Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Relations with Nazis'

Cette recherche diffère des monographies habituelles en présentant un regard neuf sur les dirigeants nazis, celui d’André François-Poncet ambassadeur de France à Berlin de 1931 à 1938. Elle se prolonge par sa réflexion distanciée lorsqu’il devient ambassadeur de France à Rome de 1938 à 1940 puis captif en Allemagne de 1943 à 1945. Comprendre l’atmosphère de la période est sans doute une des clés de l’histoire allemande de 1933 à 1945. François-Poncet fut de ceux qui la perçurent le mieux et le plus précocement ainsi que la menace nazie. Le plan de l’étude comporte trois parties. D’abord le jugement qu’André François-Poncet portait sur les Allemands face au nazisme, dans un deuxième temps celui qu’il portait sur les cercles du pouvoir et enfin celui qu’il portait sur Hitler. Cette étude a un caractère pluridisciplinaire entre la recherche historique et l’analyse psychologique du phénomène qui a suscité une des historiographies les plus importantes et les plus évolutives qui soient : le nazisme. Elle repose sur l’étude qualitative de la production intellectuelle du diplomate au travers de ses dépêches, de ses écrits ainsi que du fonds André François-Poncet conservé aux Archives nationales
Different from usual monographs this research deep dives into Nazi leaders’mind from André François-Poncet’ angle, the in Berlin French ambassador from 1931 to 1938. A few years later in Rome again as French ambassador from 1938 to 1940 then in Germany as prisoner from 1943 to 1945 the distance helped him prolong his reflection about Nazism. Atmosphere of the period is probably one of the keys of German 1933-1945 history understanding. François-Poncet was one of those who perceived it as well as the nazi menace the better and the more precociously. This is a three part plan. First François-Poncet’s assessment about Germans, then about the circles of power and ultimately about Hitler himself. This is a multidisciplinary approach involving both historical and psychological analysis about Nazism phenomenon, one of the greatest and evolutive historiography ever. Based on qualitative study of the diplomat’s intellectual output it is carried out from his reports, his written papers and Archives nationales André François-Poncet private fund

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).

During the course of the Spanish Civil War Nazi Germany's intervention on behalf of General Francisco Franco and his fellow insurgents became increasingly dominated by economic considerations. National Socialist policies vis-à-vis Nationalist Spain developed into a programme of large-scale economic exploitation. Under the command of Hermann Goring two companies were founded in Spain in late July 1936 (HISMA) and in Berlin in early October 1936 (ROWAK) to take control not only of National Socialist supply operations for Franco but also of the whole economic relationship between Nazi Germany and Nationalist Spain. During the course of the civil war HISMA/ROWAK managed to alter the trading pattern between Spain and Germany away from mainly fruit imports towards a substantial increase in raw material supplies. As British companies controlled most of the pyrite and iron ore mines of Spain and were therefore directly affected by Franco's redirection of ore exports to Germany, this development was challenged by the British government. The Nazi regime was only partly successful in reducing non-German economic influence in Spain. Aware of the temporary nature of Franco's dependence on German war matériel, Hermann Goring initiated the MONTANA project in 1937 to build up a German-owned mining empire in Spain. While the purchase of Spanish mines by HISMA/ROWAK was reluctantly accepted by Franco in late 1938, the Nazi regime was left with very little time to proceed even further with its economic "colonization" of Spain. The outbreak of war in September 1939 put an effective halt to German-Spanish economic relations until the defeat of France in summer 1940 led to a reopening of rail links to Spain. Subsequent - unsuccessful - negotiations on a Spanish entry into the war were dominated by economic considerations. From 1941 onwards an increasing trade and clearing imbalance developed in favour of Spain. Germany was desperate to import certain goods from Spain, particularly wolfram ore, a vital raw material for German armaments producers. Yet, the Allied economic warfare campaign in Spain led to huge price increases and during the period 1942 to 1944 the Nazi regime found itself forced to export growing amounts of war matériel to Spain. The Allied invasion of France in 1944 finally led to the effective end of German-Spanish trade relations, although both regimes tried to maintain them until Hitler's final defeat.

It is well documented that during the course of World War II, Nazi leader Adolf Hitler oversaw the plunder of countless works of art throughout Europe. The purpose of this paper is to explore the rationale behind the systematic art theft, understand the international politics and policy of restitution, and consider its geopolitical significance. The relationship between art and the various methods in which it intersects with international politics has been a guiding theme. As we quickly approach a more interconnected world, it has become increasingly necessary to explore how past injustices may continue to influence current diplomatic efforts. Through the analysis of various case studies identifying points of contention between nations, unhealed resentment over WWII-era injustices were identified and explored in greater depth. Although countries have made progress towards mediation and restitution, there is still much to be done in order to repair international relationships. Moving forward, it is essential to advance these efforts towards a mutually agreeable resolution.

