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El-Jamal, Basim. "Palestinian political prisoners and Israeli imprisonment policy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403079.
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Awwad, Mohammad. "Jordanian-Palestinian relations : a Jordanian view /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FAwwad.pdf.
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Siklawi, Rami Youssef. "Shi'a-Palestinian relations in Lebanon (1967-1990)." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.479285.
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Saleh, Samah. "The politics of 'sumud' : former Palestinian women prisoners' experience of incarceration under Israeli occupation." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2016. http://research.gold.ac.uk/19422/.
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This thesis examines former Palestinian women prisoners’ experiences of imprisonment in Israeli colonial prisons. It traces their life experiences before, during and after prison, examining the boundaries imposed around them by Palestinian culture, which treats women’s bodies and sexuality as the representation of family honour and reputation. Another important layer of restriction is imposed by the Israeli occupation, which targets Palestinian women in their everyday lives, using various tactics to expose Palestinian private space to the public as a means of exercising power. As part of these practices, the occupation uses women’s bodies as an object of threat to control the Palestinian community, which in turn becomes more conservative in issues relating to women. I argue through the thesis that different boundaries are multilayered and far from fixed. Furthermore, the politics of social relations and interaction that take place within them are varied and affect women in different ways. It is in this context that I suggest that women create a space of negotiation according to their awareness of the nature of a space, and their boundaries within it, to exercise their political subjecthood and agency. I discuss how former Palestinian women prisoners’ political subjecthood and their political performance shift between visibility – as community workers, mothers of political prisoners, participants in funerals, marches, or protests, and even as housewives – to invisibility when they take roles in the military resistance groups and employ different tactics to hide their activities from their families and communities. Hence, women are in a continuous process of spatial negotiation, demanding constant understanding and awareness of their boundaries and limitations. Sumud (steadfastness) is an important element for Palestinian women in their encounter with the Israeli occupation, and also in constructing their space of negotiation. Their practices of sumud are shaped and reshaped according to the politics of the space of negotiation these women create. Before their imprisonment, Palestinian women perform their sumud by bearing the Israeli occupation’s efforts to control Palestinian homes. After imprisonment, this sumud is reconstructed as resistance against collaboration with the Israeli prison authority, and determination to challenge the limitations of prison by centering their daily lives on politics and preparation for life after their release. In this thesis, drawing on feminist standpoint theories, I facilitate voicing the former Palestinian women prisoners’ silenced experiences and shed light on their often-unrecognized roles in resisting the Israeli occupation.
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Alkhouli, Majdi. "Public relations practice in Palestinian universities, 1994-2012." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/8174.
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Although Public Relations is one of the oldest phenomena in human communities, as an independent discipline it came into existence only at the beginning of the 20th century. Since then it has developed to encompass the concepts of other disciplines such as economy, administration, psychology and sociology. This thesis examines the development of Public Relations practice in Palestinian universities in Palestine. The concept of Public Relations was not well developed in Palestine before 1994. Through the Oslo Accords signed between the PLO and Israel, in 1993 a new embryonic state structure was put into place. Palestinian Life changed for a while, and many organisations were constructed; Palestinian Universities grew during this time, many Public Relations departments were established, and the concept of Public Relations was introduced. Although Public Relations has since played a significant role, it has thus far been neglected as an area of research. Given the dearth of research on the subject thus far, this thesis aims to provide a baseline of empirical evidence on the structure, practice and role of PR in Palestinian universities, and of the perceptions about these aspects, of those involved in it as leaders and practitioners, as well as of academics and other staff in these universities who are directly or indirectly affected or represented by PR activities. Those roles and perceptions also relate to the potential contributions of Public Relations at these universities to wider Palestinian society.
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Morrison, Suzanne. "The Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement : activism across borders for Palestinian justice." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3350/.
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On 7 July 2005, a global call for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) was declared to people around the world to enact boycott initiatives and pressure their respective governments to sanction Israel until it complies with international law and respects universal principles of human rights. The call was endorsed by over 170 Palestinian associations, trade unions, non-governmental organizations, charities, and other Palestinian groups. The call mentioned how broad BDS campaigns were utilized in the South African struggle against apartheid, and how these efforts served as an inspiration to those seeking justice for Palestinians. The call stated that boycott measures should be carried out until three demands are met – that Israel end the occupation of Arab lands, end discrimination against Palestinian citizens in Israel, and respect the Palestinian right of return. This study explores the causes for the BDS movement, its organizational dynamics, and the potential outcomes the movement intends to gain through bordercrossing solidarity groups and networks. Research questions guiding this investigation have been: What causal conditions have led to the emergence of the movement? How is the movement similar and/or dissimilar to other forms of challenging Israel? How is the BDS movement organized across borders, and how are local campaigns within the movement operationalized? This thesis is comprised of three sections that include a historical background, case study chapters on BDS campaigns, and a final section that analyzes the movement’s structure and processes, its connection to global justice activism, and challenges and limitations of the movement. Thus, this thesis critically investigates the BDS movement through its operationalization across borders and argues that due to its scope, organizational structure, and collective action frames, the transnational movement represents a new and different approach to challenging Israel in the Palestinian struggle for justice.
