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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Relations with nationalists'
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Fahy, Colm V. "No way out? : the search of an international legal response to Northern Ireland's Separatist Nationalists." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ50930.pdf.
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Molchanov, Mikhail A. "Poltical culture and nationality in Russian-Ukrainian relations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ34813.pdf.
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Fernández, García Alicia. "Vivre ensemble : conflit et cohabitation à Ceuta et Melilla." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100070.
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Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’histoire sociale de Ceuta et de Melilla par le biais des relations interculturelles, notamment entre les deux communautés majoritaires, celle d’origine péninsulaire et de tradition catholique, et celle d’origine marocaine et de confession musulmane. Il s’agira donc d’aborder l’étude de cette histoire sociale par le bais de trois approches : 1) une approche sociohistorique des relations interculturelles ; 2) une approche sociopolitique où la composante démographique, l’identité et le nationalisme seront les axes fédérateurs ; et 3) une approche sociolinguistique consacrée au rôle des stéréotypes dans la construction identitaire, de même qu’aux pratiques et représentations interculturelles d’abord puis linguistiques ensuite chez les élèves des villes. Cette thèse se fonde ainsi sur une problématique centrale formulée dans les termes suivants : comment les relations interculturelles à Ceuta et Melilla se sont-elles construites au long de l’histoire et comment se forgent-elles, dans l’actualité, au niveau social, politique et linguistique ?The objective of this thesis is the study of the social history of Ceuta and Melilla, by means of the analysis of intercultural relationships. Overall, two mainstream communities will be analysed: a Spanish heritage community, mainly Catholic and a Moroccan heritage community of Muslin religion. Three approaches have been taken in order to study this social history: 1) a sociohistorical approach of the intercultural relationships between the two communities; 2) a socio-political approach to analyse identity, demographic data and nationalism; 3) a sociolinguistic approach for the analysis of stereotypes and the construction of identity, as well as linguistic and intercultural representations. Our research question is the following: how intercultural relationships in Ceuta and Melilla are constructed not only diachronically (historically) but also synchronically (today), at social, politic and linguistic levels?
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Carbuccia, Chloe. "Les manifestations du nationalisme canadien et la relation Etats-Unis-Canada (1963-1984)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0078.
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Cette thèse étudie l'attitude de l'exécutif américain face aux manifestations de nationalisme canadiens ou s les gouvernements Libéraux de Lester Bowles Pearson (1963-‐1968) et de Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968-‐79/1980-‐84). Le nationalisme canadien multiforme est ici envisagé comme un objet sous le regard de l'exécutif américain ainsi qu'un facteur potentiel dans la relation États-Unis/Canada. Sous le gouvernement Pearson, le nationalisme canadien ainsi que la recherche de la prospérité poussent les gouvernements des deux côtés de la frontière à mieux coopérer. Face à des décisions de l'administration Nixon (1968-‐74) et sous l'impulsion de pressions nationalistes intérieures, le gouvernement Trudeau opte pour des politiques qui visent à réduire la vulnérabilité de l'économie canadienne envers celle de son voisin. Ces mesures contribuent à légitimer l'intervention du gouvernement fédéral, renforcer son rôle et l'unité nationale canadienne. L'étude de la perception du nationalisme canadien par Washington montre non seulement une évolution du ton employé envers Ottawa mais également une maturation de la relation. Les politiques indépendantes du Canada poursuivies par les gouvernements Libéraux et la poursuite de l'intérêt national par Washington vont de pair avec une concertation accrue entre les deux voisinsThis dissertation focuses on the United States' perception of Canadian nationalism under the Liberal governments of Lester Bowles Pearson (1963-‐68) and Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1968-‐79/1980-‐84). Various forms of Canadian nationalism are looked at from Washington's perspective and seen as a potential factorin U.S./ Canadian relations. Under Pearson's government, Washington and Ottawa defended their economic interests and worked hard to improve cooperation partly as a response to Canadian nationalism. Then the Nixon administration (1968-‐74) took a series of economic and monetary measures that encouraged the Trudeau government to take action in order to reduce the vulnerability of the Canadian economy, deemed too dependent on its neighbour's. The Third Option policies contributed to legitimizing and reinforcing the role of the federal government, which helped shape national identity. Studying how Washington saw Canadian nationalism demonstrates that the U.S./ Canadian relationship matured over twenty years. If Washington defended its national interests and Ottawa sought an independent path, consultations till increased between the two countries
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Shani, Giorgiandrea. "Globalisation and identity : Sikh nationalism, diaspora and international relations." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416905.
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Dikkerboom, Anneloes. "'Nationality of aircraft and 'nationality of airlines' in the perspective of globalization." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26442.
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One of the fundamental principles of the Chicago Convention is the principle of nationality of aircraft. It is the means by which the Convention attaches most of the rights and obligations that it creates to aircraft and state of registry, irrespective of who owns or operates the aircraft. Yet the rules of the Convention on nationality and registration can give rise to serious practical problems when an aircraft registered in one state is cooperatively arranged to be operated by an operator belonging to another state.This thesis takes a closer look at the principle of nationality of aircraft in international aviation law and gives an outline of the history of this concept. Further, it explains how nowadays this principle is applied to aircraft operated by international operating agencies, and to aircraft registered in one state and leased, chartered or inter-changed by operators belonging to other states.
The concept of 'nationality of aircraft' should not be confused with the concept of 'nationality of airlines'. Another part of my thesis is dedicated to this concept of 'nationality of airlines', which is of major importance in aviation too.
This part contains a general explanation on this concept as well as some examples of the ownership and control requirements in different national laws. Besides introducing the Community Air Carrier concept, it focusses on the question if the ownership and control clauses included in bilateral agreements are compatible with today's trend towards global carriers and international mergers. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Lok, Wing-kai, and 駱穎佳. "The Chinese nationalist imaginary and its relation to Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31221439.
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Fölster, Christian Alexander Marks Gary. "The new rise of economic nationalism in transatlantic trade relations." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2783.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 10, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Concentration TransAtlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Crooks, Heather R. "Transatlantic relations the role of nationalism in multinational space cooperation." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501117.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: NASA, European Space Agency, ESA, International Cooperation, Transatlantic Relations, Nationalism, INTELSAT, Ulysses, Galileo, SOFIA, ISS, International Space Station, Constellation, Aurora, Vision for Space Exploration, Moon, Mars. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-95). Also available in print.