From 1938 to the outbreak of war in 1939, German opponents of Hitler made numerous contacts with the British government. While the information sent came from a variety of sources, most of the reports landed on the desk of Sir Robert Vansittart, the former Permanent Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office. His "internal-exile" to the position of Chief Diplomatic Advisor, as well as his personality conflicts with his successor, Sir Alexander Cadogan, and Lord Halifax, led to inefficient use of the information received from Germany. German warnings of Hitler's plans and ambitions, when listened to at all, were awkwardly and ineffectively incorporated into British foreign policy.

This thesis examines the attempts made by Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsacker and Adam von Trott zu Solz to obtain the support of the British government in their effort to overthrow the Nazi regime between 1937 and 1940. The circumstances surrounding each mission are detailed, including the degree of readiness on the part of the German opposition for a coup d'etat and the particular form of support sought from the British to increase the chance of success in each case. Consideration is given to the factors which conditioned the British reaction to the resistance emissaries, including the British foreign policy imperatives of the moment, important events in European relations and the attitude and degree of influence wielded by the statesmen to whom the German resistance emissaries addressed themselves.

Of all fields of historical enquiry, Germany’s Third Reich is perhaps the richest in sources and historiography. Therefore, it is logical to assume that this is where we see history done at its best. The chief interest of this dissertation is how historians select their sources and how they use the evidence they find in their sources. I have taken relations between Jewish Germans and non-Jewish Germans as a case study because of the enormous quantity of primary source material and because so many historians have commented on the issue. I do not attempt to make any claims about what happened between Jewish Germans and their non-Jewish compatriots nor do I make a moral assessment of behaviours and attitudes among the ‘ordinary’ people of Germany under the Third Reich. Rather, this is a technical exercise to examine how well the historians have done history in this particular area. My systematic review of the historians’ methodologies reveals that many either distort the evidence they cite or put forward arguments that go well beyond what the evidence warrants, perhaps because of pre-conceived theories which shape their approaches to the evidence. Moreover, they fail to make the best possible use of some types of source such as personal narratives. In order to ascertain whether these sources can be better used, I systematically analyse a selection of personal narratives which are sometimes quoted by historians, in particular the 1933-1945 diaries of Victor Klemperer. My question is: Do these testimonies really say what the historians claim they say about relations between Jewish and non-Jewish Germans? And if not, how can we analyse them to determine what they actually do say? The two kinds of problems which emerge are how to select a balanced range of sources and how to use them properly. My argument is that there are six methodological principles that should underpin good historical practice. Because historians are not scrupulous to apply these common-sense rules, their arguments are methodologically flawed and they do not use some sources to the full extent of their value. This raises the question of whether these problems are confined to this particular field or whether they are endemic to the history profession as a whole.

