Relevant bibliographies by topics / Relations with Nazis

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Relations with Nazis'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Relations with Nazis"

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O'Driscoll, Mervyn. "Irish‐German relations 1929–39: Irish reactions to Nazis." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 11, no. 1 (September 1997): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579708400178.

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Geary, Dick. "Nazis and Workers before 1933." Australian Journal of Politics & History 48, no. 1 (March 2002): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00250.

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Sergeenkova, I. F. "THE PROBLEM OF RELATIONS BETWEEN BIG BUSINESS AND NAZISM IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-100-119.

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The article presents an analysis of the works of American and English historians devoted to one of the key problems in the history of Nazism - the problem of relations between the NSDAP and big business during the Weimar Republic. The collapse of the first democratic republic and the rise of the Nazis to power were a great tragedy for world history. What forces destroyed the Weimar Republic, and who is responsible for it, this question has always aroused the interest of historians. The literature on this topic is very large, so the main attention is paid to the works of the most famous American and English specialists. The article traces the evolution of historians' assessments of the role of the monopolistic bourgeoisie for the rise of the Nazis to power from the 1930s to the present day, highlights the stages in the development of American and English historiography, due to the change of research paradigms and generations of historians. Most American and British historians reject the definition of fascism given at the XIII Plenum of the ECCI on fascism as an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of financial capital. However, in most of the works, the responsibility of the business elite for the collapse of the Weimar Republic is more or less recognized. The article draws conclusions about the prospects and directions of further study of this problem.
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Bryant, Michael. "“Only the National Socialist”: Postwar US and West German Approaches to Nazi “Euthanasia” Crimes, 1946–1953." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 6 (November 2009): 861–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230793.

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In Western historical consciousness, National Socialist mass murder has become permanently identified with the Jewish Holocaust, Adolf Hitler's maniacal project to annihilate European Jewry. From its earliest days, the Nazi Party sought to exclude Jews from German public life, and when the Nazis came to power in January 1933, their anti-Jewish animus became official policy. What followed was legal disemancipation of German Jews, physical attacks on their persons, ghettoization, deportation, and physical extermination in the East. The story of the Holocaust is well known and generally accepted. Yet two years before German Jewish policy swerved from persecution and harassment to genocide, the Nazis were already involved in state-organized killing of another disfavored minority. Unlike the destruction of European Jews, the murder of this group—the mentally disabled—occurred within the Reich's own borders. Launched with the signing of a “Hitler decree” in October 1939 (backdated to 1 September), the centrally organized program targeted so-called “incurable” patients, whose lives were to be ended by a doctor-administered “mercy death” (Gnadentod). The Nazis attached the term “euthanasia” to their program of destruction, bolstering their rationale for it with humanitarian arguments and cost-based justifications, the latter legitimizing euthanasia as a means to free up scarce resources for use by “valuable” Germans. Over time, the restrictive use of euthanasia just for incurable patients ended; thereafter, the Nazis extended the killing program to healthier patients, sick concentration camp inmates, Jewish patients, and a variety of “asocials” (juvenile delinquents, beggars, tramps, prostitutes). The technology of murder developed in the “euthanasia” program—carbon monoxide asphyxiation in gas chambers camouflaged as shower rooms—would become the model for the first death camps in Poland. Many of the “euthanasia” personnel were likewise transferred to the Polish extermination centers, where they applied the techniques of mass death—refined in murdering the disabled—to the murder of the European Jews.
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Einwohner, Rachel L. "Jewish Resistance against the Nazis." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 30, no. 2 (August 2016): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcw033.

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Amann, Diane Marie. "Cecelia Goetz, Woman at Nuremberg." International Criminal Law Review 11, no. 3 (2011): 607–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181211x576456.

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AbstractAmong the creators of international criminal law were the many women who participated in the post-World War II trials of former Nazis and Nazi collaborators. This essay profiles one of those women: Cecelia Goetz, a thirty-year-old American who was the only woman to deliver an opening statement at Nuremberg. The essay not only details how and why Goetz became a prosecutor in the Krupp trial, but also relates a life story marked by many "first women" events, on law review, at the U.S. Department of Justice, and, after Nuremberg, in the federal judiciary.
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Chapoutot, Johann. "Les nazis et la République Allemande." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique 21, no. 1 (2014): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl1.021.0045.

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Lewy, G. "Gypsies and Jews Under the Nazis." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 13, no. 3 (March 1, 1999): 383–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/13.3.383.