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Tartir, Alaa. "Criminalising resistance, entrenching neoliberalism : the Fayyadist Paradigm in the occupied Palestinian West Bank." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3179/.
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This paper-based thesis consists of five interlinked chapters/articles that explore dimensions of both the style of governance and the state-building endeavour in the West Bank in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, primarily between 2007 and 2013. This governance and state-building project came to be known as the Fayyadist paradigm, or Fayyadism, in reference to the former Palestinian Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority, Salam Fayyad. The thesis examines the transformations that occurred under Fayyadism in the two spheres of security and economy, and elucidates their consequences on the people’s security and well-being, as well as the broader dynamics of resistance against the Israeli military occupation and settlercolonialism. Therefore, the primary contribution of this thesis is empirical and ethnographic in nature. This thesis examines the transformations in the security sphere at three levels. First, to historicise Fayyadism, the thesis contextually analyses the evolution of Palestinian security forces and reforms over the past two decades. Second, the thesis unpacks and critically assesses perceptions about the Fayyadist paradigm by drawing on the findings of an ethnographic fieldwork investigation conducted at two sites in the occupied West Bank, namely Balata and Jenin refugee camps, as well as the associated relevant literatures. Third, this thesis investigates in-depth the security campaigns to induce “law and order” as a defining feature of the Fayyadist paradigm, and through a bottom-up ethnographic approach, analyses the consequences of Fayyadist security campaigns on the people’s security in Balata and Jenin refugee camps and on the broader dynamics of resistance against Israel. This thesis examines and analyses the transformations in the economic sphere at two levels. It addresses the interaction between Fayyadism and the aid industry through an aid-dependency lens to examine whether the transformations that occurred under the Fayyadist paradigm impacted donors’ operations and the overall framework of the aid industry. It also utilises theories of contentious politics to analyse the implications of the Fayyadist paradigm’s neoliberal economic model and the authoritarian transformations it induced, and also to expand the conceptual underpinnings of the contentious politics theories through proposing the notions of contentious economics and resistance economy.
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Lingenfelder, Christian J. "The elephant in the room religious extremism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FLingenfelder.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Daniel Moran. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.85-91). Also available online.
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Chinnery, Laura. "Threatened lives and fragile relations : the struggle for a valuable existence in two Salvadoran prisons." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708156.
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Sadeldeen, Amro. "European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement: How norms and pathways have developed." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/230778.
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The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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El, Hashash Mohammed. "Rationalization of Terrorization: Analytical Investigation into the Israeli-Palestinian Political Communication (2008-2009)." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28925.
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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been a contributing factor to Middle East instability for the last six decades. Both Israelis and Palestinians have practiced terrorization against one another and more so, have engaged in the rationalization of terrorization to justify their desired goals. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the political communication through which Israelis and Palestinians have used tools to rationalize their acts of terrorization. Drawing on Hobbes's (1985) rationality, James' (1971) morality legitimacy on conflict and diplomacy, and Dilthey's (Hodges, 1974; Ermarth, 1978; De Mul, 2004) critique of historic reason, this thesis looks into modern theories of classical political realism (Morgenthau, 2006), rational actor and bounded rationality decision-making (Snyder & Diesing, 1977), Orientalism (Said, 1994), Occidentalism (Buruma & Avishai, 2005), cultural representation (Hall, 1997a), and state and non-state terrorism (Jaggar, 2005) in order to investigate the Israeli-Palestinian political communication during the Gaza War of 2008-2009 and the subsequent release of the Goldstone Report. This thesis utilizes quantitative and qualitative online media content analysis as a methodological design with historical-comparative components through which a sample of the Israel Defense Forces, the Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, and Arutz Sheva (Israel) as well as the Ezzedeen Al Qassam Brigades, the Palestine News Network, and The Palestine Telegraph (Palestine) has been selected. Findings explore the components of the decision-making processes by both adversaries in order to politically communicate their rationalization of terrorization of one another. These components demonstrate the different decision-making processes of each adversary in selecting strategies of rationalization (e.g., Israelis rationalize in order to defend themselves from eight years of Hamas rocket fire into Israel, while Palestinians rationalize as a means of seeking sympathetic support for their cause---with each adversary using different tools and tactics), resulting in unique patterns that can be applied to future instances of Israeli-Palestinian rationalization of terrorization.
