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Journal articles on the topic 'Relations with Nazis'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

O'Driscoll, Mervyn. "Irish‐German relations 1929–39: Irish reactions to Nazis." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 11, no. 1 (September 1997): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557579708400178.

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2

Geary, Dick. "Nazis and Workers before 1933." Australian Journal of Politics & History 48, no. 1 (March 2002): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00250.

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3

Sergeenkova, I. F. "THE PROBLEM OF RELATIONS BETWEEN BIG BUSINESS AND NAZISM IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 5, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-1-100-119.

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The article presents an analysis of the works of American and English historians devoted to one of the key problems in the history of Nazism - the problem of relations between the NSDAP and big business during the Weimar Republic. The collapse of the first democratic republic and the rise of the Nazis to power were a great tragedy for world history. What forces destroyed the Weimar Republic, and who is responsible for it, this question has always aroused the interest of historians. The literature on this topic is very large, so the main attention is paid to the works of the most famous American and English specialists. The article traces the evolution of historians' assessments of the role of the monopolistic bourgeoisie for the rise of the Nazis to power from the 1930s to the present day, highlights the stages in the development of American and English historiography, due to the change of research paradigms and generations of historians. Most American and British historians reject the definition of fascism given at the XIII Plenum of the ECCI on fascism as an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of financial capital. However, in most of the works, the responsibility of the business elite for the collapse of the Weimar Republic is more or less recognized. The article draws conclusions about the prospects and directions of further study of this problem.

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4

Bryant, Michael. "“Only the National Socialist”: Postwar US and West German Approaches to Nazi “Euthanasia” Crimes, 1946–1953." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 6 (November 2009): 861–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903230793.

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In Western historical consciousness, National Socialist mass murder has become permanently identified with the Jewish Holocaust, Adolf Hitler's maniacal project to annihilate European Jewry. From its earliest days, the Nazi Party sought to exclude Jews from German public life, and when the Nazis came to power in January 1933, their anti-Jewish animus became official policy. What followed was legal disemancipation of German Jews, physical attacks on their persons, ghettoization, deportation, and physical extermination in the East. The story of the Holocaust is well known and generally accepted. Yet two years before German Jewish policy swerved from persecution and harassment to genocide, the Nazis were already involved in state-organized killing of another disfavored minority. Unlike the destruction of European Jews, the murder of this group—the mentally disabled—occurred within the Reich's own borders. Launched with the signing of a “Hitler decree” in October 1939 (backdated to 1 September), the centrally organized program targeted so-called “incurable” patients, whose lives were to be ended by a doctor-administered “mercy death” (Gnadentod). The Nazis attached the term “euthanasia” to their program of destruction, bolstering their rationale for it with humanitarian arguments and cost-based justifications, the latter legitimizing euthanasia as a means to free up scarce resources for use by “valuable” Germans. Over time, the restrictive use of euthanasia just for incurable patients ended; thereafter, the Nazis extended the killing program to healthier patients, sick concentration camp inmates, Jewish patients, and a variety of “asocials” (juvenile delinquents, beggars, tramps, prostitutes). The technology of murder developed in the “euthanasia” program—carbon monoxide asphyxiation in gas chambers camouflaged as shower rooms—would become the model for the first death camps in Poland. Many of the “euthanasia” personnel were likewise transferred to the Polish extermination centers, where they applied the techniques of mass death—refined in murdering the disabled—to the murder of the European Jews.

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5

Einwohner, Rachel L. "Jewish Resistance against the Nazis." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 30, no. 2 (August 2016): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcw033.

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6

Amann, Diane Marie. "Cecelia Goetz, Woman at Nuremberg." International Criminal Law Review 11, no. 3 (2011): 607–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181211x576456.

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AbstractAmong the creators of international criminal law were the many women who participated in the post-World War II trials of former Nazis and Nazi collaborators. This essay profiles one of those women: Cecelia Goetz, a thirty-year-old American who was the only woman to deliver an opening statement at Nuremberg. The essay not only details how and why Goetz became a prosecutor in the Krupp trial, but also relates a life story marked by many "first women" events, on law review, at the U.S. Department of Justice, and, after Nuremberg, in the federal judiciary.