Dans la lignée des travaux de l'historien allemand Peter Reichel sur la notion de fascination totalitaire et du mouvement historique initié en France par Fred Kupferman, François Hourmant ou encore Sophie Cœuré autour du voyage des intellectuels en Union soviétique dans les années 1930, cette thèse a pour objectif de dénouer les rouages du voyage en terre nazie, de l'accession d'Adolf Hitler à la chancellerie jusqu'à la déclaration du second conflit mondial. Thématique délaissée par l'historiographie du national-socialisme préférant voir dans le voyage une évidence anecdotique relevant des nécessités diplomatiques, elle s'impose cependant à l'historien devant la masse d'archives léguées. Engluée et limitée jusque-là dans la représentation classique d'un Brasillach devant la « cathédrale de lumière » de Nuremberg ou du sort des délégations étrangères aux Jeux olympiques de Berlin 1936, la pratique du voyage ne peut se résumer à une vision archétypale voulant que seul le « fasciste en formation » ne parcoure un IIIème Reich réduit à quelques points névralgiques. A partir de sources issues du Ministère des Affaires étrangères, de périodiques, de récits de voyages et d'ouvrages rétrospectifs (mémoires, correspondances, écrits privés), ce travail s'articule autour de trois axes allant de l'intérêt de l'étude du déplacement dans la compréhension d'un phénomène totalitaire, aux temps du voyage (accueil, séjour sur place, réception du voyage) tout en analysant le rôle du voyage et son degré d'implication dans la formation d'une bienveillance personnelle ou d'un rejet du totalitarisme. Un des intérêts fondamentaux de l'étude du voyage en Allemagne hitlérienne réside dans les motivations préalables conduisant au déplacement. Le voyage est avant tout objet d'histoire vécu et perçu par ceux qui l'entreprennent. Cette conscience du « moment d'histoire » entrepris amène à étudier les motivations structurelles du voyage (intérêt pour la modernité politique, déconstruction de son propre modèle national, naissance d'une diplomatie parallèle) comme existentielles (inspiration morale, dépassement de la frontière de la germanité), tout en mettant en avant l'étonnante diversité des voyageurs (origine géographique, culturelle et sociale), signe de l'attraction magnétique du national-socialisme au-delà des frontières (insertion dans le débat de la place de la spécificité nationale dans le cadre d'un minimum fasciste). Préalable indispensable à toute compréhension du phénomène, les temps du voyage permettent d'éclairer la construction d'une véritable politique nazie à l'égard du voyageur étranger d'une part, de souligner la prégnance des réseaux et contacts d'autre part. L'étude du temps sur place sera orientée autour de l'impression de l'accessible rencontrée par les voyageurs. Le temps du retour d' « Hitlérie », fait d'une variété de la forme et de l'usage, permettra de mettre en avant l'obligation naturelle, morale - voire politique - de relayer les impressions de la « chose vue ». Enfin, le voyage comme maçon d'une nouvelle image de l'Allemagne dans les mentalités collectives étrangères viendra clore ce travail. La construction de l'image totalitaire semble aller de pair avec une tentative de rationalisation de l'aveuglement rencontré quand, pour d'autres, le voyage est un mécanisme de résistance. La place du voyageur face à la question juive devient également nécessité. D'une tribune offerte à l'antisémitisme aux premiers actes de dénonciation, le voyage devient un outil de la pensée intellectuelle. La conscience d'un totalitarisme naissant fait du voyageur un homme éclairé, noyé dans la masse de la dérive fasciste transnationale ayant fait ses armes idéologiques dans le Reich
In line with the studies by German historian Peter Reichel concerning the fascination of totalitarianism and the historical movement initiated in France by Fred Kupferman, along with the studies by François Hourmant and Sophie Coeuré regarding intellectuals traveling in Soviet union in the 1930's, the objective of this thesis is to describe the experience of the voyage on Nazi territory, from Hitler's accession to power to the beginning of World War II. This theme has been disregarded in the national-socialism historiography, due to the fact that they viewed the voyage as an anecdotic evidence of diplomatic duty. However, the amount of archives bequeathed on this topic led historians to believe that it is more relevant than previously thought. Limited to the classical image of Brasillach in front of the “Cathedral of Light” of Nuremberg as well as the image of foreign delegations during the Olympic Games of Berlin in 1936, the act of traveling shouldn't be reduced to this archetypal vision implying that only the “future fascists” would travel and discover the IIIrd Reich. Using sources from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, newspapers, travel logs, essays, and letters, this work hinges on three parts covering the significance to study the voyage with the goal to understand the totalitarianism phenomenon, the different stages of the voyage (the reception, their stay, the return to their countries of origin), and to analyze the role and the importance of the voyage in the development of either an acceptance or a rejection towards the totalitarianism. One of the main interests in studying the voyage in Hitler's Germany is the reasoning behind the motivation for the voyage to take place. Traveling is at first a moment in history lived and perceived by those who experience it. This awareness of the experienced moment in history leads us to study the structural motivations of this voyage (interest for modern politics, deconstruction of our own national model, beginning of a parallel diplomacy) and also the existential motivations (moral inspiration, surpassing the line of “germanity”) while underlining the surprising diversity of the travelers (geographical, cultural and social origin), which shows the power of attraction of the national-socialism far across the borders. Prior to understanding this phenomenon, the different phases of the voyage help to enlighten the construction of a specific Nazi policy towards the foreign traveler on one hand, and to underline the existence and development of a real network of contacts on the other. This component will examine how the model of national-socialism seemed attainable for the travelers. The return from Germany will bring to the forefront the feeling of obligation for the travelers to explain and describe what had been experienced during the travel. Finally, the voyage as propagator of a new image of Germany in foreigner's minds will complete this study. The shaping of the totalitarian image seems to go hand in hand with an attempt to rationalize the obliviousness of a part of the population, while for others the voyage is a mechanism of resistance. The standpoint of the travelers towards the Jew's situation is also necessary to broach. Like a window that offers a view on anti-Semitism and the first acts of denunciation, the voyage becomes a tool of intellectual thinking. The awareness of this rising totalitarianism makes the traveler a knowledgeable man, lost in the masses, sliding in this transnational fascism first learned in the Reich