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Muhanna, Aitemad. "Gender relations and women's agency during the second intifada in Gaza." Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678677.
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Symkovych, Anton. "Power relations in a Ukrainian prison." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609920.
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Payes, Shany. "Palestinian NGOs in Israel : civil society and the development of state-minority relations, 1976-1999." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249868.
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Welchman, Lynn. "Beyond the code Muslim family law and the shariʼa judiciary in the Palestinian West Bank /." The Hague ; London ; Boston : Kluwer Law International, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37739801w.
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Rynhold, Jonathan M. "Israeli political culture in Israel's relations with the United States over the Palestinian question 1981-96." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1517/.
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This thesis makes a contribution to the study of Israeli foreign policy, Israeli-American relations and the role of Israeli political culture in foreign policy. First, all the works on American-Israeli relations focus on American policy. Second, works examining the role of Israeli values in foreign policy focus primarily on the values of the Israeli right, usually purely in regard to the Palestinian question and use a concept of political culture that is static. In contrast, this thesis examines, US-Israeli relations from the Israeli view point and encompasses the impact of the Israeli left's values on policy. Moreover, it uses a concept of political culture that is fluid rather than static. Following a brief introductory section outlining the interpretative concept of political culture employed, the thesis turns towards a section on Israeli political culture. Here two main sub-cultures are identified; a universalist orientation which views Israel as a normal country and which aspires to normalisation and a particularist orientation which sees Israel as 'a nation that dwells alone', with a particular mission to fulfil. From this basis, four approaches within the Israeli elite towards relations with the United States over the Palestinian question are drawn out. The next section then examines and accounts for shifts in Israeli political culture, first towards particularism and then towards universalism, as well as the impact of these shifts on underlying foreign policy attitudes and their political strength. The third section consists of a number of chapters which demonstrate the role of the various approaches, motifs, values, and developments within Israeli political culture on relations with the United States over the Palestinian question 1981-96. It covers the main issues that arose in that period including the Lebanon War, the London agreement, the Madrid Conference, the loan guarantees question and the Oslo accords. The final part of this section focuses on relations between Israel, pro-Israel groups in the US and Congress.
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Abitbol, Eric. "Hydropolitical peacebuilding : Israeli-Palestinian water relations and the transformation of asymmetric conflict in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6255.
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Recognising water as a central relational location of the asymmetric Israel- Palestinian conflict, this study critically analyses the peacebuilding significance of Israeli, transboundary water and peace practitioner discourses. Anchored in a theoretically-constructed framework of hydropolitical peacebuilding, it discursively analyses the historical, officially-sanctioned, as well as academic and civil society water and peace relations of Israelis and Palestinians. It responds to the question: How are Israeli water and peace practitioners discursively practicing hydropolitical peacebuilding in the Middle East? In doing so, this study has drawn upon a methodology of interpretive practice, combining ethnography, foucauldian discourse analysis and narrative inquiry. This study discursively traces Israel's development into a hydrohegemonic state in the Jordan River Basin, from the late-19th century to 2011. Recognising conflict as a power-laden social system, it makes visible the construction, production and circulation of Israel's power in the basin. It examines key narrative elements invoked by Israel to justify its evolving asymmetric, hydrohegemonic relations. Leveraging the hydropolitical peacebuilding framework, itself constituted of equality, partnership, equity and shared ii sustainability, this study also examines the discursive practices of Israeli transboundary water and peace practitioners in relationship with Palestinians. In so doing, it makes visible their hydrohegemony, hydropolitical peacebuilding, and hydrohegemonic residues. This study's conclusions re-affirm earlier findings, notably that environmental and hydropolitical cooperation neither inherently nor necessarily constitute peacebuilding practice. This work also suggests that hydropolitical peacebuilding may discursively be recognised in water and peace practices that engage, critique, resist, desist from, and practice alternative relational formations to hydrohegemony in asymmetric conflicts.
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Bartz, Jamie. "Explaining domestic inputs to Israeli Foreign and Palestinian Policy: politics, military, society /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBartz.pdf.
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Erkunt, Adonis Cigdem. "Associates Of Social Deviancy And Violence Among Prisoners." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1080951/index.pdf.
