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Journal articles on the topic 'Relations with nationalists'
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1
Laine, Veera. "Contemporary Russian nationalisms: the state, nationalist movements, and the shared space in between." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 2 (March 2017): 222–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1272562.
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For several years, various nationalist groups and the Russian state have been competing over nationalism as a political concept and for popular support to nationalist claims. This paper analyzes the relationship between the state and anti-government, ethnocentric nationalistic groups that gather annually in an event called “the Russian March.” Emphasis is on the change in that relationship that happened in 2014, when the state added efforts to channel and mobilize the nationalists to its previous repressive and controlling measures. The article conceptualizes the competition over the nationalist argument in contemporary Russia as a case of dissentful and consentful contention in hybrid regimes, and shows how the dissentful nationalists have been forced to make way for the more consentful ones. Until recently, the room for maneuver for the radical nationalists was relatively wide. The events in Ukraine, however, divided the nationalists, and since 2014 radical nationalists have faced increased state repression. At the same time, pro-government nationalist actors have strengthened, and new players have appeared in the field. These developments tell us not only about the Kremlin's diminished tolerance for dissentful contention, but also about the importance of the nationalist argument in Russian politics today.
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Zhang, Yinxian, Jiajun Liu, and Ji-Rong Wen. "Nationalism on Weibo: Towards a Multifaceted Understanding of Chinese Nationalism." China Quarterly 235 (September 2018): 758–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000863.
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AbstractIt appears that nationalism has been on the rise in China in recent years, particularly among online communities. Scholars agree that the Chinese government is facing pressure from online nationalistic and pro-democracy forces; however, it is believed that of the two, nationalistic views are the more dominant. Online nationalism is believed to have pushed the Chinese government to be more aggressive in diplomacy. This study challenges this conventional wisdom by finding that online political discourse is not dominated by nationalistic views, but rather by anti-regime sentiments. Even when there is an outpouring of nationalist sentiment, it may be accompanied by pro-democracy views that criticize the government. By analysing more than 6,000 tweets from 146 Chinese opinion leaders on Weibo, and by decomposing nationalistic discussion by specific topic, this study shows that rather than being monolithically xenophobic, nationalists may have differing sets of views regarding China's supposed rivals. Rather than being supportive of the regime, nationalists may incorporate liberal values to challenge the government. Nonetheless, this liberal dominance appears to provoke a backlash of nationalism among certain groups.
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Kocher, Matthew Adam, Adria K. Lawrence, and Nuno P. Monteiro. "Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation." International Security 43, no. 2 (November 2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00329.
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Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.
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Ramutsindela, Maano Freddy. "Afrikaner Nationalism, Electioneering and the Politics of a Volkstaat." Politics 18, no. 3 (September 1998): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00076.
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The liberation of South Africa from the shackles of apartheid signifies the end of the last out-post of white domination in South Africa, and opened a new chapter on the search for a common South Africanism. The process of nation-building is haunted by relics of nationalist trends, one of which is Afrikaner nationalism. This article deals with certain aspects of Afrikaner nationalism which have continued into the post- apartheid era. It uses the division among Afrikaner nationalists to show the link between conservative Afrikaner nationalism, electioneering and the pursuit for a volkstaat (white homeland).
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VALLS, ANDREW. "A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000249.
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This article brings together work on liberal political theory and black nationalism in an attempt to both strengthen the case for black nationalism and enrich and extend liberal theory. I begin by arguing that for much of U.S. history, the classical black nationalist case for an independent state finds substantial support in recent liberal theories of secession. In the post–civil rights era, black nationalists in the Black Power movement argued for more limited forms of black autonomy, a position known as “community nationalism.” Community black nationalism makes claims similar to minority nationalist claims for limited self-determination, yet liberal multiculturalists like Will Kymlicka defend the latter while withholding support for black nationalism. I argue that black nationalism raises fundamental issues of justice and that liberal multicultural theory can be extended to support black nationalist claims.
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Aslan, Senem. "The Politics of Emotions and Spectacles: The Case of the Turkish Language Olympiads." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (October 4, 2019): 388–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.82.
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AbstractThis article examines the Turkish Language Olympiads as a political-performative strategy that the Muslim nationalists used to communicate their ideology. I argue that to understand the rise of Muslim nationalism, we also need to understand how emotional appeal is created through spectacles like the Turkish Olympiads. The spectacle was effective in boosting people’s sense of national pride and self-confidence by resolving two important tensions of Kemalist nationalism. First, it addressed the tension between Westernization and nationalization. Depicting an image of Turkish national culture that is appreciated and imitated by foreigners, it contested the imitative, Westernist character of Kemalist nationalism. Second, recasting the outside world as friendly to Turks, even Turkophile, it challenged Kemalist nationalism’s emphasis on external threats. Turkish-speaking and -acting foreigners communicated a message of nationalist self-empowerment and confidence, calling into question people’s sense of fear and distrust of the outside world. How Muslim nationalism was promoted, particularly the performative-symbolic strategies that were used, are important to understand because of their emotional resonance and potential for mass mobilization.
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Lary, Diana. "War and Nationalism in China, 1925–1945. By Hans J. van de Ven. [London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. xii+377 pp. £70.00. ISBN 0-415-14571-6.]." China Quarterly 178 (June 2004): 525–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004320291.
