Relevant bibliographies by topics / Relations with nationalists

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Relations with nationalists'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Relations with nationalists"

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Laine, Veera. "Contemporary Russian nationalisms: the state, nationalist movements, and the shared space in between." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 2 (March 2017): 222–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1272562.

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For several years, various nationalist groups and the Russian state have been competing over nationalism as a political concept and for popular support to nationalist claims. This paper analyzes the relationship between the state and anti-government, ethnocentric nationalistic groups that gather annually in an event called “the Russian March.” Emphasis is on the change in that relationship that happened in 2014, when the state added efforts to channel and mobilize the nationalists to its previous repressive and controlling measures. The article conceptualizes the competition over the nationalist argument in contemporary Russia as a case of dissentful and consentful contention in hybrid regimes, and shows how the dissentful nationalists have been forced to make way for the more consentful ones. Until recently, the room for maneuver for the radical nationalists was relatively wide. The events in Ukraine, however, divided the nationalists, and since 2014 radical nationalists have faced increased state repression. At the same time, pro-government nationalist actors have strengthened, and new players have appeared in the field. These developments tell us not only about the Kremlin's diminished tolerance for dissentful contention, but also about the importance of the nationalist argument in Russian politics today.
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Zhang, Yinxian, Jiajun Liu, and Ji-Rong Wen. "Nationalism on Weibo: Towards a Multifaceted Understanding of Chinese Nationalism." China Quarterly 235 (September 2018): 758–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000863.

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AbstractIt appears that nationalism has been on the rise in China in recent years, particularly among online communities. Scholars agree that the Chinese government is facing pressure from online nationalistic and pro-democracy forces; however, it is believed that of the two, nationalistic views are the more dominant. Online nationalism is believed to have pushed the Chinese government to be more aggressive in diplomacy. This study challenges this conventional wisdom by finding that online political discourse is not dominated by nationalistic views, but rather by anti-regime sentiments. Even when there is an outpouring of nationalist sentiment, it may be accompanied by pro-democracy views that criticize the government. By analysing more than 6,000 tweets from 146 Chinese opinion leaders on Weibo, and by decomposing nationalistic discussion by specific topic, this study shows that rather than being monolithically xenophobic, nationalists may have differing sets of views regarding China's supposed rivals. Rather than being supportive of the regime, nationalists may incorporate liberal values to challenge the government. Nonetheless, this liberal dominance appears to provoke a backlash of nationalism among certain groups.
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Kocher, Matthew Adam, Adria K. Lawrence, and Nuno P. Monteiro. "Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation." International Security 43, no. 2 (November 2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00329.

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Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.
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Ramutsindela, Maano Freddy. "Afrikaner Nationalism, Electioneering and the Politics of a Volkstaat." Politics 18, no. 3 (September 1998): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00076.

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The liberation of South Africa from the shackles of apartheid signifies the end of the last out-post of white domination in South Africa, and opened a new chapter on the search for a common South Africanism. The process of nation-building is haunted by relics of nationalist trends, one of which is Afrikaner nationalism. This article deals with certain aspects of Afrikaner nationalism which have continued into the post- apartheid era. It uses the division among Afrikaner nationalists to show the link between conservative Afrikaner nationalism, electioneering and the pursuit for a volkstaat (white homeland).
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VALLS, ANDREW. "A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000249.

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This article brings together work on liberal political theory and black nationalism in an attempt to both strengthen the case for black nationalism and enrich and extend liberal theory. I begin by arguing that for much of U.S. history, the classical black nationalist case for an independent state finds substantial support in recent liberal theories of secession. In the post–civil rights era, black nationalists in the Black Power movement argued for more limited forms of black autonomy, a position known as “community nationalism.” Community black nationalism makes claims similar to minority nationalist claims for limited self-determination, yet liberal multiculturalists like Will Kymlicka defend the latter while withholding support for black nationalism. I argue that black nationalism raises fundamental issues of justice and that liberal multicultural theory can be extended to support black nationalist claims.
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Aslan, Senem. "The Politics of Emotions and Spectacles: The Case of the Turkish Language Olympiads." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (October 4, 2019): 388–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.82.