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7

Chapoutot, Johann. "Les nazis et la République Allemande." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique 21, no. 1 (2014): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl1.021.0045.

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8

Lewy, G. "Gypsies and Jews Under the Nazis." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 13, no. 3 (March 1, 1999): 383–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/13.3.383.

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9

Ben Redjeb, Badis. "The Gehlen Organization, Nazis, and the Middle East." Journal of Intelligence History 18, no. 2 (March 20, 2019): 220–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16161262.2019.1592956.

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10

Henderson, Peter. "Frank Browne and the Neo-Nazis." Labour History, no. 89 (2005): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516076.

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11

Meron, Theodor. "Crimes and Accountability in Shakespeare." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 1 (January 1998): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998059.

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Accountability for crimes, a theme central to Shakespeare’s plays, is also extraordinarily pertinent to our times. Newspapers have reported on the care taken by the leaders of the former Yugoslavia to order atrocities against “enemy” populations only in the most indirect and euphemistic way. Even the Nazi leaders constantly resorted to euphemisms in referring to the Holocaust. No explicit written order from Hitler to carry out the final solution has ever been found. At the height of their power, the Nazis treated the data on the killing of Jews as top secret. Similarly, a high-ranking member of the former security police told the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission that written instructions to kill antiapartheid activists were never given; squad members who carried out the killings simply got “a nod of the head or a wink-wink kind of attitude.”

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12

Hindess, Barry. "Heidegger and the Nazis: Cautionary Tales of the Relations Between Theory and Practice." Thesis Eleven 31, no. 1 (February 1992): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551369203100109.

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13

Hesse, Genevieve. "Hi-Tech Terror." Index on Censorship 23, no. 3 (March 1994): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209402300306.

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14

Hesse, Genevieve. "Hi-tech terror." Index on Censorship 23, no. 3 (March 1994): 22–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229408535686.

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15

Gromoglasova, E. S. "Holocaust and its Legacy in the Light of the Contemporary Humanitarian Issues." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-74-85.

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Abstract: The paper discusses in-depth new perspectives in the Holocaust studies. It pays special attention to the spatiality of the Nazi camps and analyzes the Holocaust geographies more in general. It conceptualizes the camp as a ‘space of lawlessness’ that was created by political means of terror and exclusion. The specific spatiality of the Nazi camp was constructed by perpetrators with intentions to neglect both juridical law and moral laws of humanity. To prove this point the author analyzes P. Levi, the survivor of Auschwitz, witness and his prominent books “The Drowned and the Saved” and “If This Is a Man”. After reading his witness one can conclude that two spatial characteristics of the camp have been the most fundamental. The first one were the borders that cut the camp’s inmates from the people lived in the outside world and made impossible all human relations like providing help, solidarity, empathy. The second one was ‘the grey zone’ - a spatial metaphor that P. Levi used to explain all forms of collaboration with the camp authorities. The presence of the ‘grey zone’ as a main characteristic of the Nazi camp allows us to conceptualize it as a ‘space’ where ‘the starry heavens and internal moral law’ were no more present. So, the Nazi camp is a ‘place of indistinction’, a ‘spatial threshold’ where ‘moral’ and ‘immoral’, ‘human’ and ‘animal’, ‘drowned’ and ‘saved’ were no more distinguishable. The author analyzes more broaden Holocaust geographies outside the camp. Nazis used extensively occupied territories in Eastern Europe to perpetrate their crimes. The author concludes that the geographical localization of the Holocaust was an expression of Nazi irrational genocidal intentions and spatial imaginations. Eastern territories have been constructed by Nazis as ‘broaden spaces of exception and lawlessness’. That spatial imagination and planning allowed the perpetrators to neglect juridical and moral laws in reality. The paper concludes by insisting on the importance of the Holocaust legacy for modern humanitarian action and thinking. The Holocaust legacy helps us to conceptualize more precisely ‘new spaces of lawlessness’. It provides a base for the concepts of human security and ‘global responsibility’ for saving humanity in the contemporary world.

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16

Dutter, Gordon. "Doing Business with the Nazis: French Economic Relations with Germany under the Popular Front." Journal of Modern History 63, no. 2 (June 1991): 296–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244316.