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This book may seem to be two books in one. In the first, we are given a cogent, superbly researched description of the creation of the Nationalist Army, of its later history in the reunification of China (1926–1937) and then of its fate during the War of Resistance (1937–1945). In the second book, a European scholar undermines one of the icons of the US presence in China, Joseph Stilwell, the salty, profane commander of US forces in China during the War, whose scathing denunciations of Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalists set the stage for holding Chiang's incompetence and Nationalist corruption responsible for the Communist victory in China.At first glance the second story might seem a sidebar to the larger topic of the book – war and nationalism in China. But it turns out to be integral to Western academic understanding of modern China. Views of the War of Resistance were so conditioned by Stilwell and his protagonists (what van de Ven calls the Stilwell–White paradigm, referring to Theodore White whose writings made Stilwell a hero) to accept that the Nationalists were the authors of their own downfall that there has been no room for an examination of where the Nationalists were seriously weakened – on the battlefields fighting the Japanese invaders.
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Wielomski, Adam. "Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofi i politycznej 1789– 1945. Część II." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.3.4.
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DIALECTICS “WE”–“ALIENS” IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945. PART IIThe aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. In Part II we discuss examples of nationalisms in various European states between the years 1890 and 1945: France, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Italy. This is the epoch when nationalism denies its initial close relationship with the political and revolutionary left. Now it is in close relations with the right. During the Boulanger and Dreyfus affaires in France, the nationalists are on the political right. Their ideology is not only right-wing but also anti-Semitic. Sometimes openly racist Maurice Barrès. In general, however, French and Italian nationalists preach “state nationalism,” similar to the classic doctrine of raison d’état. In Spain and Portugal the right is strictly Catholic. This is the imperial right. We have here the dream of restoration of the Spanish Siglo de Oro. This project is antithetic to nationalism because it is universalist and supranational. It is different in Germany, where at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the whole right is lit up by the vision of conquests, German empire, struggle of races. First, the Protestant, then also the German Catholic right is chauvinistic, racist and anti-Semitic. The article ends with reflections upon the relations between political right and the idea of nationalism.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Radical Nationalist Parties and Movements in Contemporary Ukraine Before and After Independence: The Right and Its Politics, 1989–1994." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 02 (June 1997): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408500.
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The radical right in the Ukrainian political spectrum is dominated by three movements—the Nationalist Union Ukrainian State Independence (DSU), the Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA, formerly the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly, UMPA) and the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (KUN). The UNA is dominated by the highly secretive Ukrainian Nationalist Union (UNS) which grew out of the nationalist wing of the Association of Independent Ukrainian Youth (SNUM). The KUN was launched in 1992 in Ukraine as the overt arm of the émigré Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera faction (known commonly as OUN revolutionaries, or OUNr).
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Lawrence, Adria. "Triggering Nationalist Violence: Competition and Conflict in Uprisings against Colonial Rule." International Security 35, no. 2 (October 2010): 88–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00019.
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Nationalist conflict has been one of the most pervasive and intractable types of conflict in the modern era. In some places, nationalist conflict has entailed lengthy wars, terrorist campaigns, and rural insurgency. Yet in many others, nationalist organizations have pursued peaceful strategies, engaging in bargaining, diplomacy, and popular protest. Why do some nationalist movements turn violent, whereas others remain primarily peaceful? Drawing on nationalist struggles against the French colonial empire, the competitive violence theory posits that violence was primarily driven by competition among nationalists. Nationalist violence erupted when colonial states pursued policies to restrict nationalist opposition and repress leading nationalists, creating a leadership vacuum and encouraging new nationalist actors to use violence to vie for influence. The competitive violence theory exemplifies an approach that can explain variation in both the timing and location of violence.
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Meren, David. "“Plus que jamais nécessaires”: Cultural Relations, Nationalism and the State in the Canada-Québec-France Triangle, 1945–19601." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 19, no. 1 (May 28, 2009): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037435ar.
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Abstract Charles de Gaulle’s cry of “Vive le Québec libre!” during his 1967 visit to Montreal was the product of the convergence of Canadian, Quebecois and Gaullist nationalist reactions to preponderant US influence and globalization’s rise after 1945. The dynamic was especially pronounced in the cultural sphere. Consistent with the trend towards increased transnational exchanges, cultural relations grew in the Canada-Quebec-France triangle in the fifteen years after the Second World War. Quebec neo-nationalism’s rise was accompanied by a greater appreciation of France as an ally as Quebec strove to preserve its francophone identity. Such preoccupations corresponded to French apprehensions about the ramifications on France at home and abroad of American cultural ‘imperialism.’ In addition to nationalist concerns in France and Quebec, English Canadian nationalists were preoccupied with American influences on the Canadian identity. If these three interacting nationalist reactions shared a preoccupation about American cultural power and Americanization that encouraged a growing state involvement in culture and promoted greater exchanges, the differences between them also helped set the stage for the tempestuous triangular relationship of the 1960s.
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Abdelal, Rawi. "Memories of Nations and States: Institutional History and National Identity in Post-Soviet Eurasia." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 3 (September 2002): 459–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599022000011714.
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The national identities of post-Soviet societies profoundly influenced the politics and economics of Eurasia during the 1990s. These identities varied along two distinct but related dimensions: their content and contestation. Nationalist movements throughout post-Soviet Eurasia invoked their nations in support of specific purposes, which frequently cast Russia as the nation's most important “other” and the state from which autonomy and security must be sought. Nationalists therefore offered specific proposals for the content of their societies’ collective identities. But not everyone in these societies shared the priorities of their nationalist movements. Indeed, the international relations among post-Soviet states often revolved around one central question: did post-Soviet societies and politicians agree with their nationalists or not? The former Communists played a decisive role in contesting the content of national identity. One of the defining differences among post-Soviet states during the 1990s was the political and ideological relationship in each one between the formerly Communist elites and the nationalists—whether the former Communists marginalized the nationalists, arrested them, coopted them, bargained with them, or even tried to become like them. These different relationships revealed different degrees and kinds of societal consensus about national identity after Soviet rule.