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Ben Redjeb, Badis. "The Gehlen Organization, Nazis, and the Middle East." Journal of Intelligence History 18, no. 2 (March 20, 2019): 220–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2019.1592956.

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Henderson, Peter. "Frank Browne and the Neo-Nazis." Labour History, no. 89 (2005): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516076.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Relations with Nazis"

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Alcouffe, François. "L’analyse psychologique des dirigeants étrangers par le diplomate : André François-Poncet et les dirigeants nazis." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040042.

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Cette recherche diffère des monographies habituelles en présentant un regard neuf sur les dirigeants nazis, celui d’André François-Poncet ambassadeur de France à Berlin de 1931 à 1938. Elle se prolonge par sa réflexion distanciée lorsqu’il devient ambassadeur de France à Rome de 1938 à 1940 puis captif en Allemagne de 1943 à 1945. Comprendre l’atmosphère de la période est sans doute une des clés de l’histoire allemande de 1933 à 1945. François-Poncet fut de ceux qui la perçurent le mieux et le plus précocement ainsi que la menace nazie. Le plan de l’étude comporte trois parties. D’abord le jugement qu’André François-Poncet portait sur les Allemands face au nazisme, dans un deuxième temps celui qu’il portait sur les cercles du pouvoir et enfin celui qu’il portait sur Hitler. Cette étude a un caractère pluridisciplinaire entre la recherche historique et l’analyse psychologique du phénomène qui a suscité une des historiographies les plus importantes et les plus évolutives qui soient : le nazisme. Elle repose sur l’étude qualitative de la production intellectuelle du diplomate au travers de ses dépêches, de ses écrits ainsi que du fonds André François-Poncet conservé aux Archives nationales
Different from usual monographs this research deep dives into Nazi leaders’mind from André François-Poncet’ angle, the in Berlin French ambassador from 1931 to 1938. A few years later in Rome again as French ambassador from 1938 to 1940 then in Germany as prisoner from 1943 to 1945 the distance helped him prolong his reflection about Nazism. Atmosphere of the period is probably one of the keys of German 1933-1945 history understanding. François-Poncet was one of those who perceived it as well as the nazi menace the better and the more precociously. This is a three part plan. First François-Poncet’s assessment about Germans, then about the circles of power and ultimately about Hitler himself. This is a multidisciplinary approach involving both historical and psychological analysis about Nazism phenomenon, one of the greatest and evolutive historiography ever. Based on qualitative study of the diplomat’s intellectual output it is carried out from his reports, his written papers and Archives nationales André François-Poncet private fund
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Morel, Jean-François. "Le New York Times devant la consolidation des Nazis au pouvoir et les premières persécutions des Juifs en Allemagne, 1933-1935." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ48944.pdf.

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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).
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Leitz, Christian. "The economic relations between Nazi Germany and Franco Spain, 1936-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4b43eb26-a59b-4b94-ad66-1f00dafc2ba5.

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During the course of the Spanish Civil War Nazi Germany's intervention on behalf of General Francisco Franco and his fellow insurgents became increasingly dominated by economic considerations. National Socialist policies vis-à-vis Nationalist Spain developed into a programme of large-scale economic exploitation. Under the command of Hermann Goring two companies were founded in Spain in late July 1936 (HISMA) and in Berlin in early October 1936 (ROWAK) to take control not only of National Socialist supply operations for Franco but also of the whole economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Nationalist Spain. During the course of the civil war HISMA/ROWAK managed to alter the trading pattern between Spain and Germany away from mainly fruit imports towards a substantial increase in raw material supplies. As British companies controlled most of the pyrite and iron ore mines of Spain and were therefore directly affected by Franco's redirection of ore exports to Germany, this development was challenged by the British government. The Nazi regime was only partly successful in reducing non-German economic influence in Spain. Aware of the temporary nature of Franco's dependence on German war matériel, Hermann Goring initiated the MONTANA project in 1937 to build up a German-owned mining empire in Spain. While the purchase of Spanish mines by HISMA/ROWAK was reluctantly accepted by Franco in late 1938, the Nazi regime was left with very little time to proceed even further with its economic "colonization" of Spain. The outbreak of war in September 1939 put an effective halt to German-Spanish economic relations until the defeat of France in summer 1940 led to a reopening of rail links to Spain. Subsequent - unsuccessful - negotiations on a Spanish entry into the war were dominated by economic considerations. From 1941 onwards an increasing trade and clearing imbalance developed in favour of Spain. Germany was desperate to import certain goods from Spain, particularly wolfram ore, a vital raw material for German armaments producers. Yet, the Allied economic warfare campaign in Spain led to huge price increases and during the period 1942 to 1944 the Nazi regime found itself forced to export growing amounts of war matériel to Spain. The Allied invasion of France in 1944 finally led to the effective end of German-Spanish trade relations, although both regimes tried to maintain them until Hitler's final defeat.
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Cason, Monica. "Pilfering Patrimony: Nazi-Looted Art and its Continuing Effect on International Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/874.