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17

Casteel, Sarah Phillips. "Jazz Fiction and the Holocaust: Reading History for Clues in the Novels of John A. Williams and Esi Edugyan." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 2 (2020): 206–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa024.

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Abstract This article draws attention to a body of fiction that expands our understanding of the Holocaust by imaginatively reconstructing the neglected experiences of Black victims of Nazi persecution. Two key examples are John A. Williams’ Clifford’s Blues (1999) and Esi Edugyan’s Half-Blood Blues (2011), both of which recall the Black jazz musicians in wartime Europe caught up in the Nazis’ genocidal campaign. Seeking to integrate their stories into the collective memory of World War II, Williams and Edugyan combine Holocaust fiction’s documentary effect with characteristic thematic and formal strategies of jazz fiction. Williams adopts the solitary voice of the troubled bluesman, while Edugyan embraces jazz’s polyvocality. Notwithstanding the risks of Holocaust analogies that Clifford’s Blues in particular exposes, both novels illustrate the capacity of jazz fiction to produce revisionary historical narratives and intervene in memory culture.

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18

Maxwell, Kenneth, and Uki Goñi. "The Real Odessa: Smuggling the Nazis to perón's Argentina." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 1 (2003): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033467.

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19

Werb, Bret. "Forbidden Music: The Jewish Composers Banned by the Nazis." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 30, no. 1 (April 2016): 154–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcw013.

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20

McKIBBIN, R. I. "The Myth of the Unemployed: Who Did Vote for the Nazis?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 15, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1969.tb00946.x.

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21

Rodman, David. "Nazis, Islamists and the making of the modern Middle East." Israel Affairs 22, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2016.1120968.

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22

Courpasson, David, and Ignasi Marti. "Collective ethics of resistance: The organization of survival in the Warsaw Ghetto." Organization 26, no. 6 (January 17, 2019): 853–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350508418820993.

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This article aims to shed light on how ‘powerless’ people can organize to survive in situations of mass oppression. Research on powerlessness often explains compliance and political inaction by a culture of silence, generated from the sedimentation of numerous experiences of defeat. We question this assertion by drawing from an illustration of certain inhabitants of the Warsaw Ghetto, who managed to create a micro-society and reclaim the social relations the Nazis sought to destroy. Building on the work of Schaffer, we explain these collective ethics of resistance as the view that people should actively participate in the creation and maintenance of their own social relations. Through this lens, we argue that ethics and resistance are intertwined.

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23

Spenkuch, Jörg L., and Philipp Tillmann. "Elite Influence? Religion and the Electoral Success of the Nazis." American Journal of Political Science 62, no. 1 (August 10, 2017): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12328.

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24

Moses, John A. "Nazis in our Midst: German-Australians, Internment and the Second World War." Australian Journal of Politics & History 63, no. 3 (September 2017): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12382.

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25

Roberts, Geoffrey. "Stalin, the Pact with Nazi Germany, and the Origins of Postwar Soviet Diplomatic Historiography." Journal of Cold War Studies 4, no. 4 (October 2002): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970260209527.

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Recently released files from the collection (fond) of Josif Stalin's papers in the former Central Party Archive in Moscow have shed new light on the development of postwar S viet diplomatic historiography, particularly in relation to Stalin's personal role in framing the official rationale and justification for the Nazis viet pact of 1939–1941. This episode gave rise to a policy of archivebased publications in the mid 1950s and pr vided the foundation for later Soviet (and posts viet) treatments of the diplomatic history of the Second World War and other topics.

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26

Vetoshkina, E. D. "Holocaust Denial: Social Conditionality and Comparative Analysis of Criminal Law Prohibition." Lex Russica, no. 11 (November 15, 2020): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.168.11.129-138.

