctic.Conclusion. Despite Japan’s interest in using the NSR and participation in energy projects in the Russian Arctic, there are some issues that make it difficult to strengthen their Arctic cooperation. There are the problem of the Kuril Islands and the difference in determining the status of the Arctic region.

AbstractThe current efforts of Moscow and Tokyo to unblock the territorial impasse are complicated by some barriers of a socio-psychological character, including mutual mistrust and contradictory images of past events. Public opinion surveys reveal predominant vectors in Russo-Japanese relations, which the authors believe strongly correlate with the evolution of the contradictory images. Apparently, these images surprisingly exhibit interrelated ‘mirror’ dynamics connected with the independent variable – events happening in bilateral relations. Apparently, these images surprisingly exhibit interrelated ‘mirror’ dynamics connected with the independent variable – events happening in bilateral relations. The authors also investigate how public opinion has a real impact on politics and relations between states. In the authors’ opinion, Russia and Japan definitely do not have major unresolved problems in their bilateral relations, with the exception of the territorial problem. However, why is the public so suspicious of Russia? Can the territorial dispute be the only reason? It is far from that. The analyzed arguments give grounds to believe that it is very difficult for Japan and Russia to find a mutually acceptable solution, as their relations are not free from suspicion and mutual mistrust which are deeply rooted in the history of their relations. It will be much easier to overcome the mistrust and, accordingly, to reach agreement on the territorial issue when they manage to calmly analyze the historical grudges, understand their nature and origin, and realize that this is history, which has no contemporary value.

This article is devoted to the study of economic relations between Japan and the PRC in 2000–2020. The main indicators of bilateral trade, its structure, indicators of bilateral foreign direct investment between Japan and the PRC are presented and analyzed in the article. An assessment of the current state of Japanese-Chinese economic relations was given, factors affecting their development over the past 20 years were determined using the method of generalization of research materials, methods of comparative and correlation analysis of data, analytical method of information processing. The authors conclude that during the period under review, economic cooperation between Japan and China in trade and investments is expanding and strengthening, and their economic interdependence is increasing. The interest of Japanese corporations in carrying on business and opening branches in the PRC is indicated as the main factor of development. Political instability in bilateral Japanese-Chinese relations is indicated as a deterrent. The authors emphasize that in order to further increase the successful and stable development of economic partnership, the two states need to take specific steps for the purpose of political rapprochement and finding a compromise on controversial issues.

The authors look into the history and events of the Khalkhin Gol war through the prism of political and economic processes in East Asia, using rare historical sources that usually fall under the radar of most researchers. The Japanese troops in the Khalkha River area stopped hostilities due to the position of the country’s top politicians. The authors show that decisions of the Japanese government were determined by China's unyielding resistance against the aggression and the difficult economic situation in Japan, which had lost access to a number of foreign markets after 1 September 1939, causing its interest in the Soviet Trans-Siberian Railway as an alternative route for trade with Europe including Germany. Moreover, the authors point out that one of the key factors that prompted Japanese leadership to agree to peace negotiations with Moscow and stop escalating the military aggression against the USSR was the effectiveness of the Red Army’s actions in Khalkhin Gol. At the same time, Japan’s military expenses significantly increased as a result of the Nomongan conflict. However, as the article proves by concrete examples, the Japanese militarists did not fully abandon their plans of a war against USSR. At the same time, the authors demonstrate that by 1941 Japanese military leaders had reached a dead end in their strategic planning against Soviet Union. Their projects turned out to be inefficient for tasks and goals that had emerged as a result of the Red Army’s victory at Khalkhin Gol.