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This study aimed at finding the associates of social deviance and violence by using the variables of self-esteem, coping styles, social support, family relations, and life events in Turkish prisoner sample. The prisoners were a hundred male prisoners who are under arrest for different crimes, in istanbul Special Type Prison. Preceding the main analyses, Factor Analyses for Multidimensional Perceived Social Support (MSPSS) and Ways of Coping Scale (WOCS) were conducted. These analyses yielded three factors for MSPSS, as social support from friend, social support from a significant other, and social support from familyand two factors for WOCS, as problem focused and emotion focused coping. Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was conducted to examine the type of crime differences for the measures of the study. The offenders were separated into two groups according to their crimes: violent and nonviolent crimes. The prisoners who acted nonviolently scored significantly higher in self-esteem scores. Prisoners that acted violent crimes were significantly more depressed and they show significantly more antisocial behavior than the prisoners that acted in nonviolent crimes. There was no significant difference found between the two groups in terms of their anxiety levels. Results indicated a main effect for social support, coping style, and family relations. To understand social deviance through the variables of the present study, a hierarchical regression was performed. The results indicated that presence of previous suicide attempts, unhealthy relations in the family, physical violence in the family towards the subject, the scores gathered from depression and paranoia subscales of MMPI, anxiety scores on BAI, hypomania scores on MMPI were found to account for 59% of the total variance in social deviance in terms of higher scores on psychopathic deviate subscale of MMPI.
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Mitchell, Stephanie Claire. "The Function of Religion in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3939.
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The role of religion in politics has been rising to the forefront of history in the Middle East for a number of decades and more so since 9/11, raising significant questions as to whether religion functions as a catalyst for conflict or peace. This thesis focuses specifically on the role of religion in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the manner in which actors incorporate religion into their national politics. In doing so, the inquiry focuses on the proponents of religion on both the Jewish and the Palestinian sides in addressing a) territorial rights, b) interpretations in the use of deadly force and violence, and c) interpretations of the final political goal to be attained. In the context of the broader nationalism of each side, the study reflects on different approaches to religion and how they may provide perspectives that are either catalytic to conflict or catalytic to building peace. In this light, the inquiry of this thesis analyzes and contrasts religious nationalism and pro-peace religiosity, concluding with implications and directives for conflict resolution.
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Wong, Ka Kei. "The "Distant Neighbor" matters : the role of the U.S. and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554611.
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Pilotto, Chiara. "At the borders of friendship : work, morality and survival in a colonial Israeli-Palestinian space." Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0701.
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Ma thèse porte sur le rapport entre le personnel et le politique dans le contexte de violence politique et d’incertitude structurelle produit par l’occupation militaire et le settler colonialism israéliens en Cisjordanie. Elle est fondée sur une ethnographie du quotidien que j’ai conduit dans un village palestinien sous contrôle israélien total. La recherche vise à montrer le lien entre intimité et violence à partir d’une analyse des processus de subjectivation morale et politique qui affectent les relations personnelles dans la vie quotidienne des Palestiniens. Au lieu de me concentrer sur l’opposition entre les deux populations en tant que forme exclusive de leur relation dans le cadre du discours nationaliste, j’ai étudié l’articulation entre séparation politique, imbrication spatiale et proximité sociale à partir des transformations opérées dans la rationalité politique du pouvoir colonial israélien. Dans cette perspective j’ai focalisé mon attention sur la circulation des normes, des valeurs et des affects dans un espace social israélo-palestinien, qui a été produit par l’“exclusion inclusive” des Palestiniens par l’Etat d’Israël. Que devient-il le “lieu” du politique dans ce contexte ? J’ai abordé cette question en me concentrant sur le travail palestinien en Israël comme un dispositif d’intégration et de subordination des Palestiniens, et sur les formes de vie que l’expérience des travailleurs engendre, lorsque les relations de travail sont conçues comme des “relations humaines” et même, dans certains cas, d’“amitié”. Mon ethnographie analyse comment le personnel et le politique, le “privé” et le “public”, sont réarticulés au sein du système de domination israélienMy dissertation concerns the relationship between the personal and the political in the conext of political violence and structural uncetainty, which was produced by the Israeli military occupation and settler colonization of the West Bank. It is based on an ethnography of everyday life that I conducted in a Palestinian village under complete Israeli control. The research aims to show the link between intimacy and violence by analyzing the processes of moral and political subjectivation, which affect personal relationships in the Palestinian's daily life. Instead of focusing on the opposition between the two populations as the exclusive form of their relation according to the nationalist discourse, I have studied the articulation between political separation, spatial imbrications and social proximity while highlighting the transformations in the political rationale of the colonial Israeli power. Under this perspective I have drawn my attention to the circulation of norms, values and affects in an Israeli-Palestinian social space, which was constituted though the Palestinians' "inclusive exclusion" by the Israeli state. I have questioned what the "place" of the political becomes while considering Palestinian labor in Israel as an apparatus for both integrating and subordinating Palestinians. Starting from Palestinian workers' experience, I have highlighted the forms of life that are created when work relations are conceived as "human relationships" and even - in some cases - a "friendship". My ethnography analyses how the personal and the political, the "private" and the "public", are rearticulated in the Israeli system of domination
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Shahbari, Ilham. "Internationalisation of the National Aspirations of the Palestinian Arab Citizens of Israel." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17456.