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Kymlicka, Will. "Modernity and Minority Nationalism: Commentary on Thomas Franck." Ethics & International Affairs 11 (March 1997): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1997.tb00026.x.
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Focusing on the nature of modern nationalism, Kymlicka asserts that Franck overstates the dichotomy of so-called romantic tribal nationalism and traditional nationalism as seen in the United States and France, which Franck claims is liberal, inclusive, and based on political principles rather than blood lines. Using examples from France, the United States, and Quebec, Kymlicka shows that language and common identity as well as liberal principles of freedom and democracy compose modern liberal nationalism. More sympathetic to minority nationalism than Franck, Kymlicka argues that minority movements are not irrational but often based upon legitimate claims, claims that majorities frequently fail to take seriously. Kymlicka concludes in agreement with Franck that minority nationalists should have greater representation at the international level, not simply as a means of pacifying minority nationalists but in the interests of international justice.
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POSIVNYCH, Mykola. "INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN STEPAN BANDERA'S OPINION JOURNALISM." Contemporary era 8 (2020): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2020-8-178-184.
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This study is devoted to Stepan Bandera (1909-1959). S. Bandera is a remarkable person and a leading figure in the Ukrainian liberation movement. He was the leader of OUN (Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and wrote many articles dealing with socio-political issues both in Ukraine and among Ukrainian exiles from 1940-1950. His publications and ideological teachings became the foundation for the ongoing development of OUN. The spread of Ukrainian nationalism and its increasing popularity among the people under S. Bandera's leadership became a phenomenon, and the enemies of Ukraine identified the whole liberation movement with his name. S. Bandera included international issues and relations in all his works. This was of the utmost importance to the Ukrainian people and the whole liberation movement because it responded to the negative image of Ukrainian nationalists that the Soviets and their propaganda machine were creating and spreading. Émigré periodicals publishing his works were: «Vyzvolna Polityka» and «Vyzvolnyi Shliakh» (London); «Chas» (Fürth, Germany); «Ukrainskyi Samostiinyk» (Munich, Germany); «Homin Ukrainy» (Toronto, Canada); «Ukrainskyi Visnyk» (New York); «Surma»; and more. S. Bandera's signed articles by different pen names: «Siryi S.A.», «Siryi S.B.», «SAS», «Byilykho», «A. Vlast», and «Tesliar». From the perspective of international relations, it could be seen that S. Bandera's key principles were to establish close cooperation among the representatives of all captive nations and to oppose all totalitarian regimes which were taking hold in Eastern Europe and Asia. It was important to connect with the ethnic minorities living with Ukrainians in and out of Ukraine. Keywords: Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), ideology, opinion journalism, nation-building projects, international relations, struggle.
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Fasseur, C., and D. H. A. Kolff. "II. Some Remarks on the Development of Colonial Bureaucracies in India and Indonesia." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008974.
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A systematic comparison of the development of modern bureaucracies in India and Indonesia during the colonial era has never been made. No equivalent of the excellent work done by J.S. Furnivall on the colonial administration in Burma and Java is available. Yet, much of what he said is useful for the subject of this paper and we shall therefore lean heavily on him. It would be an overstatementto say that Indians before the Second World War felt interested in the events and developments in Indonesia. In the other direction that interest surely existed. We need only to recall the deep impact the Indian nationalist movement made upon such Indonesian nationalists as Sukarno.‘The example of Asian nationalism to which Indonesians referred most often was the Indian one.’ This applies for instance to the Congress non-cooperation campaign in the early 1920s. Indonesian nationalists could since then be classified as cooperators and non-cooperators, although for them the principal criterion was not the wish to boycott Dutch schools, goods and government officials(such a boycott actually never occurred in colonial Indonesia)but the refusal to participate in representative councils such as the Volksraad(i.e. People's Council).
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Mitrofanova, A., and O. Mikhailenok. "Right Wing Populist Civic Movements: Western Experience and the Situation in Russia." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-120-129.
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The article aims at identifying the characteristics shared by the right-wing populist civil movements of Western Europe and the USA and evaluating the possibility to use them for researching right-wing nationalist organizations in Russia. The movements selected for the comparison range from party-like electoral actors to unorganized protesters. They include as follows: The Five-star Movement (Italy), PEGIDA and the like (Germany), the English Defence League (the UK), the Tea Party Movement (the US). The authors identified several interrelated characteristics shared by these movements: (1) dealing with local, usually social, issues, (2) network-like structure of autonomous local groups building the agenda from below, (3) ideological ambivalence leading to replacing ideology with subculture, (4) digitalization of activism. Although in Russia there are no civic movements structurally or functionally identical to Western right-wing populists, the authors demonstrate that local social issues and civic responsibility have become important topics for some Russian nationalists (right-wing radicals) since the mid 2000s. The trends of deideologization and dealing with non-political local issues are researched mainly on the example of the “Frontier of the North” (Komi Republic). The authors conclude that some of the radical Russian nationalists are gradually declining their own independent agenda, following local protests instead. This opens up the possibility for right-wing organizations to become local civil society institutions and to participate successfully in local elections, similar to the “electoral break-through” of right-wing populists in the West. Although it is too early to speak about the deideologization of Russian nationalism, the article suggests that some nationalists are ready to mitigate ideological tensions to secure expanded social support. At the moment, nationalist organizations in Russia remain frozen between right-wing radicalism and emulating Western right-wing populism.