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Largent, Mark Aaron. "Black Nationalism Reinterpreted." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278124/.
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Black nationalism responded to America's failure to examine the effects of slavery's legacy. Its aims represent those issues that were either unsupported by or in opposition to the goals of the civil rights leadership. In particular, the civil rights movement dismissed any claims that the history of slavery had a lasting effect on African-Americans. This conflict developed because of mainstream America's inability to realize that the black community is not monolithic and African-Americans were differentially affected by slavery's legacy. It is those blacks who are most affected by the culture of poverty created by America's history of slavery who make up today's inner-city populations. Despite successes by the civil rights movement, problems within lower-class black communities continue because the issues of the black underclass have not yet been fully addressed.
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Marks, Martha Staley. "United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II." PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
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This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
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Berry, Neil Alexander. "Resource nationalism in Southern Africa : ethnic control and political ideology." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13666.
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In the West nationalisation and privatisation have been explained mostly in relation to the political ideologies of capitalism and socialism. The privatisations that began in the 1980s, and accelerated after the collapse of socialism across Eastern Europe, have generally been considered to be developmentally linear. Postcolonial nationalisation-privatisation cycles in South East Asian and Latin American countries, by contrast, have been explained by scholars such as Chua as related to ethnicism, nationalism and indigenism and above all the presence of a 'emarket dominant ethnic minority f (MDM). This paper reviews the cycles of nationalisation and privatisation in the mining industries in Zambia and South Africa (SA), in order to examine the respective roles that ethnicity and political ideology have played. It explores whether minority ethnic economic control is more important than political ideology in driving calls for nationalisation of mining. For each country case, I set out a detailed historical analysis of the political and policy provisions made since independence from colonial rule. The paper explores ideas of ownership and race; the internalisation of norms of neoliberal economic policies; socialism and nationalism; and power relations and identity politics. The study also interrogates the impact of global structures upon state decisions. In both case studies, I show that minority ethnic dominance has been a more important driver of nationalisation/privatisation cycles than political ideology.
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Deshpande, Chitra. "Empowerment through Hindu nationalism? : examining gender relations in the Shiv Sena." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab20698f-d74f-441e-be60-dbfd625b0114.
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This dissertation explores whether women and men can be empowered through cultural nationalism based on religious/ethnic identities. Religious fundamentalism is typically not associated with women's empowerment. As a patriarchal, Hindu nationalist party that advocates violence, the Shiv Sena is also an unlikely agent of women's empowerment. Yet, the Sena has been attracting numerous women who claim to have gained confidence through the party. Using the Shiv Sena as my case study, I interviewed four male and seven female Shiv Sena members using the biographic narrative method. By examining their biographic narratives and interviews of their families and colleagues, I was able to delineate the different empowerment cycles for men and women in Shiv Sena and determine each participant's level of empowerment. The empowerment framework defined by Jo Rowlands (1997), which distinguishes between personal, collective, and relational empowerment, serves as the basis of my assessment of women's and men's empowerment. As violence is generally disregarded as a means of empowerment, I discuss it in relation to the construction of empowering cultural identities. While establishing theoretical frameworks regarding empowerment, cultural identity and gender, I also examine the disempowerment of Maharashtrians (whom Shiv Sena originally represented) by the socio-economic and historical conditions of Bombay, India. I then demonstrate how Shiv Sena, led by its Chief, Bal Thackeray, has constructed a new hegemonic masculine identity for Maharasthrian men as a means of empowerment. In the final chapters, I examine Shiv Sena's impact on the lives of individual women and men. This analysis revealed that despite the patriarchal constraints imposed by the Sena, women were becoming personally empowered in both the private and public spheres. In contrast, while Shiv Sena men were achieving collective empowerment in the public sphere, they had more difficulty becoming personally empowered in both the home and workplace.
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Peldon, Deki. "Nationalism and Regional Relations in Democratic Transitions: Comparing Nepal and Bhutan." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1528153330677979.
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Hughes, Christopher Rene. "National identity and status in international relations : Taiwan in Chinese nationalism." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297172.
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Korkusuz, Sermin. "Turkey And Its Relation To The European Union From A Radical Nationalist Perspective: The Nationalist Action Party From The Early 1990." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609571/index.pdf.
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The objective of this study is to analyse the discourse (from 1990s onwards) of the radical nationalist perspective about Turkey-EU relations. The EU is discussed as an actor within the globalization process. Therefore, in a broader context, the study presents the situation of the radical nationalist perspective in Turkey within the globalization process. In the study, the Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi/MHP (Nationalist Action Party) has been selected as the political representative of radical nationalism in Turkey. The party&rsquo
s official discourse concerning the relations with EU is focused. In this framework, the party&rsquo
s perception of the EU, of Turkey-EU relations, of Turkey&rsquo
s position, of itself and of other actors in these relations are analysed. It is analysed which themes are prominent in its discourse. While doing this, I also try to reveal possible contradictions, uncertainties and ambivalences.
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Clissold, Gillian Rosalind Gunn. "Coercion versus co-optation : Western relations with the MPLA and FRELIMO from 1956 to 1976." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1668/.
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This thesis analyses the development of Western relations with the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) from 1956 to 1976. It concludes that nationalist attitudes were influenced by eleven factors, of which only one--perception of Western policies--was consistently present in every time period. Even when a movement was becoming increasingly hostile to the West due to other factors, perception of a friendly Western attitude was capable of producing a positive nationalist response. Although seven factors shaped Western policies, in general governments reacted in accord with the impact of nationalist policies on interests deemed important. For cold war-focussed countries, a movement's policies were only examined to determine their influence on that international competition. Because both nationalist groups had ties with the socialist world, and because Portugal threatened to deny Western access to the Azores base if the West courted the nationalists, cold war-focussed states such as the United States avoided co-optation initiatives. Those states with wider ties to the area tended to evaluate the impact of the whole spectrum of nationalist policies on regional interests when determining strategies. Countries with broad ties to the region, such as Britain, were capable of overlooking a movement's socialist alliances and adopting co-optation policies if the group was deemed willing and able to further the Western state's interests in the region. The thesis also concludes that co-optation policies would have better protected Western interests than the coercion or neglect strategies so often selected and that such an approach would have produced stronger results in FRELIMO than in the MPLA. However, due to the interplay of other factors, even if subjected to consistently positive Western policies neither movement would have become a close Western ally.