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AbstractThis article examines the Turkish Language Olympiads as a political-performative strategy that the Muslim nationalists used to communicate their ideology. I argue that to understand the rise of Muslim nationalism, we also need to understand how emotional appeal is created through spectacles like the Turkish Olympiads. The spectacle was effective in boosting people’s sense of national pride and self-confidence by resolving two important tensions of Kemalist nationalism. First, it addressed the tension between Westernization and nationalization. Depicting an image of Turkish national culture that is appreciated and imitated by foreigners, it contested the imitative, Westernist character of Kemalist nationalism. Second, recasting the outside world as friendly to Turks, even Turkophile, it challenged Kemalist nationalism’s emphasis on external threats. Turkish-speaking and -acting foreigners communicated a message of nationalist self-empowerment and confidence, calling into question people’s sense of fear and distrust of the outside world. How Muslim nationalism was promoted, particularly the performative-symbolic strategies that were used, are important to understand because of their emotional resonance and potential for mass mobilization.
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Lary, Diana. "War and Nationalism in China, 1925–1945. By Hans J. van de Ven. [London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. xii+377 pp. £70.00. ISBN 0-415-14571-6.]." China Quarterly 178 (June 2004): 525–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004320291.

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This book may seem to be two books in one. In the first, we are given a cogent, superbly researched description of the creation of the Nationalist Army, of its later history in the reunification of China (1926–1937) and then of its fate during the War of Resistance (1937–1945). In the second book, a European scholar undermines one of the icons of the US presence in China, Joseph Stilwell, the salty, profane commander of US forces in China during the War, whose scathing denunciations of Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalists set the stage for holding Chiang's incompetence and Nationalist corruption responsible for the Communist victory in China.At first glance the second story might seem a sidebar to the larger topic of the book – war and nationalism in China. But it turns out to be integral to Western academic understanding of modern China. Views of the War of Resistance were so conditioned by Stilwell and his protagonists (what van de Ven calls the Stilwell–White paradigm, referring to Theodore White whose writings made Stilwell a hero) to accept that the Nationalists were the authors of their own downfall that there has been no room for an examination of where the Nationalists were seriously weakened – on the battlefields fighting the Japanese invaders.
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Wielomski, Adam. "Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofi i politycznej 1789– 1945. Część II." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.3.4.

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DIALECTICS “WE”–“ALIENS” IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945. PART IIThe aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. In Part II we discuss examples of nationalisms in various European states between the years 1890 and 1945: France, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Italy. This is the epoch when nationalism denies its initial close relationship with the political and revolutionary left. Now it is in close relations with the right. During the Boulanger and Dreyfus affaires in France, the nationalists are on the political right. Their ideology is not only right-wing but also anti-Semitic. Sometimes openly racist Maurice Barrès. In general, however, French and Italian nationalists preach “state nationalism,” similar to the classic doctrine of raison d’état. In Spain and Portugal the right is strictly Catholic. This is the imperial right. We have here the dream of restoration of the Spanish Siglo de Oro. This project is antithetic to nationalism because it is universalist and supranational. It is different in Germany, where at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the whole right is lit up by the vision of conquests, German empire, struggle of races. First, the Protestant, then also the German Catholic right is chauvinistic, racist and anti-Semitic. The article ends with reflections upon the relations between political right and the idea of nationalism.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Radical Nationalist Parties and Movements in Contemporary Ukraine Before and After Independence: The Right and Its Politics, 1989–1994." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 02 (June 1997): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408500.

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The radical right in the Ukrainian political spectrum is dominated by three movements—the Nationalist Union Ukrainian State Independence (DSU), the Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA, formerly the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly, UMPA) and the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (KUN). The UNA is dominated by the highly secretive Ukrainian Nationalist Union (UNS) which grew out of the nationalist wing of the Association of Independent Ukrainian Youth (SNUM). The KUN was launched in 1992 in Ukraine as the overt arm of the émigré Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera faction (known commonly as OUN revolutionaries, or OUNr).
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Lawrence, Adria. "Triggering Nationalist Violence: Competition and Conflict in Uprisings against Colonial Rule." International Security 35, no. 2 (October 2010): 88–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00019.