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TOFT, MONICA DUFFY, and YURI M. ZHUKOV. "Islamists and Nationalists: Rebel Motivation and Counterinsurgency in Russia's North Caucasus." American Political Science Review 109, no. 2 (April 23, 2015): 222–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541500012x.
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This article offers the first disaggregated, quantitative comparison of Islamist and nationalist violence, using new data from Russia's North Caucasus. We find that violence by Islamist groups is less sensitive to government coercion than violence by nationalist groups. Selective counterinsurgency tactics outperform indiscriminate force in suppressing attacks by nationalists, but not Islamists. We attribute this finding to rebels’ support structure. Because Islamist insurgents rely less on local support than nationalists, they are able to maintain operations even where it is relatively costly for the local population to support them. These findings have potentially significant implications for other contemporary conflicts in which governments face both types of challenges to their authority and existing political order.
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Stergar, Rok, and Tamara Scheer. "Ethnic boxes: the unintended consequences of Habsburg bureaucratic classification." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (July 2018): 575–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1448374.
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The classificatory efforts that accompanied the modernization of the Habsburg state inadvertently helped establish, promote, and perpetuate national categories of identification, often contrary to the intentions of the Habsburg bureaucracy. The state did not create nations, but its classification of languages made available some ethnolinguistic identity categories that nationalists used to make political claims. The institutionalization of these categories also made them more relevant, especially as nationalist movements simultaneously worked toward the same goal. Yet identification with a nation did not follow an algorithmic logic, in the beginning of the twentieth century, sometimes earlier, various nationalisms could undoubtedly mobilize large numbers of people in Austria-Hungary, but people still had agency and nationness remained contingent and situational.
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Davis, Sacha E. "Hospitality networks, British travel writers, and the dissemination of competing Transylvanian claims to civilization, 1830s–1930s." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (July 2018): 612–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1448375.
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Hungarian, Saxon, and Romanian nationalist activists in Transylvania disseminated competing claims to “Westernness” by swaying visiting British travel writers' descriptions through hospitality networks that guided what writers saw and heard, assuring that travelers favored the nationalists' classifications of the region's ethnicities. Although the qualities British travelers valued varied depending on individual differences and intellectual currents such as enlightened reform, scientific racism, and the romantic revival, travelers consistently ascribed the qualities they best favored to the nationality on whose hospitality they relied. Wealth and time of travel determined which hospitality networks travelers favored. The Hungarian noble elites hosted most travelers until 1918, when the newly dominant Romanian nobility replaced them. Throughout, peasant voices especially remained marginalized.
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Sokół, Jakub. "Serbian nation and its problems from the perspective of Polish nationalists in the early 21st century." Review of Nationalities 7, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pn-2017-0006.
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Abstract The article analyzes the situation of Serbs in Kosovo in terms of its reception by contemporary Polish nationalists in the magazine “Szczerbiec”. Serbian topics in Polish nationalist communities can count on special interest and recognition. The nationalist environments of many countries are showing solidarity with the Serbian nation in Kosovo and demanding recognition of their rights to these lands. The sympathy shown by Serbs to Poles, whose Slavic origins are linked, is pointed out. It can be assumed that the characteristics, attitude and views of the Serbs will foster mutual relations in the future.
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Karsanova, Elena, and Nikolai Omelchenko. "Nationalism: evolution of ideology." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 03 (March 1, 2021): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202103statyi05.
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The article is devoted to the historical evolution of theoretical representations about nationalism and its political practice in different countries, first of all in the European states. The authors come to the conclusion that in the conditions of growing social-economic and political international relations and getting more authority by sovereign states and national institutions nationalism is growing too. This process is a natural reaction to the threat to loose their national identity and the rise of nationalism continues to be a discussion point of modern nationalists project and movements.
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Bertelsen, Olga. "Political Affinities and Maneuvering of Soviet Political Elites: Heorhii Shevel and Ukraine’s Ministry of Strange Affairs in the 1970s." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 394–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.51.
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AbstractThis article examines the goals and practices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Ukraine in the 1970s, a Soviet institution that functioned as an ideological organ fighting against Ukrainian nationalists domestically and abroad. The central figure of this article is Heorhii Shevel who governed the Ministry from 1970 to 1980 and whose tactics, strategies, and practices reveal the existence of a distinct phenomenon in the Soviet Union—the nationally conscious political elite with double loyalties who, by action or inaction, expanded the space of nationalism in Ukraine. This research illuminates a paradox of pervasive Soviet power, which produced an institution that supported and reinforced Soviet “anti-nationalist” ideology, simultaneously creating an environment where heterodox views or sentiments were stimulated and nurtured.
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Bobrov, Ivan Vladimirovich, and Dmitry Alekseevich Mikhailov. "Three Enemies of Russia: Dmitrii Galkovskii and Strategies of “Enemification” in Contemporary Russian Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (March 2019): 280–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.2.