Ce travail qui concerne les principaux pays europeens (incluant l'urss et les usa) au travers de deux annees dicisives (1933 et 1934) essaye, apres avoir brosse un "etat des lieux" de la gauche allemande de 1930 a 1933 et une synthese de la vision qu'ont de la poussee nazie a partir de 1930 les principaux courants de la gauche europeenne, de sonder et de produire la typologie de leurs reactions a ce qu'on appelle des 1933 la "catastrophe allemande". Cette etude transnationale degage ensuite trois projets successifs de renouvellement des strategies politiques, portes par des acteurs differents : la tentative de construire de "nouveaux partis", la "revolutionnarisation" des parts socialistes, autour du "plan" ou non, l'unite avec les partis communistes qui s'elargit tres vite, a l'initiative des communistes, en "blocs democratiques" larges
This work, which concerns the main european countries (including the ussrand the usa) in two decisive years (1933 and 1934), tries, after a picture of the german left from 1930 till 1933 and an overview of the vision of nazi rise from the main currents of the ruropean left, to sound out and to produce the typologie of their reactions against what is called as early as 1933 the "german disaster". Then, this transnational study brings out three succesive plans of renewal of leftist political strategies, each of them supported by different actors : the attempt of build "new parties", the "revolutionizing" of socialist parties, around "planism" or not, unity with communist parties, which, on communist's initiative, rapidly widens in "all-inclusive democratic blocs"

This dissertation makes the argument that the Franklin Roosevelt administration (1933-1945) embarked upon a global hegemonic project to transform the United States into a world empire and bring about the "New World Order." In addition, the expansion of U.S. commercial and military air routes was seen as instrumental to the realization of this project.

Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967
Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967

A la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, la France contribue largement à transformer l’ancienne Autriche-Hongrie, et doit assumer une responsabilité quant à la survie et au devenir de la nouvelle Autriche, à travers différents engagements internationaux, même si aucun traité ne lie formellement les deux Etats. On définit généralement la position française vis-à-vis de l'Autriche par cette alternative : ni Habsbourg, ni Anschluss. A partir de 1930, l'héritier du trône, Otto de Habsbourg, accède à la majorité : se pose alors concrètement la question d'une éventuelle restauration. Les années 1930 voient par ailleurs le développement d'une multitude de projets de réorganisation de l'Europe centrale, alternative à ce retour des Habsbourg. L'arrivée d'Hitler au pouvoir en Allemagne doit pousser la France à des prises de position claires : son dessein est la réunion de l'Autriche au Reich, et le gouvernement français doit déterminer quelle attitude adopter envers le gouvernement autrichien qui choisit la voie de l'autoritarisme contre la poussée nazie. Si une part de l'opinion française a des sympathies pour la cause de l'indépendance autrichienne, le gouvernement n'impose jamais de choix clairs en ce sens, en raison notamment de facteurs idéologiques. Il est aussi prisonnier d'une conception trop économique de l'organisation de l'Europe centrale, qui lui fait sous-estimer les problèmes identitaires existant entre l'Autriche et l'Allemagne. L'absence d'une réflexion sur les spécificités de la nation autrichienne en construction conduit à faire le jeu de l'Allemagne, à travers l'idée d'un « germanisme » commun aux deux Etats. L'Anschluss, sans réaction française, vient couronner plus d'une décennie de contradictions et prépare la défaite symbolique de Munich
At the end of World War I, France is a major actor of the transformation of old Austria-Hungary and becomes one of the main protectors of Austria through several international commitments; yet no treaty ever connects the two countries. The French policy on Austria is generally admitted to be : neither Habsburg, nor Anschluss. In 1930 Otto von Habsburg, the son of the last emperor, attains the age of majority ; so the issue of restauration appears again to be a major problem in Europe. At the same time, many plans and projects are discussed to reorganize Central Europe, as a possible alternative to the come back of the Habsburg family. With Hitler's appointment as Chancellor in Germany in 1933, France has to make up clear decisions, since Hitler's goal is to achieve the unification of Austria with Germany. The French government has to decide whether to support or not the Austrian government, getting authoritative in order to fight against nazi propaganda and terrorism. Many people in France are quite in favour of the cause of the independence of Austria. Yet the French government doesn't make any decisive choices to defend it, in particular because of ideological reasons. The French policy is also confined to an all-economic conception of international relations in Central Europe, and under-estimates the problems of national identity existing between Austria and Germany. The lack of a reflection on the specificities of an Austrian nation to be built tends to be of a great advantage for Germany, which praises for the idea of a common « germanism » for both countries. The Anschluss is made without any real French reaction, as a consequence of more than ten years of political contradictions ; thus it prepares the symbolical defeat of Munich