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Papazian, Lalig. "Nationalism and militarized crisis : the case of Nagorno-Karabagh." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ37225.pdf.
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Lenn, Maria. "Nationalism, democratization and inter-ethnic relations in the Lithuanian state 1988-1992." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392436.
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Facchini, Manuel. "Du nationalisme afrikaner au nationalisme blanc : Afrique du Sud : vers la dissolution du lien britannique (1948-1961)." Paris 4, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA040055.
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La lutte politique blanche en Afrique du sud de la prise de pouvoir nationaliste au référendum de 1960 vue à travers le témoignage des hauts commissaires britanniques. En 1948, le revirement occasionnel d'une partie de l'électorat anglophone cause la défaite politique inattendue du parti uni du premier ministre Smuts. Dans la première décennie du gouvernement nationaliste, les affrontements s'accentuent dans le monde afrikaner alors que l'ancien sénateur du parti uni et chef du parti fédéral uni, Heaton Nicholls, demande l'aide du gouvernement britannique pour appuyer son projet de sécession de la province du Natal. En 1960, à la veille du référendum sur la république, le haut-commissaire, John Maud, a-t-il saisi l'importance que les nationalistes du Cap attachent à la participation sud-africaine au Commonwealth? Refuser au préalable la réadmission du pays dans l'association aurait-elle pu affecter l'issue de la consultation? Après 1961, le gouvernement radical de Verwoerd affiche la nécessité d'un nationalisme blanc pour faire face au « péril noir ».
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Lai, Yew Meng. "Nationalism and power politics in Japan's relations with China : a neoclassical realist interpretation." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/853/.
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This dissertation explores the role of nationalism in shaping Japan’s relations with China. Although not discounting the significance of external-structural constraints, it aims to explicate “nationalism” as a domestic (power and ideational) variable, and its interactions with other determinants in re-defining Japanese external policy-orientation that affected the bilateral relationship, during the Koizumi administration (2001-2006). Interpreting from a neoclassical realist (NCR) perspective, it offers a theoretically informed examination about why, how, when, and the extent to which nationalism matters in Japan’s China policy. This is done by operationalising, and systematically assessing nationalism’s salience vis-à-vis other external-domestic dynamics (i.e. alliance commitment/resolve, economic interdependence, domestic political process/actors) that simultaneously affect Japanese state-elites’ policy decision-making. It also establishes whether these factors serve to exacerbate, or mitigate domestic nationalist impulses, and their corresponding impact on Japan’s China policy-options. Two nationalist-flavoured bilateral disputes – Yasukuni Shrine and East China Sea – are utilised as case-studies. This thesis argues that nationalism matters, albeit to a qualified extent. Taking a realistoriented, “middle-ground” position, it hypothesises that nationalism’s salience is dependent on state-elites’ perception/calculation of the conditions related to its interactions with the other aforementioned variables that concurrently influence foreign policy-making, during a given time period. It finds nationalism especially prevalent under perceptively sanguine external conditions, where an advantageous relative power position vis-à-vis China, fostered, in particular, by favourable US-Japan alliance resolve, tends to encourage assertive-nationalistic foreign policy-options, and vice-versa. Given the findings, it concludes that nationalism is an important, but not necessarily the primary driver of Japan’s China policy. Overall, this thesis makes a sustained theoretical contribution to our understanding of the international relations of Japan, and the utility of IR realism. Specifically, the hospitability of NCR to domestic-ideational theorising, can bridge mainstream IR and domestic/Areastudies approaches to advance a more holistic, albeit realist-oriented appreciation of nationalism in Japan’s relations with China.
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Walujono, Amanda. "The Discrimination of the Ethnic Chinese in Indonesia and Perceptions of Nationality." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/508.
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Since the established literature is mostly political, economic, and social histories of modern Indonesia, my thesis will establish motivations behind the context of the discrimination of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia with particular attention on how it affects the perception of ethnic Chinese Indonesian’s nationality. Most of the times in the established literature, the history, motivations, and consequences behind the discrimination of the ethnic Chinese are briefly summarized or put in as an afterthought. Most of the present day established literature is focused on how the now-allowed Chinese imports are starting to influence Indonesian culture and how post-Suharto regimes have taken steps to at least tolerate the ethnic Chinese population. Since Indonesia is such a new nation, it is important to establish why a key player in its initial start up economy was targeted for racism for so long. My thesis will use the thread of Dutch colonialism and the impact of Western ideologies of democracy and nationalism to explain the reasons behind ethnic Chinese discrimination in Indonesia. Thus, my thesis question will ask what are the reasons behind the discrimination of the ethnic Chinese and how it affected perception of ethnic Chinese Indonesian nationality. Furthermore, my thesis question will address all the sub-questions that come ! 4 with it such as do the roots stem from Dutch colonization or does it go back further than that? How can the ethnic Chinese be discriminated against socially when most of them are in the upper economic strata of the country? Do the native Indonesians consider the ethnic Chinese Indonesian to be proper citizens of Indonesia? Do the ethnic Chinese consider themselves as citizens of Indonesia or China? And how did different ruling regimes affect the perceptions of Chinese Indonesian nationality?
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Citino, Nathan John. "Eisenhower, King Saud, and the politics of Arab Nationalism : U.S.-Saudi relations, 1952-1960 /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488191124568572.
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Malcolm, Dominic. "An eliasian or process sociological analysis of cricket : violence, nationalism, 'race' and imperial relations." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30716.
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Wu, Qing. "Political institutions and ethnonationalism in Taiwan." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3258625.
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DeVotta, Neil. "From linguistic nationalism to ethnic conflict Sri Lanka in comparative perspective /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3031040.
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Napolitano, Paul. "International football and international relations football as foreign policy between Italy and England, 1933, 1934, 1939 /." Waltham, Mass. : Brandeis University, 2009. http://dcoll.brandeis.edu/handle/10192/23243.