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This study is concerned with the concept of internationalisation as a tool for disadvantaged minorities to affect change in their situation. This phenomenon has been studied widely with respect to authoritarian regimes and later on with liberal Western democracies. The current study has focussed on the state of Israel and the situation of its Palestinian Arab minority to investigate the origins and purposes of internationalisation, the extent to which these efforts have achieved the objectives that were set, and whether this process is in any sense capable of achieving them. The analysis shows that the internationalisation process whereby the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel sought to reclaim their rights by invoking the support of the international community has emerged in the 1950s. It came to be perceived as necessary because internal legal and political processes were understood to be insufficient to achieve any redress for their grievances.
The Arab leadership in Israel articulates internationalisation as a strategy designed to invoke the norms of democracy to question the conduct of successive Israeli governments, and counter the narrative offered by them on the world stage. The internationalisation strategy is seen to undergo a profound transformation from public memoranda, to civil and legal advocacy by invoking international conventions and treaties and finally to personal diplomacy. The results show that it is not a zero sum game; it is an especially effective method in different ways and with varying degrees of success. It created an extension of the critique of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories to its Palestinian minority. Using the international law in the modality of legal advocacy to compel the Israeli state to adhere to the commitments it had made by acceding to an international convention, proved more effective than mere political pressure. Another factors such as the nature of the claims, geopolitical circumstances, global momentum, and domestic politics are crucial as well for the success of the internationalisation. Yet, Israel’s response varied in particular cases to minimise external critics, and its respect for the international law was uttered by utilitarian justification to protect its reputation.
The application of the social constructivist boomerang-spiral model to the process of internationalisation is deemed to be a particularly effective instrument to explore both the potential and the limits of the process of compelling the Israeli state to conform to internationally supported norms. The results of this study demonstrate that the construction of the state’s identity as a Jewish and concerns over national security are potentially in conflict with the egalitarian democratic norms that it claims to be governed by. The implications of these two elements for the operation of the Israeli state has resulted in a failure to fully integrate its Arab citizens. The Nation-State Law of 2018 reinforces the legal and systematic discrimination against the Palestinians in Israel and explains why internationalisation has not been successful.
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It is the first comprehensive investigation into a selected series of case studies that document international appeals made by Israel’s Arab elite due to three chronological periods: 1948-1979, 1992- 2013 and 2015 onwards. On a theoretical level, it is the first time that the spiral model has been tested in the context of Israel and its Arab minority. This can serve as a strategic information source for Arab MKs, NGOs and Israeli decision makers.
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Schneider, Valentin. "A total reversal of the balance of power? : German prisoners of war in Normandy, 1944-1948." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/33162/.
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This dissertation interrogates the relation between the French national identity, constructed around the idea of hereditary enmity with Germany, and the behaviour between French and German prisoners of war on the individual level in Normandy between 1944 and 1948. This question is important since it is widely accepted that Franco-German relations reached an all-time low during World War II, especially in areas like Normandy that had been heavily occupied between 1940 and 1944. This position is examined through an entangled analysis of low and high level records both from German and French sources, but also from American, British, and Swiss origins. It appears that individual Franco-German relations depended on the distance between the French official discourse of national recovery and the reality experienced by the civil population. During the Allied presence in Normandy, contradictions were obvious and the relations between French and German prisoners of war in Allied hands were marked with violence. When discourse and reality began to overlap, after the transfer of the prisoners to French custody, individual Franco-German relations normalised. This rapid evolution points to the symbolic character of the enmity between French and Germans, used as a tool to reinforce the national cohesion in times of threat.
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Shefrin, Elana. "Re-Mediating the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The Use of Films to Facilitate Dialogue." unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04202007-154957/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from file title page. M. Lane Bruner, committee chair; David Cheshier, Ted Friedman, Gayle Nelson, Leonard Teel, committee members. Electronic text (360 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Oct. 24, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 300-335).
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Aggelen, Johannes G. C. van. "Conflicting claims to sovereignty over the West-Bank an in-depth analysis of the historical roots and feasible options in the framework of a future settlement of the dispute /." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA/R/-?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=92137.
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Cuhadar, Cerag Esra Rubinstein Robert A. "Evaluating track-two diplomacy in pre-negotiation a comparative assessment of track-two initiatives on water and Jerusalem in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Bouris, Dimitris. "State-building without a state : the European Union's role in the occupied Palestinian territories after the Oslo Accords." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49606/.