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Nationalist conflict has been one of the most pervasive and intractable types of conflict in the modern era. In some places, nationalist conflict has entailed lengthy wars, terrorist campaigns, and rural insurgency. Yet in many others, nationalist organizations have pursued peaceful strategies, engaging in bargaining, diplomacy, and popular protest. Why do some nationalist movements turn violent, whereas others remain primarily peaceful? Drawing on nationalist struggles against the French colonial empire, the competitive violence theory posits that violence was primarily driven by competition among nationalists. Nationalist violence erupted when colonial states pursued policies to restrict nationalist opposition and repress leading nationalists, creating a leadership vacuum and encouraging new nationalist actors to use violence to vie for influence. The competitive violence theory exemplifies an approach that can explain variation in both the timing and location of violence.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Relations with nationalists"

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Fahy, Colm V. "No way out? : the search of an international legal response to Northern Ireland's Separatist Nationalists." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ50930.pdf.

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Molchanov, Mikhail A. "Poltical culture and nationality in Russian-Ukrainian relations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ34813.pdf.

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Fernández, García Alicia. "Vivre ensemble : conflit et cohabitation à Ceuta et Melilla." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100070.

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Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’histoire sociale de Ceuta et de Melilla par le biais des relations interculturelles, notamment entre les deux communautés majoritaires, celle d’origine péninsulaire et de tradition catholique, et celle d’origine marocaine et de confession musulmane. Il s’agira donc d’aborder l’étude de cette histoire sociale par le bais de trois approches : 1) une approche sociohistorique des relations interculturelles ; 2) une approche sociopolitique où la composante démographique, l’identité et le nationalisme seront les axes fédérateurs ; et 3) une approche sociolinguistique consacrée au rôle des stéréotypes dans la construction identitaire, de même qu’aux pratiques et représentations interculturelles d’abord puis linguistiques ensuite chez les élèves des villes. Cette thèse se fonde ainsi sur une problématique centrale formulée dans les termes suivants : comment les relations interculturelles à Ceuta et Melilla se sont-elles construites au long de l’histoire et comment se forgent-elles, dans l’actualité, au niveau social, politique et linguistique ?
The objective of this thesis is the study of the social history of Ceuta and Melilla, by means of the analysis of intercultural relationships. Overall, two mainstream communities will be analysed: a Spanish heritage community, mainly Catholic and a Moroccan heritage community of Muslin religion. Three approaches have been taken in order to study this social history: 1) a sociohistorical approach of the intercultural relationships between the two communities; 2) a socio-political approach to analyse identity, demographic data and nationalism; 3) a sociolinguistic approach for the analysis of stereotypes and the construction of identity, as well as linguistic and intercultural representations. Our research question is the following: how intercultural relationships in Ceuta and Melilla are constructed not only diachronically (historically) but also synchronically (today), at social, politic and linguistic levels?
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Carbuccia, Chloe. "Les manifestations du nationalisme canadien et la relation Etats-Unis-Canada (1963-1984)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0078.