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It is well documented that during the course of World War II, Nazi leader Adolf Hitler oversaw the plunder of countless works of art throughout Europe. The purpose of this paper is to explore the rationale behind the systematic art theft, understand the international politics and policy of restitution, and consider its geopolitical significance. The relationship between art and the various methods in which it intersects with international politics has been a guiding theme. As we quickly approach a more interconnected world, it has become increasingly necessary to explore how past injustices may continue to influence current diplomatic efforts. Through the analysis of various case studies identifying points of contention between nations, unhealed resentment over WWII-era injustices were identified and explored in greater depth. Although countries have made progress towards mediation and restitution, there is still much to be done in order to repair international relationships. Moving forward, it is essential to advance these efforts towards a mutually agreeable resolution.
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Vourkoutiotis, Vasilis. "The British government's reception of, and reaction to, information from intra-German opposition to Hitler and other sources, 1938-1939 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68142.

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From 1938 to the outbreak of war in 1939, German opponents of Hitler made numerous contacts with the British government. While the information sent came from a variety of sources, most of the reports landed on the desk of Sir Robert Vansittart, the former Permanent Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office. His "internal-exile" to the position of Chief Diplomatic Advisor, as well as his personality conflicts with his successor, Sir Alexander Cadogan, and Lord Halifax, led to inefficient use of the information received from Germany. German warnings of Hitler's plans and ambitions, when listened to at all, were awkwardly and ineffectively incorporated into British foreign policy.
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Mason, Andrea 1976. "Opponents of Hitler in search of foreign support : the foreign contacts of Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsäcker and Adam von Trott zu Solz, 1937-1940." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29516.

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This thesis examines the attempts made by Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsacker and Adam von Trott zu Solz to obtain the support of the British government in their effort to overthrow the Nazi regime between 1937 and 1940. The circumstances surrounding each mission are detailed, including the degree of readiness on the part of the German opposition for a coup d'etat and the particular form of support sought from the British to increase the chance of success in each case. Consideration is given to the factors which conditioned the British reaction to the resistance emissaries, including the British foreign policy imperatives of the moment, important events in European relations and the attitude and degree of influence wielded by the statesmen to whom the German resistance emissaries addressed themselves.
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Baker, Ruth Lynette. "Relations between Jewish and non-Jewish Germans 1933-1945: A case study in the use of evidence by historians." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Humanities, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2956.

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Of all fields of historical enquiry, Germany’s Third Reich is perhaps the richest in sources and historiography. Therefore, it is logical to assume that this is where we see history done at its best. The chief interest of this dissertation is how historians select their sources and how they use the evidence they find in their sources. I have taken relations between Jewish Germans and non-Jewish Germans as a case study because of the enormous quantity of primary source material and because so many historians have commented on the issue. I do not attempt to make any claims about what happened between Jewish Germans and their non-Jewish compatriots nor do I make a moral assessment of behaviours and attitudes among the ‘ordinary’ people of Germany under the Third Reich. Rather, this is a technical exercise to examine how well the historians have done history in this particular area. My systematic review of the historians’ methodologies reveals that many either distort the evidence they cite or put forward arguments that go well beyond what the evidence warrants, perhaps because of pre-conceived theories which shape their approaches to the evidence. Moreover, they fail to make the best possible use of some types of source such as personal narratives. In order to ascertain whether these sources can be better used, I systematically analyse a selection of personal narratives which are sometimes quoted by historians, in particular the 1933-1945 diaries of Victor Klemperer. My question is: Do these testimonies really say what the historians claim they say about relations between Jewish and non-Jewish Germans? And if not, how can we analyse them to determine what they actually do say? The two kinds of problems which emerge are how to select a balanced range of sources and how to use them properly. My argument is that there are six methodological principles that should underpin good historical practice. Because historians are not scrupulous to apply these common-sense rules, their arguments are methodologically flawed and they do not use some sources to the full extent of their value. This raises the question of whether these problems are confined to this particular field or whether they are endemic to the history profession as a whole.
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Sallée, Frédéric. "Sur les chemins de terre brune : voyages et voyageurs dans l'Allemagne nationale-socialiste (1933-1939)." Thesis, Grenoble, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014GRENH007.