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Ye, Ming. "Le nationalisme chinois aujourd'hui : une approche géopolitique des sources chinoises." Paris 8, 2006. http://octaviana.fr/document/122061403#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
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En reprenant le débat sur la modernité après la désillusion de l’utopie communiste, la montée en puissance le nationalisme chinois à la fin du 20ème siècle et au début du 21ème siècle représente, en terme géopolitique, le processus de réaffirmation du nationalisme chinois comme une force majeure et légitime pour faire accéder la Chine à la modernité. Le concept moderne de souveraineté territoriale et la nation de frontière n’ont guère changé la fascination chinoise à la centralité et l’obsession à l’unité nationale et à l’intégrité territoriale. La réinterprétation du passé pour réaffirmer son droit d’héritage sur les territoriaux contentieux demeure une politique efficace mais contestée. En affirmant la singularité de la civilisation chinoise, le nationalisme minimise l’impact de l’Occident et affiche sa prétention universaliste. Et créditer son idéalisme prétendu universaliste à la recherche d’un monde plus équitable. Le nationalisme chinois englobe de nombreux éléments. Les analystes en géopolitique le décrivent comme la force soutenant la construction d’un État-Nation moderne, souverain, unificateur et universalisteBy taking again the debate on modernity after the disillusion of the communist utopia, the rise to power of chinese nationalism today represents in geopolitical term the process of reaffirmation of chinese nationalism like a great and legitimate power to make reach China modernity, maintain the unit national by the territorial integrity and credit its alleged idealism universal with research one more equitable world. Three broad topics structure the work which we presents: the search for an adequate design of the modern state-nation ; the research of the territorial integrity which brings to reconsider the question of the border ; finally the report in the world - and the order of the world considered to be unjust - which one will approach through the study of the relations between China and Japan, China and the United States, China and the Occident
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Williams, Kimberly A. "Casualties of cold war toward a feminist analysis of American nationalism in U.S.-Russian relations /." College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8536.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Women's Studies. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Bickers, Robert A. "Changing British attitudes to China and the Chinese, 1928-1931." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/d8a345db-5eed-49b7-a8c4-524c6c431168.
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This study examines the context and nature of British attitudes to China and the Chinese in the period 1928 to 1931, between the initial consolidation of the Nationalist Revolution in China and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. The relationship between official and popular levels of this discourse provides the dominant theme of this work. It is argued that these years saw the start of a major long-term shift in British attitudes prompted by the Nationalist Revolution and by changes in Britain's official policy towards China. A wide range of official, institutional, and private primary and secondary material relating to Sino-British relations and to British treaty port life in China is examined in order to identify the sources, nature, and influence of British attitudes. The introduction surveys the existing literature on "attitudes" and "images" and outlines the limitations of traditionally textually-based approaches. Part 1 examines metropolitan and treaty port sources of British attitudes and their articulation and relates these to the structure and mores of British society in China, its socialisation of new arrivals, and its relations with the Chinese as hosts, competitors, colleagues, customers and employees. It shows the extent to which hostile and suspicious attitudes towards the Chinese pervaded British popular culture, diplomacy and treaty port society. Part 2 describes the nature and limitations of British attempts at social and institutional reform in the three main sectors of British society: the structures of treaty port life, businesses and missions. Although British residents accepted the need for reform, in practice they were insular and conservative. Furthermore, successful changes were introduced with the intention of protecting the British presence in China rather than changing its character. This work concludes, however, that genuine attempts were made in this period by influential individuals to alter the character of British treaty port life, and treaty port attitudes, and that the long-term repercussions of these efforts underlie improvements in Sino-British cultural relations since 1928. This study is a contribution to the social history of the foreign communities in China, the history of Sino-British relations and the social history of British attitudes to China and the Chinese.
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Willingham, Robert Allen. "Jews in Leipzig nationality and community in the 20th century /." Thesis, Austin, Tex. : University of Texas Libraries, 2005. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2005/willinghamr73843/willinghamr73843.pdf#page=2.
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Hunter, Jason. "Taiwan domestic politics political corruption, cross strait relations, and national identity /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-2271.pdf.
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Bourgeois, Catherine. "Au-delà des collines. Ethnographie des relations dominico-haïtiennes en zone frontalière." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/233130.
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Haïti et la République dominicaine sont séparées par une frontière de 380 kilomètres héritée de la période coloniale. Cette frontière illustre également un fait particulier dans la région :l’indépendance de la République dominicaine par séparation d’avec Haïti alors que la majorité des colonies du continent américain déclaraient leur indépendance en se séparant des empires coloniaux. Depuis cette époque, certains secteurs de la société dominicaine n’ont cessé d’alimenter un discours nationaliste centré sur l’anti-haïtianisme. Haïti occupe donc une place particulière dans l’imaginaire collectif dominicain comme cela apparaît notamment dans son traitement médiatique, dans les politiques migratoires ou encore dans les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens – la République dominicaine constituant la principale destination de migration pour la population haïtienne issue des secteurs populaires.Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre Haïtiens et Dominicains dans la région frontalière, lieu privilégié pour « étudier ethnographiquement les diverses formes par lesquelles des personnes de nationalités différentes cohabitent et entrent en relation » (Grimson). Dans ce travail, la frontière est envisagée comme une construction spatiale, politique et sociale. En ce sens, la thèse s’attache tout d’abord à décrire les processus par lesquels la limite entre les anciens empires coloniaux est devenue une frontière territoriale et sociale intégrée dans les pratiques des populations frontalières. Une attention particulière est ainsi portée sur le processus de construction nationale et sur la politique violente de nationalisation de la région frontalière dominicaine dans la première moitié du 20e siècle aboutissant à la fin des relations transfrontalières, des modalités de circulation dans cet espace ainsi que des modes d’organisation sociale et d’identifications locaux qui avaient jusque là prévalus. Cette période correspond à une phase intense de construction de l’identité nationale dominicaine résultant à la fois de l’imposition par les élites d’une idéologie centrée sur l’opposition avec le pays voisin, et d’une intériorisation de cette idéologie par la population frontalière. Dans cette perspective, une attention particulière est portée sur le massacre de la population haïtienne perpétré dans la région en 1937. À travers l’analyse des versions officielles et des récits mémoriaux de ce massacre, ce travail interroge la mémoire collective frontalière entendue comme le processus social