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From the second half of the 20th century the revisionist movement has spread among scientists, public and political figures. Publicists and scientists are known for criticizing the testimonies of concentration camp prisoners and their executioners, as well as denying the possibility of mass extermination of prisoners in terms of the technical capabilities of gas chambers.Attempts to reinterpret historical events often border on extremism and pose a threat to national security, leading to a significant deterioration in international relations. At the international level, a number of acts have been adopted indicating that the Holocaust is a fact established by the verdict of the Nuremberg Tribunal, and calling on states to reject any denial of the Holocaust. International organizations that oppose attempts to rewrite history include the Council of Europe, the United Nations, and UNESCO.At the national level, responsibility for denying and justifying the Holocaust has been established in a number of states. The first group includes states that are responsible for denying and approving the Holocaust and other crimes committed by the Nazis (Germany, France, Austria, Israel). The second group includes states that equated Nazi crimes in their legislation with crimes of communism (Hungary, Czech Republic, Lithuania). The third group consists of states that prohibit the denial and justification of any genocide (Switzerland, Luxembourg). Some states (for example, the United States) refused to introduce such bans, citing freedom of speech and belief.In 2014, the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation introduced article 354.1 "Rehabilitation of Nazism", which sets forth responsibility for denying the facts established by the Nuremberg Tribunal verdict. At the same time, the legislator should not selectively approach the protection of historical events. It would be fair to criminalize the denial of genocide and other international crimes recognized by the international community, regardless of any criteria relating to the perpetrators.

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27

Bjørgo, Tore. "Conflict Processes between Youth Groups in a Norwegian City: Polarisation and Revenge." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 13, no. 1 (2005): 44–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571817053558329.

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AbstractThis study analyses the dynamics of conflict between two youth scenes in the Norwegian city of Kristiansand, commonly described as 'the neo-Nazis', and their counterparts, referred to as 'the anti-racists' or 'the Valla Gang'. The 'neo-Nazis' regularly committed acts of violence against other youths belonging to the multi-ethnic youth scene. As such, many of these incidents could clearly be described as acts of racist violence or hate crime. However, through interviews with 50 participants from both sides it became clear that the acts of violence were part of a more complex set of conflict dynamics between youth groups. This involved processes of polarisation within and between the local youth scenes as well as cycles of generalised revenge based on widely shared notions of 'one for all and all for one'. Youth groups and individual actors switched between political identities and gang identities depending on the situation, and conflicts that initially had nothing to do with racism or anti-racism could easily become politicised. Based on an understanding of the conflict processes, several points of intervention could be identified. Several of the interventions gave positive outcomes.

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28

Tkachuk, Taras. "Establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany and the position of American politics and diplomacy." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.6.

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The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading states of the world in the interwar period: Germany, which withdrew from the First World War as a defeated country and after the establishment of the Nazi regime started preparing revenge, and the United States, proclaimed «isolationism» and, therefore, distanced themselves from European international political problems. The scientific novelty: the author points up primarily political «isolationism», while in the economic sphere the United States has played a leading role in the reconstruction and development of the afterwar Germany. Today, due to the difficult geopolitical situation in the world, caused by the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, which are quite similar to the former Nazi regime, there is a chance to look at the events of the 1930s in the international arena in a somewhat new way. Regarding this, the author sets out an aim of the article to carry out a comprehensive analyze and give his own assessment of the position of American politicians on the establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany. The methodological basis of the study. In the study the author used a descriptive method to identify the essence and features of American-German relations in the 1920s and early 1930s, a comparative-historical method in analyzing the positions of President Roosevelt’s enciclement on German Chancellor A. Hitler’s policy in 1933, the principles of objectivity and systematization using only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. This made it possible for the first time to draw attention to the position of the American leadership on the establishment of the Nazi regime and its role in international diplomacy on the eve of World War II in order to the current geopolitical situation connected with Russia’s aggressive actions. The Conclusions. Finally, the author asserts that President Roosevelt’s encirclement perceived the threat of a new world war from the German Nazis, but did not change the United States’ overall foreign policy toward Europe. The reason was that Franklin Delano Roosevelt chose a wrong strategy to avert new world conflict in the relationship with Berlin. At the same time, the author underlines the differences in the attitudes of American «isolationists» towards Germany and Japan, as well as the differences between Washington’s position on the political and non-political aspects of relations with Hitler’s regime. Therefore, the author points out that not all the American politicians perceived the Nazi «Third Reich» totally negatively. As a result, the United States chose the wrong strategy to deter Nazi Germany, which did not testify its effectiveness. That’s why, the article asserts that the current United States and the Western European countries need to anticipate their past mistakes in building of the strategy of relations with Russian Federation.