Diese Arbeit bietet eine solide theoretische Grundlage zu Philanthropie und religiös motivierten Spendenaktivitäten und deren Einfluss auf Wohltätigkeitstrends, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer auf dem Gedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit beruhenden Philanthropie. Untersucht werden dafür die Strukturen religiös motivierte Spenden, für die in der islamischen Tradition die Begriffe „zakat“, „Waqf“ oder im Plural auch „awqaf-“ oder „Sadaqa“ verwendet werden, der christliche Begriff dafür lautet „tithes“ oder „ushour“. Aufbauend auf diesem theoretischen Rahmenwerk analysiert die qualitative und quantitative Feldstudie auf nationaler Ebene, wie die ägyptische Öffentlichkeit Philanthropie, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechte, Spenden, Freiwilligenarbeit und andere Konzepte des zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements wahrnimmt. Um eine umfassende und repräsentative Datengrundlage zu erhalten, wurden 2000 Haushalte, 200 zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen erfasst, sowie Spender, Empfänger, religiöse Wohltäter und andere Akteure interviewt. Die so gewonnen Erkenntnisse lassen aussagekräftige Aufschlüsse über philanthropische Trends zu. Erstmals wird so auch eine finanzielle Einschätzung und Bewertung der Aktivitäten im lokalen Wohltätigkeitsbereich möglich, die sich auf mehr als eine Billion US-Dollar beziffern lassen. Die Erhebung weist nach, dass gemessen an den Pro-Kopf-Aufwendungen die privaten Spendenaktivitäten weitaus wichtiger sind als auswärtige wirtschaftliche Hilfe für Ägypten. Das wiederum lässt Rückschlüsse zu, welche Bedeutung lokale Wohltätigkeit erlangen kann, wenn sie richtig gesteuert wird und nicht wie bislang oft im Teufelskreis von ad-hoc-Spenden oder Hilfen von Privatperson an Privatperson gefangen ist. Die Studie stellt außerdem eine Verbindung her zwischen lokalen Wohltätigkeits-Mechanismen, die meist auf religiösen und kulturellen Werten beruhen, und modernen Strukturen, wie etwa Gemeinde-Stiftungen oder Gemeinde-„waqf“, innerhalb derer die Spenden eine nachhaltige Veränderung bewirken können. Daher bietet diese Arbeit also eine umfassende wissenschaftliche Grundlage, die nicht nur ein besseres Verständnis, sondern auch den nachhaltiger Aus- und Aufbau lokaler Wohltätigkeitsstrukturen in Ägypten ermöglicht. Zentral ist dabei vor allem die Rolle lokaler, individueller Spenden, die beispielsweise für Stiftungen auf der Gemeindeebene eingesetzt, wesentlich zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung beitragen könnten – und das nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in der gesamten arabischen Region. Als konkretes Ergebnis dieser Arbeit, wurde ein innovatives Modell entwickelt, dass neben den wissenschaftlichen Daten das Konzept der „waqf“ berücksichtigt. Der Wissenschaftlerin und einem engagierten Vorstand ist es auf dieser Grundlage gelungen, die Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) zu gründen, die nicht nur ein Modell für eine Bürgerstiftung ist, sondern auch das tradierte Konzept der „waqf“ als praktikable und verbürgte Wohlstätigkeitsstruktur sinnvoll weiterentwickelt.
This work provides a solid theoretical base on philanthropy, religious giving (Islamic zakat, ‘ushour, Waqf -plural: awqaf-, Sadaqa and Christian tithes or ‘ushour), and their implications on giving trends, development work, social justice philanthropy. The field study (quantitative and qualitative) that supports the theoretical framework reflects at a national level the Egyptian public’s perceptions on philanthropy, social justice, human rights, giving and volunteering and other concepts that determine the peoples’ civic engagement. The statistics cover 2000 households, 200 Civil Society Organizations distributed all over Egypt and interviews donors, recipients, religious people and other stakeholders. The numbers reflect philanthropic trends and for the first time provide a monetary estimate of local philanthropy of over USD 1 Billion annually. The survey proves that the per capita share of philanthropy outweighs the per capita share of foreign economic assistance to Egypt, which implies the significance of local giving if properly channeled, and not as it is actually consumed in the vicious circle of ad-hoc, person to person charity. In addition, the study relates local giving mechanisms derived from religion and culture to modern actual structures, like community foundations or community waqf that could bring about sustainable change in the communities. In sum, the work provides a comprehensive scientific base to help understand- and build on local philanthropy in Egypt. It explores the role that local individual giving could play in achieving sustainable development and building a new wave of community foundations not only in Egypt but in the Arab region at large. As a tangible result of this thesis, an innovative model that revives the concept of waqf and builds on the study’s results was created by the researcher and a dedicated board of trustees who succeeded in establishing Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) that not only introduces the community foundation model to Egypt, but revives and modernizes the waqf as a practical authentic philanthropic structure.