de (re)construction du passé (Halbwachs) « [fondant] et [renforçant] les sentiments d’appartenances et les frontières socio-culturelles en définissant ce qui est commun à un groupe et ce qui le différencie des autres » (Pollak). Cette thèse pose donc la question des processus qui rendent possible l’émergence des sociétés nationales dans la lignée des travaux de B. Anderson sur le nationalisme et les communautés imaginées. Elle interroge également les modes d’expression du nationalisme dominicain à l’heure actuelle qui dévoilent partiellement l’intimité culturelle dominicaine.La thèse porte ensuite sur la gestion quotidienne de la frontière. À travers l’analyse de la législation sur le contrôle frontalier, la migration, le commerce mais aussi la santé, par exemple, et surtout à travers la description de l’application de ces réglementations, ce travail interroge la manière dont la population frontalière fait l’expérience de l’État et comment cette expérience constitue « une clef de production d’imaginaires sur la nationalité et sur la relation État-société » (Grimson). Ce faisant, il révèle l’existence de plusieurs conceptions de l’espace frontalier qui entrent parfois en conflit et qui participent donc à la reconstruction constante de la frontière. La thèse porte enfin – et c’est le point central de cette recherche – sur les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens dans l’espace frontalier. Les observations des interactions, les conversations et les entretiens font apparaître une multiplicité de frontières symboliques et sociales (dans le sens des travaux de F. Barth) entre les deux groupes et définies par des éléments, produits et reproduits au quotidien, tels que la langue, l’habillement, le métier ou encore la confession religieuse par exemple. Loin d’être anodins, ces éléments servent à identifier un individu comme appartenant à un groupe et ces identifications jouent un rôle fondamental dans les modalités des relations quotidiennes. Celles-ci se révèlent fortement asymétriques et, pour la plupart, elles n’existent que dans la mesure où elles sont intéressantes pour l’une des deux parties (principalement les Dominicains). Les relations se déroulent dès lors principalement dans le cadre du travail agricole et du commerce et sont généralement marquées par de la discrimination. Toutefois, l’ethnographie révèle également l’existence de relations plus privilégiées entre Dominicains et Haïtiens. Celles-ci semblent être le résultat de la capacité de certains individus (principalement des Haïtiens) à se mouvoir dans un espace normatif différent (compétence métisse, Cunin) et à construire des réseaux de relations transfrontaliers (compétence transfrontalière, Losonczy). Connaître et savoir s’adapter aux normes en vigueur dans un autre espace, connaître les codes de sociabilité, connaître les chemins à emprunter pour traverser la frontière, pouvoir s’exprimer avec une relative aisance dans la langue de l’autre, sont autant d’éléments permettant de construire des réseaux et de les mobiliser en fonction des besoins. Les relations ainsi établies peuvent conférer un accès privilégié à certains espaces de la zone frontalière comme les lieux d’hospitalité temporaire ou prolongée, et les personnes de confiance (Losonczy). Par ailleurs, l’ethnographie montre que les modalités d’interactions et de cohabitation varient aussi en fonction des lieux de contacts et de la temporalité des migrations – celles-ci s’effectuant essentiellement depuis Haïti vers la République dominicaine. Trois zones de migrations apparaissent ainsi dans l’espace frontalier dominicain :les villes frontalières, les communautés rurales et les villages proches des grandes plantations agricoles. À chacun de ces espaces correspond une forme de migration plus particulière qui est soit journalière, soit temporaire ou encore prolongée. Si dans les trois espaces les relations sont majoritairement asymétriques, certains lieux semblent cependant plus propices à l’établissement des relations plus privilégiées (entraide, mariage, accueil d’un enfant,…) ou, au contraire, à une intensification du rejet et de l’exclusion (ségrégation spatiale, conflits, saccages d’habitations, expulsions,…). L’ethnographie révèle donc l’existence d’au moins deux formes d’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière dominico-haïtienne. L’une est celle de la « configuration sociale métisse » (Losonczy) que dessinent les formes de sociabilité basées sur les réseaux transfrontaliers. Celle-ci est toutefois mise à mal notamment par les représentations qui circulent sur les Haïtiens ainsi que par un ensemble de règles et pratiques qui soulignent les différences, réaffirment les frontières ethniques et assignent des appartenances identitaires. L’autre est celle de la « configuration du côte à côte » (Bourgeois) qui organise les modes de sociabilité de groupes mis en situation de co-présence limitant leurs relations à quelques échanges strictement définis. Dans ce type de configuration, les frontières des groupes apparaissent comme plus rigides, moins souples que dans le modèle de la configuration sociale métisse. Enfin, cette thèse montre que les relations et les différentes facettes de l’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière jouent un rôle dans la construction des appartenances identitaires locales. Plusieurs registres identitaires collectifs et individuels apparaissent ainsi dans les récits migratoires des Haïtiens et dans les conversations avec les frontaliers dominicains. Ces registres ne sont pas mutuellement exclusifs :ils révèlent une appartenance identitaire à géométrie variable en fonction des personnes avec lesquelles on se trouve et des modalités d’interactions.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Ougaard, Morten. "Magt og interesser i den globale samfundsformation : bidrag til den historiske materialismes teori om internationale relationer /." Aarhus : Universitetsforlag, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35541966d.
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Massaad-Kinziger, Marlène. "Les relations entre la civilisation et l'histoire dans la pensée de Constantin K. Zurayq." Bordeaux 3, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995BOR30032.
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Dans cette recherche nous avons tente d'etudier la pensee de constantin zurayq, et plus particulierelent sa conception des relations entre la civilisation et l'histoire, qui est le nationalisme. En fait ces trois concepts sont etroitement lies dans sa pensee : la civilisation c'est l'existence de laquelle emanent et dans laquelle s'organisent les differents sujets nationalistes. Ainsi que la civilisation et l'histoire dans la pensee de zurayq, sont toutes deux faites par l'homme. Chaque civilisation a evolue au cours de l'histoire en fonction du temps, des circonstances et des evenements qui se sont produits. Or ces civilisations se sont developpees plus que d'autres car leur peuples ne s'est pas limite aux gloires des ancetres ou a l'imitation d'autres civilisations sans creer ni ajouter a leurs donnes scientifiques quelque chose de nouveau. C'est le cas de la civilisation arabe, qui est restee dans un etat de stagnation pendant plusieurs siecles durant le regne de l'empire ottoman, des differentes colonisation et pour terminer avec la defaite des arabes en palestine. Par contre l'histoire arabe, a la difference de la civilisation, fut mouvementee et remplie d'epreuves et de conflits, jusqu'au jour ou le sentiment nationaliste a evolue. .In this research, we tried to study the thought of constantin zurayq, and especially his conception of the relations between civilization and history. In fact those three conceptions are closely linked in his thought. Civilization is the existence from which come and in which are organized the various nationalist topics at the same time. As well as both of civilization and history according to zurayq's thought are both of them made by human being. Each civilization make progress and developped itself during history, considering time, circumstances and events which happened developped themselves more then others because their people didn't only focus on glories of their ancestors or to the initiation to other civilizations without creating or according anything new to their specific dates. That is the case of the arabic civilization which remained in a state of stagnation for some ceinturies during the reign of ottoman empire, various colonization and in the end the disasters of palestine. On the other hand unlike. .