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The aim of this thesis is to shed light on the distinctive role of the European Union (EU) as a state-builder in the case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPTs). The thesis engages with distinctive literatures on liberal peace, peacebuilding, state-building, the EU and conflict resolution as well as Security and Judiciary Sector Reform. By synthesizing these literatures this research will try to test the EU effectiveness in the state-building project in the OPTs by reference to two main case studies: the EU’s initiatives in the domains of Security Sector Reform (SSR) and Judiciary Sector Reform (JSR) while at the same time addressing issues of the broader governance agenda and the rule of law. Thus, the broader liberal peace and peacebuilding literature will help contextually to understand how state-building has been used as a tool for implementing the liberal peace, the distinctive literature on state-building will help to identify the ‘core’ state functions that institutions established should be able to run and the literature on conflict resolution will help to identify all tools and mechanisms that the EU has at its disposal in order to ‘build’ states. By drawing on these literatures, this thesis will set three criteria on which the effectiveness of the EU as a state-builder will be tested namely generation of legitimacy, coherence and regulation of violence/ability of enforcement. The thesis is mainly empirically-oriented (drawing on almost 100 interviews that were conducted with EU, Israeli and Palestinian officials) and will focus on the two civilian missions that the EU has deployed in the OPTs (EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah) in order to help the Palestinian Authority reform its security sector as well as initiatives in the domains of judiciary sector reform and the rule of law (Seyada Project). The main argument of the thesis is that the EU has approached the state-building project from a technical aspect without linking it with clear political decisions and objectives. As a result, while initiatives in the domains of SSR and JSR have helped the PA improve the situation on the ground this was done at the expense of democracy and political objectives that would contribute to the ending of the Israeli Occupation.
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Steinmeyer, John Kenneth. "An Examination of John Burton’s Method of Conflict Resolution and Its Applicability to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6666.
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This paper argues that the interactive problem-solving workshops created by political scientist John Burton and applied to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by social psychologist Herbert Kelman, while not, as yet, resulting in a just and permanent peace agreement, are effective in resolving intractable conflict, and, if persistently used, can significantly help to produce such an agreement. This is done by closely examining two books of Burton and a series of articles by Kelman to describe their process; the characteristics of intractable conflict are also reviewed from the work of social psychologist Daniel Bar-Tal. It is then argued that the psychological elements of intractable conflict and the satisfaction of basic human needs are addressed in the interactive problem-solving workshops, exactly what is needed in intractable conflict. It is also suggested that the many outsider recommendations for the resolution of this conflict will not work because they do nothing to address the psychological elements.
Recommendations are made to use the workshops to resolve disputes between the Hamas and Fatah political parties and various elements on the Israel side of the conflict; the top leaders of both sides of the conflict are also urged to participate in a workshop.
This paper also notes that a fully completed peace agreement already exists in the form of the Geneva Initiative, assembled by Israeli and Palestinian persons exhibiting the qualities promoted by the workshops.
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Cladi, Lorenzo. "The EU as a balancing power in transatlantic relations : structural incentives or deliberate plans?" Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8023.
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The purpose of this thesis is to provide a critical evaluation of the neorealist theory of international relations and its soft balancing variant through the use of case studies referring to transatlantic relations in the post-Cold War era. Each case study indicates a specific category of power. These are: i) Military - the European attempt to create a common military arm from 1991 to 2003. ii) Diplomatic - the EU's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from 1991 to 2003. iii) Economic the EU-USA steel dispute in 2002/03. In particular, the thesis undertakes to analyse whether the EU balanced the USA in the post-Cold War period either as a result of the altered structural distribution of capabilities within the international system (unipolarity) or of a set of deliberate plans to do so. After introducing the concepts of unipolarity, hard and soft balancing, the thesis outlines three comprehensive answers that neorealist scholars have generated as to whether the USA can or cannot be balanced in the post-Cold War international system, namely the structural, the soft balancing, and the alternative structural options. Then, drawing on a defensive realist perspective, this research goes on to consider the creation of the EU as a great power in the post-Cold War era. In light of this, the thesis aims to find out whether the rise of the EU as a great power has had an impact upon unipolarity either because of structural incentives or because of a predetermination to frustrate the aggressive policies of the unipolar state. The thesis then proceeds to investigate whether throughout the case studies series the EU has balanced the USA. The case studies highlight that the EU, freed from the rigid bipolar stalemate it had been locked into during the Cold War, undertook to exert greater influence on the world stage in the post-Cold War period. To some extent the EU has accomplished this in all of the power dimensions analysed in this thesis. Nevertheless, the EU's efforts to hold sway within the international system were not aimed at addressing the relative power imbalance created by unipolarity, and there were no deliberate plans harboured by the EU to frustrate the influence of any aggressive unipolar state. Overall, this thesis found the causal logic outlined by neorealism to be convincing to the extent that the EU emerged as a great power in the post-Cold War era and had greater freedom of action under unipolarity. However, with the partial exception of the economic dimension of power, there was no persuasive evidence uncovered to support the anticipated outcome of the neorealist theoretical slant, namely that great powers tend to balance each other. Moreover, while the soft balancing claim is considered to have promise as an attempt to understand how the EU can respond to US power under unipolarity, this study did not find sufficient evidence of the EU's deliberate intentions of doing so.