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Cette thèse étudie l'attitude de l'exécutif américain face aux manifestations de nationalisme canadiens ou s les gouvernements Libéraux de Lester Bowles Pearson (1963-­‐1968) et de Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968-­‐79/1980-­‐84). Le nationalisme canadien multiforme est ici envisagé comme un objet sous le regard de l'exécutif américain ainsi qu'un facteur potentiel dans la relation États-Unis/Canada. Sous le gouvernement Pearson, le nationalisme canadien ainsi que la recherche de la prospérité poussent les gouvernements des deux côtés de la frontière à mieux coopérer. Face à des décisions de l'administration Nixon (1968-­‐74) et sous l'impulsion de pressions nationalistes intérieures, le gouvernement Trudeau opte pour des politiques qui visent à réduire la vulnérabilité de l'économie canadienne envers celle de son voisin. Ces mesures contribuent à légitimer l'intervention du gouvernement fédéral, renforcer son rôle et l'unité nationale canadienne. L'étude de la perception du nationalisme canadien par Washington montre non seulement une évolution du ton employé envers Ottawa mais également une maturation de la relation. Les politiques indépendantes du Canada poursuivies par les gouvernements Libéraux et la poursuite de l'intérêt national par Washington vont de pair avec une concertation accrue entre les deux voisins
This dissertation focuses on the United States' perception of Canadian nationalism under the Liberal governments of Lester Bowles Pearson (1963-­‐68) and Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968-­‐79/1980-­‐84). Various forms of Canadian nationalism are looked at from Washington's perspective and seen as a potential factorin U.S./ Canadian relations. Under Pearson's government, Washington and Ottawa defended their economic interests and worked hard to improve cooperation partly as a response to Canadian nationalism. Then the Nixon administration (1968-­‐74) took a series of economic and monetary measures that encouraged the Trudeau government to take action in order to reduce the vulnerability of the Canadian economy, deemed too dependent on its neighbour's. The Third Option policies contributed to legitimizing and reinforcing the role of the federal government, which helped shape national identity. Studying how Washington saw Canadian nationalism demonstrates that the U.S./ Canadian relationship matured over twenty years. If Washington defended its national interests and Ottawa sought an independent path, consultations till increased between the two countries
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Shani, Giorgiandrea. "Globalisation and identity : Sikh nationalism, diaspora and international relations." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416905.

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Dikkerboom, Anneloes. "'Nationality of aircraft and 'nationality of airlines' in the perspective of globalization." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26442.

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One of the fundamental principles of the Chicago Convention is the principle of nationality of aircraft. It is the means by which the Convention attaches most of the rights and obligations that it creates to aircraft and state of registry, irrespective of who owns or operates the aircraft. Yet the rules of the Convention on nationality and registration can give rise to serious practical problems when an aircraft registered in one state is cooperatively arranged to be operated by an operator belonging to another state.
This thesis takes a closer look at the principle of nationality of aircraft in international aviation law and gives an outline of the history of this concept. Further, it explains how nowadays this principle is applied to aircraft operated by international operating agencies, and to aircraft registered in one state and leased, chartered or inter-changed by operators belonging to other states.
The concept of 'nationality of aircraft' should not be confused with the concept of 'nationality of airlines'. Another part of my thesis is dedicated to this concept of 'nationality of airlines', which is of major importance in aviation too.
This part contains a general explanation on this concept as well as some examples of the ownership and control requirements in different national laws. Besides introducing the Community Air Carrier concept, it focusses on the question if the ownership and control clauses included in bilateral agreements are compatible with today's trend towards global carriers and international mergers. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Lok, Wing-kai, and 駱穎佳. "The Chinese nationalist imaginary and its relation to Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31221439.

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Fölster, Christian Alexander Marks Gary. "The new rise of economic nationalism in transatlantic trade relations." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2783.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 10, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Concentration TransAtlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Crooks, Heather R. "Transatlantic relations the role of nationalism in multinational space cooperation." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501117.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: NASA, European Space Agency, ESA, International Cooperation, Transatlantic Relations, Nationalism, INTELSAT, Ulysses, Galileo, SOFIA, ISS, International Space Station, Constellation, Aurora, Vision for Space Exploration, Moon, Mars. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-95). Also available in print.
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Largent, Mark Aaron. "Black Nationalism Reinterpreted." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278124/.

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Black nationalism responded to America's failure to examine the effects of slavery's legacy. Its aims represent those issues that were either unsupported by or in opposition to the goals of the civil rights leadership. In particular, the civil rights movement dismissed any claims that the history of slavery had a lasting effect on African-Americans. This conflict developed because of mainstream America's inability to realize that the black community is not monolithic and African-Americans were differentially affected by slavery's legacy. It is those blacks who are most affected by the culture of poverty created by America's history of slavery who make up today's inner-city populations. Despite successes by the civil rights movement, problems within lower-class black communities continue because the issues of the black underclass have not yet been fully addressed.
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Books on the topic "Relations with nationalists"

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Ramu, P. S. Badshah Khan: Indo-Pakistan relations. Delhi: S.S. Publishers, 1991.