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Kuroki, Maiko. "Nationalism in Japan's contemporary foreign policy : a consideration of the cases of China, North Korea, and India." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/595/.
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Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. The methodology employs discourse analysis on five case studies. It will be explored how the two administrations both used nationalism but in the pursuit of contrasting policies: an uncompromising stance to China and a conciliatory approach toward North Korea under the Koizumi administration, a hard-line attitude against North Korea and the rapprochement with China by Abe, accompanied by a friendship-policy toward India. These case studies show how the nationalism is used in the competition between political leaders by articulating national identity in foreign policy. Whereas this often appears as a kind of assertiveness from outside China, in the domestic context leaders use nationalism to reconstruct Japan’s identity as a ‘peaceful nation’ through foreign policy by highlighting differences from ‘other’s or by achieving historic reconciliation. Such identity constructions are used to legitimize policy choices that are in themselves used to marginalize other policy options and political actors. In this way, nationalism is utilized as a kind of political capital in a domestic power relationship, as can be seen by Abe’s use of foreign policy to set an agenda of ‘departure from the postwar regime’. In a similar way, Koizumi’s unyielding stance against China was used to calm discontents among right-wing traditionalists who were opposed to his reconciliatory approach to Pyongyang. On the other hand, Abe also utilized a hard-line policy to the DPRK to offset his rapprochement with China whilst he sought to prevent the improved relationship from becoming a source of political capital for his rivals. The major insights of this thesis is thus to explain how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped by the attempts of its political leaders to manipulate nationalism so as articulating particular forms of national identity that enable them to achieve legitimacy for their policy agendas, boost domestic credentials and marginalize their political rivals.
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Charlton, Nathan. "How do urban forms enable political projects? : the affordance of nationalism and nationhood during the modernisation of European cities." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3849/.
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How do ideologies and cities shape each other? This work offers a theoretical strategy for explaining how urban forms and political projects have afforded each other's development historically, while avoiding a deterministic account of how political aims are realised in particular urban forms. To do this it focuses on the emergence of nationalism in the context of the modernisation of European cities in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. As background, the development of the concept of citizenship in the context of the medieval city is explored and an understanding of the exceptional political space of the city in political philosophy is outlined. The political philosophy of nationalism is seen to engender an urban-rural tension and the works of Rousseau and Herder are read to understand further the relationship between nationalist thought and the modern city. Then in order to structure an investigation of how urban form and ideology interact, an analytical framework is developed using JJ Gibson's theory of affordances. The framework is applied to European urban forms which developed during the rise of nationalism, specifically in three historical city cases: Budapest, Vienna and Venice. The cases share in common an experience of Habsburg administration and the rise of nationalism in the nineteenth century but have quite different formal contexts. Urban forms and affordances are discussed more generally using the phenomenon and concept of Haussmannisation and the usefulness of that concept is discussed. More general conclusions are drawn in which political ideas, ideologies and urban forms are understood to afford each other ranges of such possibilities without determining them.
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McKercher, Asa. ""Not easy, smooth, or automatic": Canada-US relations, Canadian nationalism, and American foreign policy, 1961--1963." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28409.
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An historical consensus has coalesced around the view that Canadian-American relations reached a nadir from 1961-1963. The argument is that due to differences of both personality and policy John Diefenbaker, Canada's Prime Minister, and US President John Kennedy loathed each other. Scholars have subsequently debated over who was more to blame for this, but their analyses have been incomplete because the American side has largely been ignored. As most, if not all, of the historians who have examined the Diefenbaker-Kennedy era have been Canadian, American archival sources have been used sparingly. Drawing upon the rich documentary collection in the US National Archives and the Kennedy Presidential Library, this thesis argues, in contrast to what many have contended, that US foreign policy was in fact quite complimentary towards Diefenbaker's government. This was primarily because American policy-makers were aware of the potent force of Canadian nationalism, which their experiences with Diefenbaker only confirmed.
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Guzina, Dejan Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Nationalism in the context of an illiberal multination state; the case of Serbia." Ottawa, 2000.
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Blackburn, Matthew. "National identity, nationalist discourse and the imagined nation in post-Soviet Russia." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30590/.
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This thesis attempts to account for post-Soviet Russian national identity and nationalism ‘from below’, employing the ‘thick descriptions’ of the nation reproduced by ordinary Russians across social and generational lines. It examines the current equilibrium in mainstream nationalist hegemonic discourse, shedding light on the vitality of the nation as an ‘imagined community’. In doing this, nationalism is viewed as a set of discursive formations that make claims about how or what the nation is or should be. A central aim in this research is to highlight what discursive constructions are shared or contested across a representative sample of the Russian population. In order to offer a meaningful assessment of nationalist discourse, this research employs ethnographic fieldwork driven by a grounded theory approach. With fifteen months of fieldwork in three Russian cities, this permitted room for exploration and siginificant redirection of the research focus. This helped reveal the interconnections between certain common, foundational elements of national identity and the structure of a dominant nationalist discourse. Previous research has often focused on the challenges of Russian nation-building given the complicated heritage bestowed by the Romanov and Soviet empires. This thesis identifies certain historical and cultural factors vital to the shaping of Russian national identity today. It also identifies a current hegemonic nationalist discourse and unpacks how it is relevant to the majority. This dominant discourse is built on certain myths and versions of normality, much of which takes the late Soviet as ‘normal’ and the wild nineties as ‘abnormal’. The thesis also explores how the above is contested. What is argued is that, at the current moment, the challenge of anti-hegemonic nationalist discourses is, for many people, neutralised by the appeal of a particular geopolitical vision. This research outlines how visions of the nation are weaved into commonly shared notions of identity and underlines how the current status quo is held together.
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Straily, Katy Ann. "Simmering Strife: Mt. Paektu and Sino-Korean Relations." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1524075524289608.
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Jacquin-Berdal, Dominique. "Nationalism and secession in the Horn of Africa : a critique of the ethnic interpretation." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/73/.