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Dans la lignée des travaux de l'historien allemand Peter Reichel sur la notion de fascination totalitaire et du mouvement historique initié en France par Fred Kupferman, François Hourmant ou encore Sophie Cœuré autour du voyage des intellectuels en Union soviétique dans les années 1930, cette thèse a pour objectif de dénouer les rouages du voyage en terre nazie, de l'accession d'Adolf Hitler à la chancellerie jusqu'à la déclaration du second conflit mondial. Thématique délaissée par l'historiographie du national-socialisme préférant voir dans le voyage une évidence anecdotique relevant des nécessités diplomatiques, elle s'impose cependant à l'historien devant la masse d'archives léguées. Engluée et limitée jusque-là dans la représentation classique d'un Brasillach devant la « cathédrale de lumière » de Nuremberg ou du sort des délégations étrangères aux Jeux olympiques de Berlin 1936, la pratique du voyage ne peut se résumer à une vision archétypale voulant que seul le « fasciste en formation » ne parcoure un IIIème Reich réduit à quelques points névralgiques. A partir de sources issues du Ministère des Affaires étrangères, de périodiques, de récits de voyages et d'ouvrages rétrospectifs (mémoires, correspondances, écrits privés), ce travail s'articule autour de trois axes allant de l'intérêt de l'étude du déplacement dans la compréhension d'un phénomène totalitaire, aux temps du voyage (accueil, séjour sur place, réception du voyage) tout en analysant le rôle du voyage et son degré d'implication dans la formation d'une bienveillance personnelle ou d'un rejet du totalitarisme. Un des intérêts fondamentaux de l'étude du voyage en Allemagne hitlérienne réside dans les motivations préalables conduisant au déplacement. Le voyage est avant tout objet d'histoire vécu et perçu par ceux qui l'entreprennent. Cette conscience du « moment d'histoire » entrepris amène à étudier les motivations structurelles du voyage (intérêt pour la modernité politique, déconstruction de son propre modèle national, naissance d'une diplomatie parallèle) comme existentielles (inspiration morale, dépassement de la frontière de la germanité), tout en mettant en avant l'étonnante diversité des voyageurs (origine géographique, culturelle et sociale), signe de l'attraction magnétique du national-socialisme au-delà des frontières (insertion dans le débat de la place de la spécificité nationale dans le cadre d'un minimum fasciste). Préalable indispensable à toute compréhension du phénomène, les temps du voyage permettent d'éclairer la construction d'une véritable politique nazie à l'égard du voyageur étranger d'une part, de souligner la prégnance des réseaux et contacts d'autre part. L'étude du temps sur place sera orientée autour de l'impression de l'accessible rencontrée par les voyageurs. Le temps du retour d' « Hitlérie », fait d'une variété de la forme et de l'usage, permettra de mettre en avant l'obligation naturelle, morale - voire politique - de relayer les impressions de la « chose vue ». Enfin, le voyage comme maçon d'une nouvelle image de l'Allemagne dans les mentalités collectives étrangères viendra clore ce travail. La construction de l'image totalitaire semble aller de pair avec une tentative de rationalisation de l'aveuglement rencontré quand, pour d'autres, le voyage est un mécanisme de résistance. La place du voyageur face à la question juive devient également nécessité. D'une tribune offerte à l'antisémitisme aux premiers actes de dénonciation, le voyage devient un outil de la pensée intellectuelle. La conscience d'un totalitarisme naissant fait du voyageur un homme éclairé, noyé dans la masse de la dérive fasciste transnationale ayant fait ses armes idéologiques dans le Reich
In line with the studies by German historian Peter Reichel concerning the fascination of totalitarianism and the historical movement initiated in France by Fred Kupferman, along with the studies by François Hourmant and Sophie Coeuré regarding intellectuals traveling in Soviet union in the 1930's, the objective of this thesis is to describe the experience of the voyage on Nazi territory, from Hitler's accession to power to the beginning of World War II. This theme has been disregarded in the national-socialism historiography, due to the fact that they viewed the voyage as an anecdotic evidence of diplomatic duty. However, the amount of archives bequeathed on this topic led historians to believe that it is more relevant than previously thought. Limited to the classical image of Brasillach in front of the “Cathedral of Light” of Nuremberg as well as the image of foreign delegations during the Olympic Games of Berlin in 1936, the act of traveling shouldn't be reduced to this archetypal vision implying that only the “future fascists” would travel and discover the IIIrd Reich. Using sources from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, newspapers, travel logs, essays, and letters, this work hinges on three parts covering the significance to study the voyage with the goal to understand the totalitarianism phenomenon, the different stages of the voyage (the reception, their stay, the return to their countries of origin), and to analyze the role and the importance of the voyage in the development of either an acceptance or a rejection towards the totalitarianism. One of the main interests in studying the voyage in Hitler's Germany is the reasoning behind the motivation for the voyage to take place. Traveling is at first a moment in history lived and perceived by those who experience it. This awareness of the experienced moment in history leads us to study the structural motivations of this voyage (interest for modern politics, deconstruction of our own national model, beginning of a parallel diplomacy) and also the existential motivations (moral inspiration, surpassing the line of “germanity”) while underlining the surprising diversity of the travelers (geographical, cultural and social origin), which shows the power of attraction of the national-socialism far across the borders. Prior to understanding this phenomenon, the different phases of the voyage help to enlighten the construction of a specific Nazi policy towards the foreign traveler on one hand, and to underline the existence and development of a real network of contacts on the other. This component will examine how the model of national-socialism seemed attainable for the travelers. The return from Germany will bring to the forefront the feeling of obligation for the travelers to explain and describe what had been experienced during the travel. Finally, the voyage as propagator of a new image of Germany in foreigner's minds will complete this study. The shaping of the totalitarian image seems to go hand in hand with an attempt to rationalize the obliviousness of a part of the population, while for others the voyage is a mechanism of resistance. The standpoint of the travelers towards the Jew's situation is also necessary to broach. Like a window that offers a view on anti-Semitism and the first acts of denunciation, the voyage becomes a tool of intellectual thinking. The awareness of this rising totalitarianism makes the traveler a knowledgeable man, lost in the masses, sliding in this transnational fascism first learned in the Reich
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Vergnon, Gilles. "Catastrophe et renouveau : socialistes, communistes et oppositionnels d'Europe et d'Amérique du Nord sous l'impact de la victoire nazie : crises et reclassements (1933-1934)." Grenoble 2, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994GRE29005.