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AbstractThis article focuses on ideological constructions of contemporary nationalism shaped by the influence of Dmitrii Galkovskii. At the dawn of the Russian Internet, Galkovskii’s website, Samizdat, became the birthplace for intellectuals of contemporary Russian nationalism who emerged around Voprosy natsionalizma magazine and the online magazine Sputnik i Pogrom. Enemification strategies described in this article are understood as forms of self-representation of contemporary Russian nationalism. The goal of this article is to characterize one of the ideologies of contemporary Russian nationalism, which serves as a moral justification for some odious manifestations—xenophobia and racism. Three forces are characterized by contemporary Russian nationalists as the most dangerous challenges for the nation: the West, internal enemies, and migrants. Traditional and fundamental anti-Western rhetoric has turned into Anglophobia in the ideology of contemporary Russian nationalism. The most profound evidence might be found in Galkovskii’s conception of the history of international relations. This idea is also used when defining the internal enemy. Caucasians have taken the place of Russian nationalism’s previous main internal enemies, Jews, and are treated as representatives of the British colonial administration. The third enemy of modern Russian nationalism is migrants. They are seen as tools of the degradation policy toward Russians.
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Hafez, Ziad. "The Arab Renaissance Project: the debates and critique." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.543779.
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The Arab Renaissance Project (ARP) is a landmark document in the history of contemporary Arab nationalism. It represents the major concerns of Arab nationalists and their proposed narrative. It covers the major issues discussed by intellectuals, scholars, and political activists in the Arab world. ARP is likely to continue generating debates about the particulars of the proposed program.
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Henrard, Kristin, and Peter Vermeersch. "Nationalism with a Human Face? European Human Rights Judgments and the Reinvention of Nationalist Politics." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 5 (January 27, 2020): 809–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.103.
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AbstractIn this article, we show how judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) have provided nationalists with an unexpected opportunity to promote a nationalist discourse that is seemingly in line with human rights while fundamentally at odds with the counter-majoritarian core of human rights. We start our analysis with two judgments in which the Court accepted the arguments of liberal democratic states to infringe fundamental rights of persons belonging to (immigrant) Muslim minorities in the name of “requirements of living together” or “social integration”: SAS v France (2014) and Osmanoglu and Kocabas v Switzerland (2017). Strikingly, the justifications by the states for these infringements point to concerns about perceived threats to national identity and culture. We show how nationalist politicians in countries with minority populations, including those in East Central Europe, have used justifications in terms of national self-protection, tacitly or explicitly, to pursue old anti–human rights agendas. The case law discussed here enabled them to present these justifications as ECtHR proof, notwithstanding the underlying nationalism.
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Wardhana, Adi Putra Surya, Titis Srimuda Pitana, and Susanto Susanto. "CULTURAL REVIVALISM OF MANGKUNEGARA VII AND THE ISLAMISM DISCOURSE IN THE EARLY 20th CENTURY." ULUL ALBAB Jurnal Studi Islam 20, no. 1 (June 25, 2019): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ua.v20i1.5664.
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This article aims at studying Javanese cultural revivalism of Mangkunegara VII, its function, and meaning, within the context of the rise of Islamism in the early 20th century. Mangkunegara VII was a Mangkunegaran ruler who actively participated in developing Javanese culture. When he was young, he was an essential figure in Budi Utomo, a movement organization that represented Javanese nationalism which was influenced by the complex relations between language awareness, colonialism, modernism, and Islamism. He was also involved in various Kejawen organizations. Using Michel Foucault's discourse theory, this paper argues that Javanese cultural revivalism is a Javanese nationalist success to overcome the excessive radicalism of Islamic discourse. When Islamism arose with their attacks against the abangan, he carried out counter-narratives through Javanese cultural organizations. As a ruler, he was successful in assuming legitimacy from the Mangkunegaran people as well as to influence the Dutch colonial government, and other Javanese nationalists as well.
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Aminullah, Muhammad Soleh. "AGAMA DAN POLITIK: Studi Pemikiran Soekarno tentang Relasi Agama dan Negara." Jurnal Sosiologi Agama 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsa.2020.141-03.
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This paper examines the basic state relating to religion and the state. Which of these reforms emerged as a different response between Islamic nationalist groups and secular nationalist groups. Islamic nationalist groups ask for a state based on religion. While secular functionalist groups believe that in the basic formulation of the state, religion must be separated from the state. The first opinion (Islamic nationalists) is based that the majority of Indonesia’s population is Muslim, and conversely the second group holds that Indonesia is a plural state consisting of various groups by wanting Pancasila as the basis of the state. This paper uses descriptive literature study method, meaning that materials are collected from various literatures in order to collect data relating to religious and state relations according to Sukarno. So that it can be understood that the separation of religion and state in Sukarno’s view there are at least three main points. Besides that, Sukarno’s thoughts were also inspired by Kemal Attatur from Turkey and Ali Abdurraziq and other reformers. The separation of religion and state is done for the sake of national unity, bearing in mind that the Indonesian nation is a plural nation. The separation of religion and state in question will not rule out the teachings of Islam, and the building of nationalism in question is not chauvinism, but nationalism which makes Indonesian people become servants of God who live in the spirit and soul of religion.
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Kennedy, James. "“Contrasting Liberal Nationalists”: The Young Scots’ Society and theLigue Nationaliste Canadienne." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 13, no. 1 (April 2007): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110601155767.
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Greene, J. Megan. "Between Assimilation and Independence: The Taiwanese Encounter Nationalist China, 1945–1950. By Steven E. Phillips. [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003. 272 pp. $55.00. ISBN 0-8047-4457-2.]." China Quarterly 177 (March 2004): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004300123.