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This thesis seeks to assess the relevance of existing theories about the origins of nationalism and investigate more specifically the claim that nationalism is rooted in ethnicity. It does so by examining the cases of Eritrea and Somaliland, which proclaimed their independence in May 1991 after seceding from the states to which they were formerly united. Having explained in the introduction why International Relations needs to take a closer look at the causes of nationalism, the second chapter proceeds to review some of the main theories about the origins of nationalism. It retraces the history of the primordialist-modernist debate, discusses the main contentions of the ethnonationalist approach and presents some of the factors singled-out by recent scholarship as propitious for the emergence of nationalism. Given that most of the theories about the origins of nationalism presented in chapter two centre on Europe, chapter three surveys the literature on the rise of nationalism in Africa i_n order to determine whether any additional factors need to be considered before analysing Eritrea and Somaliland. Chapter three also includes a discussion of the anthropological literature on ethnicity in Africa and questions the ethnonationalist claim that ethnic groups are pre-modern. Using as a framework the factors identified previously, chapter four offers a historical account of the emergence of nationalism in Eritrea. Chapter five does the same for the case of Somaliland. As the analysis provided in chapters four and five illustrate, the claim that nationalism and secession have ethnic roots is not empirically substantiated by the cases of Eritrea and Somaliland. The thesis concludes by discussing the practical implications of these fmdings with regard to the right of secession and proposals for boundary adjustment in Africa. It also highlights the ways International Relations may contribute to our understanding of the causes of nationalism.
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Mills, James Robert. "The challenge of self-determination and emerging nationalism : the evolution of the international community’s normative responses to state fragmentation." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/271/.
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How does the international community understand and apply the right of self-determination? Who holds this right: individuals, peoples, nations, states, ethnicities, minorities, majorities? What limits are there to the exercise of this right and which claims are ‘valid’ and which are not? This thesis addresses these issues as it seeks, above all, to answer the question of when, why and in what ways the international community’s understanding of and normative responses to self-determination have evolved. To do so, Part I explores critically the theories and history of nationalism, human rights, sovereignty and self-determination to explain the challenges of ‘emerging nationalism’ (defined herein as nationalism within established multi-national states aimed at altering the constitutional and/or social standing of the nation vis-à-vis the larger political entity). This part identifies the genesis of the interconnected ideas of identity, human rights, and sovereignty and begins to trace the evolution of the norm of self-determination over time as it has been conceived and employed by international society. It suggests new approaches to these concepts based within the liberal democratic tradition, which are, arguably, more philosophically coherent than other explanations for self-determination. Part II assesses international normative responses to state fragmentation and national liberation prior to the end of the Cold War to determine how much they have resembled the interpretation of national self-determination suggested in Part I, contending that the conceptual evolution of selfdetermination can only be interpreted accurately by understanding the parallel evolution and development of international society. Part III examines the evolution of self-determination and emerging nationalism in the post-Cold War era, asking whether the norms generated by the present-day society of states are consistent with the theoretical and historical observations made earlier. The recent case of Kosovo is examined in detail as it best suggests the present trajectory of international norms and responses to emerging nationalism.
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De, Volder Guido (Guido Michel). "Cooperation and conflict in bi-ethnic or dual societies : the development of French-Canadian and Afrikaner nationalism." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63339.
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Charron, Daniel. "Nationalisme et investissement : le cas du Québec." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006IEPP0004.
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Nationalisme et indépendantisme ne riment pas forcément avec protectionnisme. Si les partisans de l'indépendance au Québec par exemple cherchent à faire de cette province un pays séparé du Canada, ils n'en sont pas moins défenseurs de l'intégration économique de l'Amérique du Nord. Grâce à cette intégration économique, le risque d'une éventuelle sécession peut apparaître diminué, pour les investisseurs étrangers du moins. La régulation de l'investissement s'est de plus en plus internationalisée et l'on constate un changement radical dans l'attitude et les politiques à l'égard de l'investissement étranger. D'un véritable "parcours du combattant" qui était imposé aux investisseurs étrangers, la tendance est à la sollicitation active des capitaux étrangers. Le Canada et le Québec n'échappent pas à cette tendance. Par ailleurs, l'opinion politique des investisseurs canadiens influence-t-elle leur comportement en tant qu'investisseur au Québec par rapport aux investisseurs étrangers ? Les recherches permettent de croire que, en proportion de l'investissement réalisé dans l'ensemble du Canada, les étrangers semblent investir davantage au Québec que les investisseurs canadiens. Afin de complèter l'analyse, un autre indicateur a été utilisé : les agences de notation de crédit. Existe-t-il des écarts entre les évaluations des agences nationales et internationales vis-à-vis du Québec ? L'analyse montre que les agences canadiennes sont plus "sévères" dans leur évaluation du Québec que les agences internationales.
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Musluk, Coskun. "The Relation Between Nationalism And Development: The Case Of The Yon-devrim Movement In 1960." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612681/index.pdf.
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Nationalism has long been a subject of discussion in the literature on development. It has been discussed whether nationalism is indispensable or not on the way to modernity and development. Third World nationalism and revolution from above emerged as key concepts within these discussions. Nationalism was brought forth in many Third World countries as an understanding, which is thought to facilitate paving the way for development, as it imagines a nation based on integrity. The stance that Yön (1961-1967) and Devrim (1969-1971) journal movements had can be thought within this framework. In this study, it will be explored whether we can think of the Yö
n-Devrim movement by rethinking the link between development and nationalism, especially Third World nationalism. While doing this, comparisons between Yö
n-Devrim Movement and the Nasserist movement, which had similar political and intellectual tendencies in the same period, will be used.
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Ye, Shulan. "Rising China's regional policy in East Asia : a constructivist perspective." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1191.
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Hall, Elias. "Vårt svenska kulturarv : En diskursanalys av Sverigedemokraternas syn på kulturarvsbegreppet i relation till den hegemoniska kulturarvsdiskursen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-295518.