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Lobaugh, Frank Alan. "Filial Therapy With Incarcerated Parents." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332623/.
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This study was designed to determine the effectiveness of filial therapy on reducing the stress experienced by incarcerated parents; its ability to increase the acceptance level by those parents toward their children ; and to determine the effectiveness of filial therapy on improving the self concept of the children of incarcerated parents.
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Tiripelli, Giuliana. "Announcing peace and framing conflict : the role of the media in challenging the status quo of Israeli-Palestinian relations and the 1993 Peace Accord." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4592/.
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This is a study of media production and coverage of Israeli-Palestinian relations. It investigates how media production and coverage have developed alongside developments on the ground, political necessities and shifting perceptions of peace in relation to this conflict since the beginning of the Oslo peace process in 1993. The study presents a comprehensive historical analysis of the negotiations that led to the Peace Accord between Israelis and Palestinians in 1993. It highlights the elements that made the Accord a diplomatic achievement but which reestablished the imbalance of power that had previously defined Israeli-Palestinian relations. It also presents the results of a content analysis of The New York Times’ representation of the first months of that process. It then discusses the perspectives of subjects who have been involved in activities promoting dialogue to challenge dominant explanations for this conflict since the early nineties, comparing these with the views of journalists who have covered this conflict and the peace process for different media. In describing the interplay between media and these other contexts, as well as the ways through which this has been linked to discursive explanations of peace and the return to visible conflict, this investigation reviews the factors that prevented the media from becoming agents of change.
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Dierauff, Evelin [Verfasser]. "Translating Late Ottoman Modernity in Palestine : Debates on Ethno-Confessional Relations and Identity in the Arab Palestinian Newspaper Filasṭīn (1911–1914) / Evelin Dierauff." Göttingen : V&R Unipress, 2020. http://www.v-r.de/.
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Chamberlin, Paul. "Preparing for Dawn: The United States and the Global Politics of Palestinian Resistance, 1967-1975." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243876457.
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Koldas, Umut. "A Tale Of Two Villages: A Gramscian Analysis Of The Hamula And The Relations Between The Israeli State And Palestinian Arab Citizens Of Israel." Phd thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610066/index.pdf.
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Drawing on empirical data from the two Palestinian Arab villages of Abu Ghosh and Umm al Fahem, this dissertation assesses the nature of relationship between the Israeli state and its Palestinian Arab citizens from a Gramscian perspective. In this respect, a particular emphasis is given to the analysis of impact of local socio-economic and political structures on the relationship between the villagers and Israeli state and dominant classes especially following a hegemonic crisis during post-al Aqsa Intifada. Based on Gramscian methodology and empirical data, it is concluded that hamula structures could act as an agent of hegemony in internalization and reproduction of of consent based Israeli hegemony. Conditions, dynamics and consequences of this agent-structure relationship is also assessed in detail.
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Zago, Adriano Volnei. "Um estudo sobre a escolha amorosa de mulheres por homens na condição de presidiário." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/47/47133/tde-21072011-160617/.