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Torres, Heriberto Marín. Coabey, el valle heróico. [Puerto Rico: s.n.], 1995.

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Torres, Heriberto Marín. Coabey, el valle heroico. 2nd ed. San Juan, P.R: Editorial Patria, 2011.

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Torres, Heriberto Marín. Coabey, el valle heróico. [Puerto Rico: s.n.], 1995.

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Staniland, Martin. American intellectuals and African nationalists, 1955-1970. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991.

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White bound: Nationalists, antiracists, and the shared meanings of race. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2012.

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Aghbaba, Avtandil. Aghbaba shăḣidlări. Baky: "Aghrydagh" Năshrii̐i̐aty, 1998.

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Kănġărli, Gulu. Gara i̐anvar shăḣidlări. Baky: Ġănjlik, 1992.

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Mushayriqī, al-Hādī Ibrāhīm. Qiṣṣatī maʻa thawrat al-milyūn-- shahīd =: My story with the revolution of one million-- martyrs. al-Jazāʾir: Dār al-Ummah, 2000.

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Suryŏngnim kwa hangil ŭi chŏnudŭl. [P'yon̆gyang]: Chosŏn Nodongdang Ch'ulp'ansa, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Relations with nationalists"

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Williams, Marc. "Nationalism." In International Relations in the Twentieth Century, 42–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20081-8_2.

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Kellas, James G. "Nationalism and International Relations." In The Politics of Nationalism and Ethnicity, 146–58. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21527-0_11.

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Kellas, James G. "Nationalism and International Relations." In The Politics of Nationalism and Ethnicity, 189–208. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26863-4_11.

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Hassner, Pierre. "Nationalism and Violence in International Relations." In Revisiting Nationalism, 202–21. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10326-0_10.

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Malik, Hafeez. "Revival of Nationalism in Bashkortostan." In Russian–American Relations, 224–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230535749_13.

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Woodwell, Douglas. "Nationality, Nation, and Ethnicity." In Nationalism in International Relations, 13–24. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607200_2.

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Law, Margaret. "Nationalism and Middle Eastern Identities." In Identities in International Relations, 118–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25194-0_6.

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Woodwell, Douglas. "Introduction." In Nationalism in International Relations, 1–9. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607200_1.

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Woodwell, Douglas. "Sovereignty and Self-Determination: Conflicting Norms as the Basis for International Conflict." In Nationalism in International Relations, 25–39. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607200_3.

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Woodwell, Douglas. "The Determinants of Aggressive Behavior in Irredentist-Type Situations." In Nationalism in International Relations, 41–53. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607200_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Relations with nationalists"

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Wicaksana, I. Gede Wahyu. "The Evolution of Indonesia’s Economic Nationalism." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010275902760283.

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Wicaksana, I. Gede Wahyu. "Nationalism as a Hindrance to Indonesia-Australia Economic Cooperation." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010274101240129.

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Gupta, Susmita Sen, and Zhoto Tunyi. "NATIONALITY QUESTION VS. NATIONAL INTEGRATION: INDIAN STATE IN A DILEMMA." In 3rd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations (PSSIR 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum Pte Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir13.66.

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Sun, Jing. "Sino-Japanese Diffidation in 1958: from the perspective of domestic internationalism-nationalism confrontation." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, International Relations and Sociology . Cognitive-crcs, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2015.03.5.

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Hastuti, Rahmah, Pamela Hendra Heng, and Naomi Soetikno. "Empathy and Its Relation to Youth Nationalism in Jakarta." In 1st Borobudur International Symposium on Humanities, Economics and Social Sciences (BIS-HESS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200529.031.