碩士
國防大學
戰略研究所
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After the First World War, Germany wanted to get rid of the various constraints and shadows of the post-war period. This enabled the Nazi Party to use its patriotic drive to obtain political power and abandon the Weimar Republican Constitution, gradually leading to a Nazi one-party dictatorship political system. The German army has always had a nationalistic complex and also wants to restore its glorious history and tradition. It is in agreement with Hitler’s political ambitions.However, some high-ranking military commanders were not willing to be commanded by Hitler who was a non-commissioned officer. They still had the tradition of military professionalism and could not fully agree with Hitler’s political ideas and leadership. In order to strengthen the command authority over the army, Hitler took the approach of army rectification, the party controlling the military, and party education, and formed the main example of the totalitarian model. From the point of view of military-military relations, the scholar Huntington called the German Nazi period "literary victory." In particular, it was conducive to the consolidation of Hitler’s power. Not only was the military officer’s military power intervened during the military officer’s mission, but because of the contradiction between “obeying the country’s leaders” and “maintaining national security”, the military’s responsibilities have always made it difficult for the military to swing between adopting absolute obedience or absolute resistance. This article studies the Nazi German military relations from the perspective of the military-military relationship. Divided into two periods pre-war and war-time periods, the “literary system”, the “military system”, and the “military and literary interaction” were used as the analytical framework. Discusses the differences in military relations between various generations during the Imperial period, the Republic period and the Nazi period and then describes and explains the development of military relations during the Nazi Germany period.

This dissertation is concerned with the representation and reception of Nazis in West German theater as contributions to the cultural memory of the Holocaust. It examines eight dramas and their performances: Ingeborg Drewitz's Alle Tore waxen bewacht (1955), Erwin Sylvanus's Korczak and die Kinder (1957), Rolf Hochhuth's Der Stellvertreter (1963), Peter Weiss's Die Ermittlung (1965), Thomas Bernhard's Vor dem Ruhestand (1979), Heinar Kipphardt's Bruder Eichmann (1983), Joshua Sobol's Ghetto (1984), and George Tabori's Mein Kampf (1987). This study takes into account the literary criticism of the plays and reviews of the world premieres and subsequent stagings. It highlights the role of the media in influencing the formation of public awareness of a text as well as a staged play. The playwrights created a space for the perpetrator memory that has been a taboo in the national discourse about the past since the end of Word War II. They targeted the suppression of this memory in German society's recurrent tropes of denial, invoking “Nazism as a demonic force,” “Germans as victims of Nazism,” the “Nuremberg defense” of “just following orders,” or “just cogs in a machine,” or “just puppets.” The dramatists challenged such cultural myths by revealing their Nazi characters in situations of choice and exposing an individual motivation (anti-Semitism, sadism, fear, careerism) that led to the issue of individual culpability. The playwrights asked their German audiences to accept the perpetrators as human beings similar to themselves and to contemplate their own complicit relationship with and memory of the Holocaust. Despite the ostentatious confrontation with the perpetrator memory, the reviews of the plays' stagings indicate that the media, for the most part, ignored or played down the perpetrator performative in favor of other aspects of the plays. They also tended to conflate the victim and perpetrator categories in plays by Sobol and Tabori that presented Jews as fallible human beings. Nevertheless, there were some critics who did point out the significance of the Nazi characters for a German audience. Overall, the disparity of views expressed shows that dealing with the perpetrator memory has been an ongoing struggle in German society.

Les relations franco-soviétiques font l'objet de nouvelles études depuis l'ouverture des archives russes après la chute du communisme au début des années 1990. La présente étude vise à cerner comment la presse française percevait l'URSS et ses relations avec la France entre 1932 et 1934. Cette période est cruciale, car elle correspond à l'arrivée du nazisme en Allemagne et à un certain rapprochement franco-soviétique. La prise du pouvoir par Hitler eut un impact majeur sur les relations entre les deux pays, mais ce ne fut pas toujours compris rapidement en entièrement. Les journaux analysaient la situation avec une perspective compromise par leurs opinions politiques ou leurs intérêts financiers. Néanmoins, nous observons une nette évolution de leurs points de vue sur les 21 mois étudiés ici. Cela est dû à l'aggravation de la menace allemande et à la politique menée par l'URSS et par une partie du corps politique français. Afin d'avoir un échantillon viable, nous nous intéresserons à quatre quotidiens majeurs : Le Figaro, Le Temps, Le Populaire et L'Humanité. Mis ensemble, ces journaux représentent l'essentiel du panorama politique français. Les journaux de droite se firent de moins en moins critiques vis-à-vis de l'URSS, sans pour autant abandonner leur méfiance. Ceux de gauche soutinrent le rapprochement, tout en restant incrédules quant à la situation réelle. Cette recherche en est une de la perspective de l'autre, du rôle des médias dans la société et de l'influence de l'idéologie politique.
Franco-soviet relations have been the object of new studies since the opening of Russian archives after the fall of communism in the early 1990's. This study aims to comprehend how the French press perceived the USSR and its relations with France between 1932 and 1934. This is a crucial period, as it corresponds to nazism's rise in Germany and to an improvement in franco-soviet relations. Hitler's seizure of power had a major impact on both countries relationship, but this wasn't always fully or rapidly understood. Newspapers analyzed the situation through lenses tinted with political prejudice or financial interests. However, we observe a real evolution of their points of view over the 21 months studied here. This is because of the aggravation of the German threat, the policy than the USSR followed and the one of some of the French political leaders. To provide a relevant sample, we will look at four major newspapers : Le Figaro, Le Temps, Le Populaire and L'Humanité. Put together, these newspapers represent most of the French political panorama. Right-wing newspapers became less and less wary of the USSR, but never totally gave up their apprehensions. The left-wing ones, though favorable to the improvement of the franco-soviet relationship, kept being skeptical about its outcome. This study is about perspective of the other being, medias role in a given society and the influence of political ideology.