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29

Friedman, Max Paul. "Specter of a Nazi Threat: United States-Colombian Relations, 1939-1945." Americas 56, no. 4 (April 2000): 563–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500029849.

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On 11 September 1941, U..S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt took to the airwaves to warn his country that “Hitler's advance guards” were readying “footholds, bridgeheads in the New World, to be used as soon as he has gained control of the oceans.” The most recent sign that the Nazis were coming, the president told his rapt national audience, was the discovery of “secret airlanding fields in Colombia, within easy range of the Panama Canal.”In Bogotá, the response was pandemonium. U.S. ambassador Spruille Braden, astonished that “the President has gone out on a limb with this statement,” sent his staff scrambling across German-owned farms and rice fields to try to produce evidence for the assertion ex post facto. Colombian President Eduardo Santos scoffed at Roosevelt's claim, telling Braden, “in the final analysis all of Colombia is a great potential airport.” A resentful Colombian Senate voted unanimously that no such airfields existed (that Colombia had fulfilled its responsibility to defend against the Axis menace). In Washington, Secretary of State Cordell Hull was forced to call in Colombia's Ambassador Gabriel Turbay to express “the very deep regret of the President, of myself and of our Government” for the “unintentional reference.”

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30

Evans, Gerard. "Blowback: America's recruitment of Nazis and its effects on the Cold War." International Affairs 66, no. 2 (April 1990): 446–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621481.

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31

Campbell, John C., Christopher Simpson, and Tom Bower. "Blowback: U.S. Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the Cold War." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 5 (1988): 1122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043605.

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32

Jolluck, Katherine R. "Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, Between the Nazis and Soviets: Occupation Politics in Poland, 1939–1947." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 3 (July 2007): 201–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.3.201.

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33

Sauer, Angelika E. "Model Workers or Hardened Nazis? The Australian Debate about Admitting German Migrants, 1950-1952." Australian Journal of Politics and History 45, no. 3 (August 1999): 422–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00074.

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34

Kudryachenko, A. "The Yalta Conference of the “Big Three” in 1945 and Ukraine’s Appearance on the International Stage." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-6.

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The article analyzes the decisions of the Yalta international conference of the leaders of the Allied States, i.e. USSR, USA and UK, aimed at solving the key issues of the final stage of war with Nazi Germany and its satellites: coordination of military activities, creation of four occupation zones on German territory, declared common goal of unconditional surrender as well as the principles of the post-war demilitarization and denazification of Germany, just punishment of war criminals, compensation for damages caused by the Nazis and creation of the inter-Alliance Control Commission in Moscow. The article considers the agreed decisions on establishing a permanent mechanism for regular consultations among the three Foreign Ministers of the Allied States related to post-war arrangement and order in Europe and the world as well as the Allies’ policy on liberated territories. The author analyses the conditions leading to creation of the new system of relations and spheres of influence of the great powers in the world. The article contains a special analysis of Allies’ decisions regarding creation of the UN and inclusion of Ukraine into the number of states-founders of this international organization. The issues related to legal capacity of Ukraine in the post-war decades are also considered.

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35

Tröller, Natalie. "Steffek, J. und Holthaus, L. (Hrsg.) (2020). Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks. Changing images of Germany in International Relations." Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik 14, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12399-021-00837-w.

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36

Strilchuk, Maryna V. "The Holocaust in Ukraine." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2019): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611815.

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The national historiography of the Holocaust was analyzed in the article. The author described the main forms of representation of the theme in the Ukrainian researchers’ papers. The main trends and stages of Holocaust Studies in Ukraine were determined. The author analyzed the socio-political conditionality of the Holocaust historiography in different stages, from Soviet time till modernity. The author concluded that Ukrainian historians focuses on the key points of the history of the Holocaust in their papers: anti-Semitic propaganda in the occupied territory of Ukraine, the methods and forms of Jewish resistance to the Nazis, Ukrainian-Jewish relations during the Second World War, politics and culture of the memory of the Holocaust.

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37

Albisetti, James C. "Introduction." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2005): 593–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00055.x.