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In recent years the sub-field of Taiwan studies has begun to take off and Steven E. Phillips' excellent study of local elite political activities and Nationalist state-building in Taiwan during the highly charged period following the island's retrocession to China is evidence that this process is now extending into the realm of historical research on the Nationalist period. Using a wide array of Chinese, English and Japanese language primary sources, Phillips examines the tensions between local, provincial forces and centralizing, national forces as he traces the question of local self-government through Taiwan's evolution from colony to province to province/nation in the period between 1945 and 1950. He argues that, given the different experiences of Taiwan's elite and the Nationalists, some sort of clash was inevitable, and both groups acted between 1945 and 1950 in ways that were consistent with their past actions and experiences. He further argues that the February 28 incident of 1947 was a turning point after which the Nationalists took over the drive for local self-government in Taiwan and Taiwan's local elite were increasingly politically marginalized.
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Gilley, Christopher. "Reconciling the Irreconcilable? Left-Wing Ukrainian Nationalism and the Soviet Regime." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.67.
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AbstractThis article examines the attempts by left-wing Ukrainian nationalists to reconcile the seemingly irreconcilable: Ukrainian nationalism and Soviet socialism. It describes how leftist Ukrainian parties active during the Revolution and Civil War in Ukraine 1917–1921 advocated a soviet form of government. Exiled members of the two major Ukrainian parties, the Social Democrats and the Socialist Revolutionaries, then took this position further, arguing in favor of reconciliation with the Bolsheviks and a return to their homeland. After the Entente recognized Polish sovereignty over Eastern Galicia and Soviet Ukraine introduced a policy of Ukrainization in 1923, many West Ukrainian intellectuals took up this call. The Great Famine of 1932–1933 and the Bolsheviks’ purge of Ukrainian Communists and intellectuals all but ended the position. However, it was more the Soviet rejection of the Sovietophiles that ended Ukrainian Sovietophilism than any rejection of the Soviet Union by leftist Ukrainian nationalists. Thus, an examination of the Ukrainian Sovietophiles calls into question the accounts of the relationship between Ukrainian nationalism and the Soviet Union that have common currency in today’s Ukraine.
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Kukathas, Chandran. "The Ethics of Nationalism By Margaret Moore. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 272p. $45.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 618–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402310360.
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This fine study purports to offer “a normative theory of nationalism.” Such a theory is needed, the author claims, because most of the literature on the ethics of secession proceeds on the mistaken assumption that the normative problem of state breakup is best addressed by applying established liberal arguments or values to the issue at hand. In fact, however, it makes little sense to derive a theory of secession in this way, rather than by considering directly the kinds of normative claims secessionists make. These are nationalist claims. We need, moreover, to recognize that well-known accounts of nationalism, such as those offered by Ernest Gellner, for whom nationalism is a political principle that holds that the political and national unit should be congruent, are inadequate—either because they include too much, or because, as in the case of Gellner (Nations and Nationalism, 1983), they associate it with a particular set of demands or principles. Nationalism, according to Margaret Moore, should be understood as “a normative argument that confers moral value on national membership, and on the past and future existence of the nation, and identifies the nation with a particular homeland or part of the globe” (p. 5). Once we have understood this, we will be in a better position to understand the key policies and demands of nationalists, including their occasional (and only occasional) demands for national self-determination, and to understand the normative limits of nationalism. And we will then be in a better position to understand the nature, and defensibility, of national self-determination, and of secession in particular.
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KLEIN, JANET. "Kurdish nationalists and non-nationalist Kurdists: rethinking minority nationalism and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, 1908?1909." Nations and Nationalism 13, no. 1 (January 2007): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2007.00281.x.
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Irvine, Roger. "Nationalists or Internationalists? China’s International Relations Experts Debate the Future." Journal of Contemporary China 26, no. 106 (January 16, 2017): 586–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2017.1274822.
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Wien, Peter. "COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST: GERMAN ACADEMIA AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARAB LANDS AND NAZI GERMANY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 2 (April 13, 2010): 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000073.
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The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.
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Vu, Tuong. "‘It's time for the Indochinese Revolution to show its true colours’: The radical turn of Vietnamese politics in 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990051.
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Cold War historians have neglected the significance of the year 1948 for Indochina. Based on new sources, this paper shows critical shifts in politics within the Vietnamese nationalist movement in 1948. These were the result of converging developments during late 1947 and early 1948, including changes in international politics, in French–Vietnamese relations, and in the relationship between non-communist and communist leaders within the Việt Minh state. By late 1948, Party ideologues were already looking beyond national independence towards building a new socialist regime. The nationalist coalition that had led the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) was seriously damaged in 1948, even though civil war would only break out several years later. As elsewhere in Southeast Asia, 1948 thus marked a new period: the beginning of the end of the ‘united front’ period and cooperation with bourgeois nationalists.
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Ferlanti, Federica. "The New Life Movement at War: Wartime Mobilisation and State Control in Chongqing and Chengdu, 1938–1942." European Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (2012): 187–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-20121104.
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The New Life Movement is remembered in Chinese history primarily as the movement which Chiang Kai-shek launched in Jiangxi province in 1934 to change Chinese people’s habits. This paper makes a different case: it argues that the New Life Movement and its organisations were central into the Nationalist Government’s wartime mobilisation, and that the involvement of the civil servants through the NLM prevented the disintegration of society and administrative institutions under the impact of the war. This paper focuses on Chongqing and Chengdu between 1938 and 1942 and draws on archival materials and official reports to assess the scope of the Nationalists’ wartime mobilisation. It analyses the involvement of the NLM organisations in the fundraising effort, in the mobilisation of women civil servants, and in the organisation of relief work in the first phase of the war and challenge the long-held view that the Nationalists’ wartime mobilisation was insubstantial.