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Ce travail qui concerne les principaux pays europeens (incluant l'urss et les usa) au travers de deux annees dicisives (1933 et 1934) essaye, apres avoir brosse un "etat des lieux" de la gauche allemande de 1930 a 1933 et une synthese de la vision qu'ont de la poussee nazie a partir de 1930 les principaux courants de la gauche europeenne, de sonder et de produire la typologie de leurs reactions a ce qu'on appelle des 1933 la "catastrophe allemande". Cette etude transnationale degage ensuite trois projets successifs de renouvellement des strategies politiques, portes par des acteurs differents : la tentative de construire de "nouveaux partis", la "revolutionnarisation" des parts socialistes, autour du "plan" ou non, l'unite avec les partis communistes qui s'elargit tres vite, a l'initiative des communistes, en "blocs democratiques" larges
This work, which concerns the main european countries (including the ussrand the usa) in two decisive years (1933 and 1934), tries, after a picture of the german left from 1930 till 1933 and an overview of the vision of nazi rise from the main currents of the ruropean left, to sound out and to produce the typologie of their reactions against what is called as early as 1933 the "german disaster". Then, this transnational study brings out three succesive plans of renewal of leftist political strategies, each of them supported by different actors : the attempt of build "new parties", the "revolutionizing" of socialist parties, around "planism" or not, unity with communist parties, which, on communist's initiative, rapidly widens in "all-inclusive democratic blocs"
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Books on the topic "Relations with Nazis"

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Los nazis en México. México, D.F: Debate, 2007.

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Los nazis en México. México, D.F: Debolsillo, 2010.

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Cedillo, Juan Alberto. Los nazis en México. México, D.F: Debolsillo, 2010.

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Grover, Warren. Nazis in Newark. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2004.