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All historians must grapple with the complexities of continuity and change. Yet those who study twentieth-century German history face greater difficulties than most, given the variety of political regimes Germany experienced in that era and their major differences in ideology, degree of stability, and relations with their neighbors. Some Germans, such as former West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, born in 1913, and former East German leader Erich Honecker, born in 1912, experienced all the changes, from childhood under the Kaiser through World War I, the Weimar Republic, the Nazis' “Twelve-Year Reich” (in exile and prison, respectively), the occupation regimes, forty years of what Brandt called “two states in one nation,” and the (re)unification of 1990.

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38

Hoffmann, Stanley, and Ian Kershaw. "Making Friends with Hitler: Lord Londonderry, the Nazis, and the Road to War." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 2 (2005): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034311.

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39

Dudley, Michael, and Fran Gale. "Psychiatrists as a Moral Community? Psychiatry Under the Nazis and its Contemporary Relevance." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 36, no. 5 (October 2002): 585–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1614.2002.01072.x.

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Objective: In Nazi-occupied Europe, substantial numbers of psychiatrists murdered their patients while many other psychiatrists were complicit with their actions. This paper addresses their motivations and actions, and with particular reference to Australia, explores issues of contemporary relevance. Methods: The events are reviewed in their historical context using mainly secondary sources. Results: The assumption that the term ‘Nazi’ denotes a closed and unrepeatable chapter is questioned. As with the Holocaust that followed, medical killing of psychiatric patients was an open secret with gradations of collective knowing. Perpetrators were impelled by pressure from peers and superiors, unquestioning obedience, racist ideology and careerism. Perpetrators and bystanders' denial was facilitated by use of deceptive language, bureaucratic and technical proficiency, and notions such as ‘a greater cause’ or ‘sacred mission’. Dissociation and numbing were common. Psychiatrists were the main medical speciality involved because Nazi race and eugenic ideology (accepted by many psychiatrists) targeted mentally ill people for sterilization and euthanasia, and because psychiatrists were state-controlled and tended to objectify patients. Few psychiatrists resisted. Implications: Nazi psychiatry raises questions about medical ethics, stigma and mental illness, scientific ‘fashions’, psychiatry's relations with government, and psychiatrists' perceived core business. Psychiatric resistance to future similar threats should be based on commemoration, broad-based education and reflection on cultural values, strong partnerships between psychiatrists and patients, and willingness to question publicly policies and attitudes that disadvantage and stigmatize groups. The principle fundamental to all these practices is an orientation to people as subjects rather than objects.

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40

Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "The rise of Femi‐Nazis? Female participation in right‐extremist movements in unified Germany." German Politics 5, no. 2 (August 1996): 240–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009608404440.

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41

Tobia, Simona. "Questioning the Nazis: languages and effectiveness in British war crime investigations and trials in Germany, 194548." Journal of War & Culture Studies 3, no. 1 (May 2010): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jwcs.3.1.123_1.

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Moore, John Norton. "The Nicaragua Case and the Deterioration of World Order." American Journal of International Law 81, no. 1 (January 1987): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202145.

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For all their greatness, democracies historically have difficulty in perceiving and deterring totalitarian aggression. William Stevenson reminds us in A Man Called Intrepid that debate raged within the United States as to whether we should enter World War II on the side of England even after the rest of Europe had fallen to the Nazis. The American ambassador to England cautioned against such entry, arguing that England was militarily doomed. President Roosevelt, who had months earlier secretly committed U.S. intelligence assets to British support, felt that he did not have the necessary popular support to enter the war. And the British were so concerned about American indecisiveness that even after Pearl Harbor they executed a covert operation to persuade Hitler to declare war on the United States, which, of course, he did before America entered the war against Germany.

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Vaculínová, Marta. "From the Life of the National Museum Library in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia litterarum 62, no. 3-4 (2017): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/amnpsc-2017-0034.