The Master's thesis aims to map and analyse especially pre-war correspondence from Berlin sent by Czechoslovak envoy Vojtěch Mastný since his accession to the Berlin embassy to the establishment of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The work is divided into six chapters, while its goal is to analyze the opinions, the nature of its political messages and reflections of the Czechoslovak diplomat at the pre-war political development in Germany. This subjective perception of the historical events and context is further compared with contemporary literature so it is possible to make a reconstruction of dramatic turn of events after 1933. The thesis also deals with social and political situation in Germany after World War I, the Czechoslovak-German relations and the life of a Czech diplomat V. Mastný.

Notre thèse se donne pour objectif d’examiner la projection culturelle de la présence militaire américaine en France entre 1944 et 1967. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, alors que le monde bascule dans la Guerre froide, nul ne sait déterminer l’issue de la confrontation politique et idéologique qui se déroule entre les États-Unis et l’Union Soviétique. En 1949, la France fait partie des pays fondateurs de l’Organisation du traité de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN). Sa participation à l’organisation internationale entraîne le « grand retour » des soldats américains, les GI, sur le territoire français. Celui-ci s’accompagne d’une politique culturelle inédite, qui se traduit par de nombreuses actions menées tant au niveau institutionnel que sur le terrain des bases militaires. Comment et pourquoi les autorités diplomatiques et militaires s’appliquent-elles à développer une stratégie de promotion de la présence militaire américaine en France ? Quelles formes prennent les campagnes de publicité organisées par les services d’information américains en France (USIS-France), pour développer les rapports entre civiles et militaires ? Quelle image les Français et les Américains se font-ils de cette présence militaire en territoire étranger ? À la lumière d’études journalistiques, archivistiques et de terrain, nous montrons que Washington s’emploie à conduire une politique culturelle « parabelliciste » très maîtrisée. Cette notion, adaptée de la pensée de l’intellectuel français Jacques Ayencourt en 1946, caractérise avec à-propos la politique culturelle américaine conduite de l’arrivée des premiers GI en 1944 jusqu’au départ des derniers bataillons en 1967
Our thesis aims to examine the promotion of the American military presence in France from 1944 to 1967. After World War II, as the world was slowly drifting into the Cold War, the outcome of the political and ideological confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union was still uncertain. In 1949, France took part in the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Its participation in NATO led to the return of US soldiers, the GIs, to French territory. Their return was accompanied by an unprecedented cultural policy, implemented both at the institutional level and in the day-to-day lives of French citizens. How and why did the diplomatic circles and the military establishment feel the need to develop a strategy to promote the US military presence in France? How were the advertisement campaigns conceived by the US information services in France (USIS-France) in order to develop a relationship between civilians and the military? What image did the French and the Americans have of this military presence on French soil? Based on journalistic, archival and field studies, our work shows that Washington’s cultural policy was “parabellicist,” aiming deliberately to keep both the French and the Americans on a war footing. This notion, derived from Jacques Ayencourt’s work in 1946, appropriately characterizes American cultural policy conduct from the arrival of the first GIs in 1944 until the last battalions departed in 1967