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Nazis in Newark. New Brunswick, N.J: Transaction Publishers, 2003.

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Gay, Kathlyn. Neo-Nazis: A growing threat. Springfield, NJ: Enslow Publishers, 1997.

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Faligot, Roger. Le croissant et la croix gammée: Les secrets de l'alliance entre l'Islam et le nazisme, d'Hitler à nos jours. Paris: A. Michel, 1990.

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The Neo-Nazis and German unification. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1996.

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Noirs dans les camps nazis. Monaco: Le serpent à plumes, 2005.

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Heinig, Herbert Louis. The "Black Jew", Germans, Nazis and nature's other creatures. Bloomington, Ind: Author House, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Relations with Nazis"

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Carr, E. H. "The Nazi Revolution." In International Relations between the Two World Wars 1919–1939, 197–214. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07907-0_11.

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Gramer, Regina U. "Relations with Italy and Nazi Germany." In A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt, 636–52. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444395181.ch32.

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Fischer, Conan. "The Sociology of Communist—Nazi Relations." In The German Communists and the Rise of Nazism, 118–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230389519_7.

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Fischer, Conan. "Communist—Nazi Relations 1928–1932: The Ideological Dimension." In The German Communists and the Rise of Nazism, 102–17. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230389519_6.

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Maiolo, Joseph A. "Anglo-German Naval Relations, June 1935 to July 1937." In The Royal Navy and Nazi Germany, 1933–39, 38–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374492_3.

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Loeffel, Robert. "‘… imprisonment of relatives, life or liberty …’ Sippenhaft and the Wehrmacht." In Family Punishment in Nazi Germany, 53–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137021830_3.

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i Miret, Marició Janué. "The Role of Culture in German-Spanish Relations during National Socialism." In Nazi Germany and Southern Europe, 1933–45, 84–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137551528_6.

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Preker, Simon. "Illegitimate Representatives: Manchukuo-German Relations and Diplomatic Struggles in Nazi Germany." In Sino-German Encounters and Entanglements, 289–317. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73391-9_12.

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Schiweck, Ingo. "Dutch-German Film Relations under German Pressure and Nazi Occupation, 1933–45." In Cinema and the Swastika, 207–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230289321_15.

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Langthaler, Ernst. "Regional agrosystems, labour markets and the Nazi state. The German province of Niederdonau, 1938-1945." In Agrosystems and Labour Relations in European Rural Societies, 155–77. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.rurhe-eb.3.2757.

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Reports on the topic "Relations with Nazis"

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Stelmakh, Marta. HISTORICAL CONTEXT IN THE COLLECTION OF ARTICLES BY TIMOTHY SNYDER «UKRAINIAN HISTORY, RUSSIAN POLITICS, EUROPEAN FUTURE». Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11098.

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Abstract:
The article examines the problem of the image formation of Ukraine in the international arena in the historical journalism of Timothy Snyder. The subject of the research is the historical context in the journalistic collection «Ukrainian History, Russian Politics, European Future». It identifies the main considerations of the author on the past of Russian-Ukrainian relations and the need to develop historical consciousness in the fight against Russian manipulation. Methodology: the comparative, historical, system analysis and other methods are used in the process of scientific research. The results of the study were obtained by analysing the author’s journalistic works and by considering the main historical themes raised by Timothy Snyder. Main results: The historical context in Timothy Snyder’s journalism is often focused on the Holodomor and the events of World War II. After all, these events are connected with the beginning of the image formation of the Ukrainian people as supporters of Nazism by the Russian authorities and the devaluation of the Ukrainians’ contribution to the establishment of peace during the Second World War. It is determined that the non-reflective attitude to history, the inability to draw parallels between the events of the past and the future leads to an ineffective response to manipulation and propaganda, which can threaten world peace. Conclusions: the realization that Russian aggression against Ukraine has its own history is a necessary aspect in the elucidation of this issue. The Eurasian Union and cooperation with the European far-right are Russian propaganda tools that discredit the Ukrainian state in the world community. Publicist Timothy Snyder points out that Europe’s future interconnects with the past, so he emphasizes the need to study and rethink history, which today has become the object of propaganda and manipulation. Significance: The results of our study will help journalists who study the historical aspect of journalistic materials and research foreign materials on Ukrainian issues. In addition, our research is necessary for Ukraine, because Russia’s aggression continues, as well as the aggressor’s propaganda, which is based on the distortion and falsification of historical events.
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