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Arikan, E. Burak. "Turkish ultra–nationalists under review: a study of the Nationalist Action Party." Nations and Nationalism 8, no. 3 (July 2002): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8219.00055.
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TANRISEVER, OKTAY F. "Why Are Federal Arrangements not a Panacea for Containing Ethnic Nationalism? Lessons from the Post-Soviet Russian Experience." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 3 (October 30, 2009): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990065.
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AbstractFederal arrangements have been considered by some thinkers as a panacea for containing ethnic nationalism in the ethnically defined regions. This article challenges this view by arguing that federal institutions may enable ethnic nationalists in the ethnically defined regions to consolidate their power through the guarantees that they receive from the federal centre. Although the post-Soviet Russian leadership under Boris Yeltsin sought to use federalism as a tool for containing ethnic nationalism, Russia's this experiment with federalism demonstrates that federalism may serve not to contain but to strengthen ethnic nationalism. Disillusioned with Yeltsin's failed use of federalism in containing ethnic nationalism, the overwhelming majority of the Russian people supported Vladimir Putin's anti-federalist reforms since 2000 which made federalism redundant in Russia. While undermining the basis for Western style democracy in Russia, Putin's centralism proved to be more effective than Yeltsin's federalism in containing ethnic nationalism.
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Wani, Shakoor Ahmad. "The New Baloch Militancy: Drivers and Dynamics." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 3 (July 12, 2021): 479–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211027253.
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Since the early 2000, Balochistan is yet again embroiled in a cobweb of violence after a hiatus of more than two decades. The Baloch nationalist militancy began to reinvigorate after the seizure of power by General Pervez Musharraf in 1999. Musharraf marginalised the moderate Baloch nationalists and repressed dissident voices. The differences over power and resource sharing escalated quickly into a full-blown armed struggle once Musharraf used indiscriminate force to subdue opposition against his regime. This article examines the proximate and long-term structural factors that led to the resurgence of armed militancy at the turn of the twenty-first century. It analyses the new drivers and dynamics of the present conflict that make it more virulent and lend it a distinctive character.
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Lang, Anthony F. "Justifying Cosmopolitanism to the Nationalists." International Studies Review 7, no. 3 (August 16, 2005): 463–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1551-2916.2005.00514.x-i1.
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Lang, Anthony F. "Justifying Cosmopolitanism to the Nationalists." International Studies Review 7, no. 3 (September 2005): 463–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1551-2916.2005.00516.x.
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Sluimers, László. "The Japanese Military and Indonesian Independence." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400010651.
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The article deals with the question of whether during the Pacific War there was a community of interest between the Japanese military and Indonesian nationalists. This point is mainly denied. Nationalists did want to use the Japanese to oust Dutch rule, but as soon as this was effected relations soured. The Japanese military wanted to use Indonesia as a source of the raw materials essential for war, and as a reservoir of labour. The Indonesians wished to settle their own affairs without any outside interference. These objectives were incompatible.
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Phillips, Steve. "The Politics of Mnemonics: History in the Debate over Taiwan's Status." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 1-2 (2000): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645994.
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AbstractWith the retreat of the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi) from mainland China to Taiwan in the late 1940s, the island seemed destined to be part of another nation divided by the Cold War—superficially similar to Germany and Korea. The Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland, while the Nationalist Party (Guomindang) moved its government, the Republic of China (ROC), to Taiwan. It followed, then, that reconciliation between the two would unite both sides of the Taiwan Strait under one nation-state. Much has changed since those early years of the Cold War, however. The Communists have embraced capitalism, most nations have established relations with the PRC while cutting ties to the ROC, and it is difficult to discern whether the Nationalists are devoted to a Chinese or to a Taiwanese nation.1 Despite
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Ijabs, Ivars. "Another Baltic Postcolonialism: Young Latvians, Baltic Germans, and the emergence of Latvian National Movement." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.823391.
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This article looks at the emergence of Latvian nationalism in the mid-nineteenth century from the intercultural perspective of postcolonial theory. The writings of early Young Latvians, and the reaction to them from the dominant Baltic German elite, show that the emergence of a modern Latvian nationalism is to a large extent due to postcolonial mimicry, as described by Homi Bhabha. Attempts to imitate German cultural models and to develop a Latvian high culture lead to hostile reactions from the German side, which, in their turn, lead to increasing consolidation of Latvian nationalism. Since the Baltic German elite increasingly legitimized its rule in terms of cultural superiority, the Young Latvians’ alliance with the Russian Slavophiles led it to treat the Latvian nationalists as culturally inferior and partly Asiatic, like the Russians.
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Villard, Florent. "Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary China: The Search for National Identity under Reform. By Guo Yingjie. [London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004. 208 pp. ISBN 0-415-32264-2.]." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 819–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004270606.
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Focused on the politics of cultural identity in contemporary China, Yingjie Guo's monograph is a detailed study of a major recent phenomenon, which he names “cultural nationalism.” The “cultural nationalists” whom he identifies are from diverse intellectual backgrounds and have different ideological orientations. However, as Guo tells us, they all share a common goal: “to substantiate and crystallize the idea of the ethnic nation in the minds of the members of the community by creating a wide-spread awareness of the myths, history, and linguistic tradition of the community” (p. 5). According to Guo, cultural nationalism is “a reaction against the May Fourth iconoclasm, together with its discourse of Enlightenment scientific rationality and the CCP's Marxist ideology” (p. 23).