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The aim of the paper is to show the situation of the National Museum Library (NML) in the period of 1939–1945 based on archival documents. Central changes made by the Nazis affected people as well as their work in the NML. It was not possible to continue as before – some employees had been arrested or executed by the Gestapo. Nevertheless, the number of the NML staff increased as a result of the transfer of officials from the closed Ministry of War and Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Two employees of German nationality joined the NML based on the new rules concerning the relations between Czechs and Germans in public services. The operation of the library came under the supervision of Professor Carl Wehmer, who planned a cataloguing reform, was in charge of the book collections and ensured their later evacuation. The plans for a new NML exhibition were cancelled and replaced by propagandistic exhibitions imported from Germany, such as Deutsche Größe. The Nazi ideologists planned to return the National Museum and its library to the original idea of the land museum. Also Emil Franzel, a former leading member of the German Social Democracy in Czechoslovakia, a later member of the Sudeten German Party and in 1940–1941 an official in the NML, followed the idea of a land museum in his book History of the National Museum Library (Prague 1942), the first monograph on the history of the NML.

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Vetlesen, Arne Johan. "The intellectual in Auschwitz: Between vulnerability and resistance: (In memory of Keith Tester)." Thesis Eleven 158, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513620928806.

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The significance of being an intellectual when taken prisoner and sent to a concentration camp by the Nazis is rarely discussed – instead, the importance of being either a Jew or a political prisoner (say, a German communist) is highlighted. By contrast, Jean Amery’s recollections of being tortured and sent to Auschwitz concentrate on his self-understanding as an intellectual. What difference does the identity and outlook as an intellectual make in the extreme circumstances found in Auschwitz? The paper discusses Amery’s views on this question, invoking that of others who have also addressed it, like Primo Levi and Theodor Adorno.

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ORLOW, DIETRICH. "Fascists among themselves: some observations on west European politics in the 1930s." European Review 11, no. 3 (July 2003): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000267.

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Historians have long found it difficult to deal with fascism as a generic, Europe-wide, political phenomenon. The historiographic pendulum has swung from including virtually every right-wing movement under the label of fascism to denying altogether that generic fascism ever existed. Neither approach is historically valid. The fascists did not see themselves as a species of Conservatives; they looked upon themselves as a unique, international political phenomenon. Moreover, many of their non-fascist contemporaries accepted this claim. Both were right and, for this reason, it is necessary to renew efforts to delineate the ideological and stylistic parameters of generic fascism. An important aid in understanding fascism as a generic phenomenon is the analysis of the relations between the German Nazis and French and Dutch fascists in the years from 1933 to 1939, a topic that has been little studied until now.

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Beard, Jonathan D. "Operation Mincemeat: How a Dead Man and a Bizarre Plan Fooled the Nazis and Assured an Allied Victory." Intelligence and National Security 28, no. 6 (December 2013): 923–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2012.755064.

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Matesan, Ioana Emy. "The Radical’s Journey: How German Neo-Nazis Voyaged to the Edge and Back." Terrorism and Political Violence 33, no. 4 (May 4, 2021): 888–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2021.1921986.

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Sewell, Sara Ann. "Antifascism in the Neighborhood: Daily Life, Political Culture, and Gender Politics in the German Communist Antifascist Movement, 1930–1933." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-20201175.

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Abstract This article examines grassroots communist antifascist politics in Germany during the final years of the Weimar Republic. In contrast to most studies on Weimar’s street politics, which focus on political violence, this research demonstrates that daily life, political culture, and gender relations shaped the communist antifascist movement in working-class neighborhoods. It argues that daily conflict with distinct political overtones or undertones increased steadily in the early 1930s. As a result, quarrels between neighbors were often colored with political narratives, and sometimes ordinary disputes escalated into political conflict and even violence. Political culture inflamed the tensions, particularly when Nazis and communists littered proletarian boroughs with their symbols. Women were often at the center of the conflict. Many joined the frontlines of communist antifascist struggle, where they faced widespread discrimination from male comrades who, flaunting a militant hypermasculinity, insisted that women belonged only in the rearguard.

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Borhi, László. "Peter Kenez, Hungary from the Nazis to the Soviets: The Establishment of the Communist Regime in Hungary, 1944–1948." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 2 (April 2009): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.2.133.

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Pawlikowski, John T. "Then They Came for Me: Martin Niemöller, the Pastor Who Defied the Nazis Matthew D. Hockenos." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 33, no. 2 (2019): 269–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcz027.

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