Esta dissertação estuda a experiência multimídia Rätsel der Urwaldhölle – “Os enigmas da selva infernal” – de Otto Schulz-Kampfhenkel (1910 – 1989), um jovem estudante de zoologia que viajou à Amazônia brasileira com o intuito de empreender uma expedição científica, que durou 17 meses entre 1935 e 1937. Mas a ciência que se encontrava na origem do projeto logo foi convertida em espetáculo quando ele transformou sua viagem em um livro, um filme e uma exposição itinerante – homônimos – lançadas entre 1938 e 1939. Schulz-Kampfhenkel, um alemão, executou produziu sua obra durante a ditadura nazista (1933-45) – que, inclusive, contribuiu com capital estatal para a realização da expedição e das manifestações artísticas que dela derivaram. Esta investigação busca enquadrar Rätsel der Urwaldhölle nos devidos contextos e universos simbólicos que a produziram: o do nazi-fascismo – em qual medida o Terceiro Reich pautava a cultura popular alemã do período e como influía em um retrato criativo do Brasil – e do imperialismo europeu – que encontrava na arte outro espaço para expressão ideológica. Este trabalho também analisa as representações dos povos indígenas na cultura brasileira contemporânea à Schulz-Kampfhenkel com o objetivo de examinar as semelhanças e as diferenças entre as imagens do índio que circulavam no Brasil de Vargas em comparação com as da Alemanha de Hitler. Ademais, disserto sobre a reação dos dois governos à expedição amazônica de Schulz-Kampfhenkel e a respeito do destino da coleção zoológica e etnológica que ele trouxe do “inferno verde” – como chamava a selva.
This dissertation studies a multimedia experience named Rätsel der Urwaldhölle - "Riddles of the Hell’s Jungle" –, created by Otto Schulz-Kampfhenkel (1910 – 1989), a young zoology student who traveled to the Brazilian Amazon on a scientific expedition that lasted 17 months between 1935 and 1937. However, soon he transformed the science project into a cultural spectacle: his journey gave origin to a book, a film and a traveling exhibition – homonyms – released between 1938 and 1939. Schulz-Kampfhenkel, a German, worked under the Nazi dictatorship years (1933-45) – and the Nazi State gave him financial support. This research aims to frame Rätsel der Urwaldhölle in its due contexts and symbolic universes: Nazi-Fascism – to what extent the Third Reich controlled the German popular culture of the period and this lead could influence the creation of a portrait of Brazil – and European imperialism – which found in art another space for ideological expression. This study also analyzes the portrayal of indigenous peoples in Brazilian artistic expressions contemporary to Schulz-Kampfhenkel’s work in order to examine the similarities and differences between the depiction of Indians circulating in Vargas’ Brazil in comparison with those of Hitler’s Germany. In addition, I address how both governments reacted to Schulz-Kampfhenkel’s Amazonian expedition and, lastly, on the fate of the zoological and ethnological collection he brought from the “green hell” – as he called the jungle.

O objeto de estudo desta tese é a política cultural alemã em Portugal durante o regime nacional-socialista. Procuraremos demonstrar que a ciência e a cultura “alemãs” foram a estratégia utilizada para alcançar uma hegemonia política e ideológica. Esta diplomacia, que recorria aos institutos culturais, a sociedades bilaterais, às escolas alemãs, ao intercâmbio de técnicos, professores, estudantes, artistas, ou intelectuais, à troca de livros, à organização de conferências e exposições, escondia um imperialismo de cariz económico e político, que a Alemanha pretendia impor a Portugal. Escolhemos como estudo de caso o intercâmbio académico. Dado que a JEN e o IAC foram as instituições que, em Portugal, mais promoveram o intercâmbio cultural e científico, desde cedo os alemães delineram uma estratégia de aproximação a ambas, que visava a intensificação do intercâmbio académico com Portugal. Com recurso ao arquivo histórico do Instituto Camões, que herdou a documentação de ambas as instituições, estudámos o intercâmbio entre os dois países, analisando, nomeadamente, as bolsas concedidas para serem usufruídas na Alemanha. Por fim, escolhemos um grupo de bolseiros que estagiou na Alemanha, de forma a rastrear as redes científicas – individuais e institucionais - que uniram os dois países, e compreender os processos de influência e de transferência do conhecimento. Tratou-se, no fundo, de acompanhar a circulação, a transferência e apropriação de conhecimentos científicos, de técnicas e metodologias num ambiente transnacional.
This thesis aims to understand the Nazi cultural policy in Portugal. We seek to demonstrate that the "German" science and culture were employed as part of a strategy aimed at achieving a political and ideological hegemony. This diplomacy, which used cultural institutions, bilateral societies, German schools, the exchange of technicians, teachers, students, artists, or intellectuals, the exchange of books, conferences and exhibitions, hid Germany’s economic and political ambitions. Among the various aspects of the cultural relationship between Portugal and Germany, we chose the academic exchange as a case study. Since the Portuguese National Board of Education (JEN) and the Institute for High Culture (IAC) were the institutions that promoted in Portugal, the cultural and scientific exchange, Germany approached them early, in order to intensify the academic exchange with Portugal. Using the historical archive of the Camões’ Institute, an institution that inherited JEN's and IAC’s historical archives, we studied the exchanges between the two countries, analyzing in particular the scholarships awarded to Portuguese academics to study in Germany. Finally, we chose a group of scholars who studied in Germany, in order to trace the scientific networks - individual and institutional - which crossed the two countries, and to understand the knowledge transfers and its appropriations.