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The main purpose of this thesis is to gain insight to, and widened knowledge about, the contemporary nationalistic movement in Sweden, represented by the Sweden Democrats, and its’ relation to cultural heritage. The party has made cultural heritage the main focal of their culture politic, but the questions are what cultural heritage is to them, what content they read in to the concept, how they value heritage, what sort of heritage policies they want to pursue, and why. And also what sort of sources and expertise that are invoked by the party. The source material, consisting of transcripts from parliamentary debates, motions, and policy documents from the party’s web page, is processed through a discourse analytic method. An important theoretical starting point is that to define a term is to define the thing itself, and that this is an expression of power, especially when it comes to a parliamentary party. The second purpose is to problematize and discuss the concept of heritage on a meta level by comparing the results from the empirical study with earlier research that explores the hegemonic heritage discourse. The main findings are that the Sweden Democrats, like many of their peers around Europe, want to use cultural heritage to create unity and a common national identity – a mono culture to replace the multi cultural paradigm they mean is prevailing in the country (and ruining it). The party has an essentialist, even positivistic, view on the content of heritage, but they never really define it thoroughly. The study also shows that most of the party’s thoughts on heritage are in line with the hegemonic heritage discourse. Some have argued that the Sweden Democrats are abusing ”the heritage”, but I would rather say that they are using it, in a way that corresponds well with the concept “cultural heritage” as it has been defined by all those involved with it (i.e. journalists, writers, scholars, policy makers, museal personnel, and the public through public debate in the press). The example of this Swedish nationalistic party, shows what the cultural heritage concept of today can be when driven to its peak.Uppsatsens första syfte är att nå ökade insikter i modern svensk nationalism (representerad av Sverigedemokraterna) och dess relation till, och syn på, kulturarvsbegreppet. Partiet har gjort kulturarv till sin främsta kulturpolitiska fråga, men frågan är vad kulturarv är för partiet, vilket innehåll de tillskriver det, vilken kulturarvspolitik de säger sig vilja bedriva, hur de värderar kulturarv, och motiverar sina åsikter och förslag. Detta skall utredas genom en diskursanalys av Sverigedemokratiska motioner, riksdagsdebattinlägg, och texter från partiets webbsida. En teoretisk utgångspunkt som är mycket viktig för motiverandet av uppsatsens relevans är att kontroll över kulturarvsbegreppet är kontroll över tinget i sig, och att detta är ett maktuttryck, i synnerhet när det är ett riksdagsparti som söker kontroll över begreppet. Uppsatsens andra syfte är att problematisera och diskutera kulturarvsbegreppet på en metanivå, genom att jämföra resultaten från den empiriska studien med tidigare forskning om den hegemoniska kulturarvsdiskursen. De huvudsakliga fynden är att Sverigedemokraterna, likt många nationalistiska rörelser ute i Europa, vill använda kulturarv för att skapa gemenskap och en gemensam nationell identitet – en monokultur som kan ersätta det multikulturella paradigm de menar är rådande i landet idag. Partiet har en essentialistisk, till och med positivistisk, syn på kulturarv, men definierar det trots det aldrig på djupet. Studien visar att partiets tankar om kulturarvet ofta går i linje med den hegemoniska kulturarvsdiskursen. Somliga har hävdat att Sverigedemokraterna missbrukar ”kulturarvet”, men jag vill snarare säga att de brukar det på ett sätt som korresponderar med kulturarvsbegreppet med stort K, såsom det kommit att tolkas efter år av användande av journalister, författare, akademiker, politiker, museipersonal, och genom publik debatt i pressen. Exemplet Sverigedemokraterna visar vad kulturarvsbegreppet av idag kan vara när det dras till sin spets.
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Ramdathsingh, Krystel. "Does U.S. Counter-drug Policy Affect Nationalism in the Anglophone Caribbean? A Comparative Study on the Impact of Counter-drug Policy on Nationalism in Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1257.
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This dissertation examined the effect of United States counter-drug policy on nationalism in small states, focusing on Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. The states were selected for their roles and geostrategic importance in the illegal drug trade; Jamaica being the largest drug producing country in the Anglophone Caribbean and having strong links to the trade of Colombian cocaine, and Trinidad being a mere seven miles from the South American coast.
Since U.S. counterdrug policies have frequently been viewed in the region as imperialistic, this dovetails into ideas on the perceptions of smallness and powerlessness of Caribbean nations. Hence, U.S. drug policies affect every vulnerability faced by the Caribbean, individually and collectively. Thus, U.S. drug policy was deemed the most appropriate independent variable, with nationalism as the dependent variable.
In both countries four Focus Groups and one Delphi Study were conducted resulting in a total of 60 participants. Focus Group participants, recruited from the general population, were asked about their perception of the illegal drug trade in the country and the policies their government had created. They were also asked their perception on how deeply involved the U.S. was in the creation of these policies and their opinions on whether this involvement was positive or negative. The Delphi Study participants were experts in the field of local drug policies and also gave their interpretations of the role the U.S. played in local policy creation. Coupled with this data, content analysis was conducted on various newspaper articles, press releases, and speeches made regarding the topic.
In comparing both countries, it was found that there is a disconnect between government actions and the knowledge and perceptions of the general public. In Trinidad and Tobago this disconnect was more apparent given the lack of awareness of local drug policies and the utter lack of faith in government solutions. The emerging conclusion was that the impact of U.S. drug policy on nationalism was more visible in Trinidad and Tobago where there was a weaker civil society-government relationship, while the impact on nationalism was more obscure in Jamaica, which had a stronger civil-society government relationship.
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Yu, Guo. "Dynamics of popular nationalism in China’s Japan policy in post-Cold War era." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3431/.
Full textAbstract:
The principal aim of this thesis is to seek answers to the two core research questions: how has popular nationalism been instrumental in China’s Japan policy vis-à-vis its domestic politics since the end of the Cold War? And, how and to what extent Chinese government has manage popular nationalism in foreign and domestic policy practices? Using Japan as an empirical subject, this thesis explores and investigates the complex interactive relations between popular nationalism, in particular emotions and sentiment, and foreign policy and domestic politics in post-Cold War China. The work takes a constructivist view, of which popular nationalism, foreign policy and domestic politics are seen as mutually constituted. Taking two recent diplomatic frictions between China and Japan as case studies, the thesis critically examines the mutually constitutive effects of popular nationalism on China’s Japan policy in respective to its domestic politics. In addition, the work’s pioneering studies on the new ‘inward outcry’ syndrome in Chinese nationalism further highlights the mutual constitutive relations among popular nationalism, foreign policy and domestic politics. This thesis argues that popular nationalism plays a dynamic role in shaping China’s Japan policy. On the one hand, popular nationalism may instrumentalise to serve China’s domestic and international objectives. On the other hand, popular nationalism has to be delicately managed in order to maintain social stability, amicable relations with Japan, and increasingly, China’s international image and reputation.