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Sigurdsson, Davíd Logi. "‘A parallel much closer’: the 1918 act of union between Iceland and Denmark and Ireland’s relations with Britain." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 133 (May 2004): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004090.
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In his pamphlet The independence of Iceland: a parallel for Ireland, published in June 1921, Alexander McGill, a Scotsman of Irish descent, argued that Irish nationalists could learn salutary lessons from the history of the people of Iceland, not least from their pertinacity, since the Icelanders had never wavered in their demands for independence from the kingdom of Denmark. McGill went so far as to say that Icelandic history could be used to justify the strategy of Irish nationalists, who were at the time making a last stand in their bloody and violent war of independence. ‘Iceland is a small land, but a very interesting one, and her people understand Ireland’s demands and rights. She understands the problem of the Irish people, because Iceland as a nation has been evolved from similar beginnings.’
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Paces, Cynthia. "Rotating Spheres: Gendered Commemorative Practice at the 1903 Jan Hus Memorial Festival in Prague." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 3 (September 2000): 523–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687481.
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It will be a memorable day for every Czech.In 1903, former mayor Dr Jan Podlipný used these words to petition the Prague City Council to finance a nationalist festival dedicated to the memory of Jan Hus. Arguing for a celebration devoted to the fifteenth-century priest and church reformer who had become a nationalist icon in the nineteenth century, Podlipný emphasized the “memorable” quality of the planned event.2 Indeed, the purpose of the celebration was to create memory on several levels. The festival itself would gather Czechs in great numbers, creating a memory of a shared community, which would bolster the Czech nationalist spirit for future campaigns. The festival's purpose was to lay a cornerstone to a Jan Hus Memorial, a monument that would etch a permanent memory of Jan Hus into Prague's landscape. Last, by publicly and collectively commemorating Hus, Czech nationalists would create a shared memory of the nation's past.
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Gellner, Ernest. "Nationalism and politics in Eastern Europe." European Review 1, no. 4 (October 1993): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700000752.
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The article restates the theory of Nationalism, which it links to the transition from agrarian to industrial or industrializing society. In an agrarian society, culture is used to underscore a complex and fairly stable system of statuses. Political units themselves are complicated and overlapping and ill-defined, and culture does not demarcate their boundaries. In an industrial society, work ceases to be physical and becomes semantic, and society itself is highly mobile. Under these circumstances, a shared and standardized, codified culture, inculcated by formal education, becomes a precondition of social participation and employability. When shared, literacy-linked culture is very important, people identify with it and thus become ‘nationalists’. The article also traces the five stages which Europe has passed in the course of this transition: the perpetuation of the old dynastic/religious political system in 1815, the century of nationalist irredentism, the setting up of a political system in 1918 based on nationalities which was weak and self-defeating, the most intensive period of ‘ ethnic cleansing’ in the 1940s under the cover of war-time secrecy and post-war retaliation, and finally a certain demolition of the intensity of ethnic feeling during advanced industrialism, thanks to the partial convergence of industrial cultures and the softening impact of affluence.
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Ashbrook, John. "Politicization of identity in a European borderland: Istria, Croatia, and authenticity, 1990–2003." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 6 (November 2011): 871–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.614225.
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In most studies of the Balkans and Eastern Europe, identity politics focuses on nationalism. Unfortunately, very few examine regional identities and how they too are politicized in similar ways for similar reasons. Istria provides a good example of how identity is politicized and how and why individuals adapt it to both internal and external influences. While in the past local and regional identities were politicized in response to colonization, more recently national divisions became more prominent. However, in the very recent past, Istrian identity again became politicized as many natives drew lines between themselves and what they saw as an external national influence emanating from Zagreb. In the 1990s, a renewed Croatian national movement competed with an Istrian regional movement. Istrian regionalists, seeking to justify taking and maintaining regional power and hoping to more quickly bring Croatia into the European Union, used this new political tactic against the nationalizing Croatian government. While both the nationalists and the regionalists claimed the other side's ideology was foreign to Istria, in actuality both have historical roots in the region. Though the competition was not as virulent as in past episodes of nationalist tension between Italians and Croats, it does fit a pattern of continuity in the region.
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Elizabeth A., Drummond. "In and Out of the Ostmark Migration, Settlement, and Demographics in Poznania, 1871–1918." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000417.
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Historians have often viewed the history of the German empire with Berlin firmly in the centre of the lens, thus privileging the nation-state to the neglect of both the local and the transnational. Zooming out to include transnational processes such as migration and to globalise German history enables us to complicate the dominant narratives of the German nation-state. The movements of Germans overseas—whether as migrants, missionaries, or merchants—helped to forge a global presence for the German empire, but also entailed complex negotiations both among Germans and between Germans and their various “others,” thus revealing the ways in which German nationalist and colonial discourses and practices adapted to local conditions. While the German empire sought to establish itself as a colonial power abroad only in the late nineteenth century, Prussia-Germany was already a colonial power at home, in its eastern provinces. Zooming back in from the global to the local, and refocusing from Berlin to the borderlands, further complicates our understandings of the German empire, by revealing the ways in which local conditions in the eastern borderlands, themselves influenced by transnational phenomena such as international migration, informed the development of German nationalism there. Most notably, the demographics of the Prussian eastern provinces—and the movements of Jews, Germans, Poles, and Ruthenians/Ukrainians in and out of the region—required German nationalists to integrate greater flexibility into their discourse.