Japan’s Arctic strategy, particularly its geopolitical and economic aspects, has been thoroughly reviewed by both Russian and foreign experts. However, the structures and mechanisms behind this strategy remain somewhat obscure. This paper is intended to partially fill this gap by resorting to the study of the Japanese Arctic lobby. The authors identify the key interest groups which stand for an active Arctic policy and for cooperation with the Russian Federation in that regard. These include, in particular, the energy sector representatives that sought to take part in the construction of liquefied natural gas (LNG) plants. The decision of the Japanese government to join the Western anti-Russian sanctions disrupted these plans. However, the adoption of S. Abe’s 8-points plan in 2016 opened up new opportunities for the Russia-Japan Arctic cooperation. Yet another two groups of interest are equally interested in strengthening bilateral relations — shipping and ship-building industries. They also suffered from anti-Russian sanctions but now they are actively engaged in the construction of the LNG jetties near Murmansk and in Kamchatka. There is also a growing interest towards the Arctic region within the fishery industry — a very important sector of Japan’s economy. Cooperation with Russia increases Tokyo’s capacity to participate in the creation of international legal regime of fisheries in the Central Arctic ocean. Finally, the authors identify another important element of the Japanese Arctic lobby — regional elites. In that regard, they examine activities of the Hokkaido prefecture to engage in development of the Northern Sea Route. The paper examines the key mechanisms used by the Arctic lobby to influence the authorities, including sectoral, regional and national business associations, research and educational centers and mass media, as well as ‘built-in lobby’ in relevant ministries and agencies responsible for making and implementing Tokyo’s Arctic policies. The authors conclude that, although the Arctic lobby is unable to persuade the Government to remove anti-Russian sanctions altogether, elaboration of a selective strategy of cooperation with the Japanese business community could strengthen bilateral relations and provide new opportunities for exploiting natural resources of the Far North and developing the Russian Arctic.

The relevance of the research is due to the need to study the specifics of the ideological and theoretical justification of the concept of Eurasianism in the countries of the Asia-Pacific region. The concept of Eurasianism, which was recognized in the 20-s of the XX century, is now embodied in the works of domestic and foreign researchers. The purpose of this article is to study the Eurasian concepts in Japan in the political, cultural, and economic dimensions. This is due to the fact that the country claims regional leadership, and also has territorial claims to Russia. The authors of the article ask whether the idea of Eurasianism can help Russian-Japanese relations move to a new level of cooperation and overcome contradictions that go far back in history. For this purpose, the concept of Eurasianism is considered in two planes: as an ideological and theoretical component. The main research methods are historical-system, as well as historiographic methods. They allowed not only to evaluate the approaches of Russian, European and Japanese researchers to the ideas of Eurasianism, but also to identify the origins of their views. The results of the research provide answers to the questions raised at the beginning of the work, namely, the theoretical and practical implementation of Eurasianism in Japan's foreign policy, as well as the role of this idea in Russian-Japanese relations. In conclusion, the authors draw conclusions, why the ideas of Eurasianism are relevant for Japan and what modern researchers put into the theoretical and ideological understanding of the concept.

This study examines the adoption of high-performance workplace management practices in Japanese and domestic manufacturing plants, spanning a broad range of products and technologies, that began operations in the United States between 1978 and 1988. Japanese transplants, the authors find, were likely to adopt “hybrid” systems of high-performance practices melding Japanese principles of workplace management with the American industrial relations system. Domestic startups incorporated many of these same techniques, but they tended to take a more limited and piecemeal approach. The managers of domestic startups also paid less attention to how individual high-performance practices fit into an overall system of efficient workplace management than did managers at Japanese transplants.

The problem of the influence of anti-Russian sanctions did not immediately affect Russian-Japanese relations in the field of fisheries, but began to manifest itself in rather unexpected ways. The impact of sanctions on the negotiation process on fisheries between Russia and Japan, the problem of non-payments is considered. Also, the impact of sanctions on the supply of Norwegian salmon to Japan, since the delivery routes passed through the sky of Russia, now it is closed to many countries. Fish products from Russia continue to be in high demand on the world market even under sanctions. Therefore, the import of fish by many countries from Russia remains high. In the Russian press, the issue of sanctions in Russian-Japanese fishing relations is covered little and insufficiently competently. The author's analysis of the problem is mainly based on publications in the Japanese media and Japanese government publications.

Analyzed are peculiarities of creating and developing cross-cultural marriages in modern society. The authors draw attention to the viability of cross-cultural marriages in Japan that account for about 3% of the total number of registered marriages. Special attention is paid to problematic aspects of marriage between Japanese men and Russian girls. Despite existing problems in the life of cross-cultural marriages, the authors note positive role of marriage and family relations between spouses of these marriages, which are able to ensure not only close interaction between representatives of different cultures, ethnic groups and religions, but also to form managerial and organizational processes aimed at improving relations between countries and ethnic groups.