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Ningrum, Dewi Aprilia, and Kusmana. "Al-Fatâ (Muslim Muda Indonesia) Buletin and Modernity: A Case Study of Discussing the Qur'an in Relation to Tolerance and Nationalism." In International Conference Recent Innovation. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009938119771983.

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Eryücel, Ertuğrul. "A Comparative Analysis on Policy Making in Western Countries and Turkey in the Context of Eugenics." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01847.

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The word eugenics was coined in 1883 by the English scientist Francis Galton, who took the word from a Greek root meaning “good in birth” or “noble in heredity”. Eugenics aimed to assist states in implementing negative or positive policies which would improve the quality of the national breed. The intensive applications of eugenic policies coincide between two World Wars. İn the decades between 1905 and 1945, eugenics politics implemented in more than thirty countries. The method of this study is based on a literature survey on the sources of the eugenic subject. The sources of the data are documents such as books, articles, journals, theses, projects, research reports about the politics and legal regulations of the countries on the family, population, sport, health and body. This study comparatively examines eugenic policy-making in Turkey and in Western countries: Britain, United States, France, Germany (1905-1945). This study aims to discuss the relation of eugenic politics in countries with nation building process, ethnic nationalism, and racism. This is a basic claim that the eugenic practices in Turkey contain more positive measures and that there is no racial-ethnic content of eugenics in Turkey.
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"Self-efficacy, Challenge, Threat and Motivation in Virtual and Blended Courses on Multicultural Campuses." In InSITE 2019: Informing Science + IT Education Conferences: Jerusalem. Informing Science Institute, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4189.

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[This Proceedings paper was revised and published in the 2019 issue of the journal Issues in Informing Science and Information Technology, Volume 16] Aim/Purpose: The aim of this study was to examine the sense of challenge and threat, negative feelings, self-efficacy, and motivation among students in a virtual and a blended course on multicultural campuses and to see how to afford every student an equal opportunity to succeed in academic studies. Background: Most academic campuses in Israel are multicultural, with a diverse student body. The campuses strive to provide students from all sectors, regardless of nationality, religion, etc., the possibility of enjoying academic studies and completing them successfully. Methodology: This is a mixed-method study with a sample of 484 students belonging to three sectors: general Jewish, ultra-orthodox Jewish, and Arab. Contribution: This study’s findings might help faculty on multicultural campuses to advance all students and enable them equal opportunity to succeed in academic studies. Findings: Significant sectorial differences were found for the sense of challenge and threat, negative feelings, and motivation. We found that the sense of challenge and level of motivation among Arab students was higher than among the ultra-orthodox Jewish students, which, in turn, was higher than among the general Jewish student population. On the other hand, we found that the perception of threat and negative feelings among Arab students were higher than for the other two sectors for both the virtual and the blended course. Recommendations for Practitioners: Significant feedback might lessen the sense of threat and the negative feelings and be a meaningful factor for the students to persevere in the course. Intellectual, emotional, and differential feedback is recommended. Not relating to students’ difficulties might lead to a sense of alienation, a lack of belonging, or inability to cope with the tasks at hand and dropout from the course, or even from studies altogether. A good interaction between lecturer and student can change any sense of incompetence or helplessness to one of self-efficacy and the ability to interact with one’s surroundings. Recommendations for Researchers: Lecturers can reduce the sense of threat and negative feelings and increase a student’s motivation by making their presence felt on the course website, using the forums to manage discussions with students, and enabling and encouraging discussion among the students. Impact on Society: The integration of virtual learning environments into the learning process might lead to the fulfilment of an educational vision in which autonomous learners realize their personal potential. Hence they must be given tasks requiring the application of high learning skills without compromise, but rather with differential treatment of students in order to reduce negative feelings and the sense of threat, and to reduce the transactional distance. Future Research: Further studies should examine the causes of negative feelings among students participating in virtual and blended courses on multicultural campuses and how these feelings can be handled.
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Reports on the topic "Relations with nationalists"

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Fisman, Raymond, Yasushi Hamao, and Yongxiang Wang. Nationalism and Economic Exchange: Evidence from Shocks to Sino-Japanese Relations. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w20089.

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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.

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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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