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A presente pesquisa propõe uma reflexão a respeito do estabelecimento do sentimento passional, a partir do qual ocasionará a constituição do casal, tendo-se como foco principal e específico as mulheres que escolhem para parceiro amoroso um homem na condição de presidiário. Um levantamento teórico é feito a partir da leitura de textos psicanalíticos, sobretudo de Freud, bem como de outros autores da Psicanálise e de áreas complementares, como a Sociologia. A escolha objetal, as idealizações projetivas e o narcisismo como base do intrapsíquico são conceituações pertinentes para se tratar alguns dos mecanismos envolvidos nesse tipo de relação. Serão analisadas cinco mulheres voluntárias, a partir de entrevistas semidirigidas, que se enquadram no propósito desta dissertação, pré-selecionadas em um estudo de sondagem realizado na fila de entrada para visita de três Centros de Detenção Provisória (CTP) da região da Grande São Paulo. A idealização é observada como prerrogativa para a escolha e manutenção do relacionamento amoroso em questão. Fatores como a condição de presidiário do companheiro, a visita íntima, os preparativos para o encontro, a ausência do parceiro no cotidiano, a personalidade cuidadora da mulher, o caráter transgressor do homem delineiam algumas das vicissitudes da dinâmica conjugal estabelecida, que expressam, assim, algumas nuances desse tipo de escolha amorosa tão específicaThis research proposes a reflection on the establishment of passionate feeling, from which rise up to the couple, having as main and specific focus women who choose as lover a man in the condition of prisoner. A theoretical study is done through the reading of psychoanalytic texts, especially of Freud and other authors from Psychoanalysis and complementary areas such as Sociology. The choice of object, the projective idealization and narcissism as the basis of intrapsychic are relevant concepts for addressing some of the mechanisms involved in this kind of relationship. Five female volunteers will be analyzed (from semi-directed interviews) that fit the purpose of this study, pre-selected in a survey study conducted in the input queue to visit three Provisional Detention Centers (CDP) of the metropolitan area of Sao Paulo. The idealization is seen as the prerogative to choose and maintain the loving relationship in question. Factors such as the condition of fellow inmate, conjugal visits, preparations for the meeting, the absence of the partner in everyday life, women\'s caring personality, the character of the law-braker man delineate some of the vicissitudes of marital dynamics established, expressing thus, a peculiar context of the universe that involves a choice of love so specific
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Abu, Zahra Nadia. "Legal geographies in Palestine: identity documentation, dispossession, repression and resistance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491590.
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Pienaar, Ashwin Mark. "Israel and Palestine: some critical international relations perspectives on the 'two-state' solution." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003030.
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This research questions whether Israel and Palestine should be divided into two states. Viewed through the International Relations (IR) theories of Realism and Liberalism, the ‘Two-State’ solution is the orthodox policy for Israel and Palestine. But Israelis and Palestinians are interspersed and share many of the same resources making it difficult to create two states. So, this research critiques the aforementioned IR theories which underpin the ‘Two-State’ solution. The conclusion reached is that there ought to be new thinking on how to resolve the Israel-Palestine issue.
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Maddy-Weitzman, Edie. "Waging peace in the Holy Land : a qualitative study of Seeds of Peace, 1993-2004." Thesis, Boston University, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=845786431&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=78691&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Lyons, Katherine. "0027: the EU : an international agent in Palestine? : a thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in Politics at Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand." Massey University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/1156.
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This thesis examines the ability of the European Union (EU) to impact on the Palestinian people and their institutions. Before using the formal concept of actorness to examine the extent of this impact, it presents a model of actorness that synthesises aspects of Bretherton and Vogler’s and Sjösjedt’s models. It uses the components of this model as a series of lenses through which to focus on and examine various facets of the EU’s influence. The analysis deals with diplomacy, aid, and the effects of the unexpected Hamas victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections. The thesis finds that the EU’s early lack of diplomatic direction improved for a period but was limited by its consistent inability to have an effect if it ignored the US. In the field of aid, the EU has been a more successful actor. However, the EU’s best efforts in these spheres have been undone by two EU blunders. First, it classified Hamas as a terrorist organisation and subsequently felt unable to provide aid to a Hamas-run government. Second it joined the Quartet in the hope of increasing its own diplomatic clout, but found that it had given the US the opportunity to erode its ability to act as an independent financial agent.
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Collins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
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Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.
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Lykaki, Marilia. "Οι αιχμάλωτοι πολέμου στη Βυζαντινή Αυτοκρατορία (6ος-11ος αι.) : Εκκλησία, Κράτος, διπλωματία και κοινωνική διάσταση." Thesis, Paris, EPHE, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EPHE4010.
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La captivité était une situation transitoire qui conduisait soit à l’esclavage soit à la libération. Pendant le période de VIe à XIe s. on voit les captifs assumer des rôles divers: comme soldats, agriculteurs, porteurs d’idéologie, de culture et de savoirs. Une série des questions se posent à propos de leur libération en termes de rançon, échange de prisonniers, et leur statut social et civil. La théorie impériale ne correspondait pas toujours à la réalité des sociétés concernant ce sujet. Par conséquent, la recherche touche à des questions militaires et diplomatiques et aussi avec les domaines de la culture et de l'intelligence militaire et révèle enfin comment Byzance elle-même et les «autres» perçu. Par une approche multidimensionnelle et en termes de méthodologie sur l'analyse critique des sources primaires et de comparaison, mon objectif principal est de décrire la position de l'État et de l'Église « vis-à –vis » la question particulière et de son évolution. La recherche commence à une époque où l’attitude à l’égard des prisonniers de guerre héritée du monde romain est en train de changer sous l’impact du christianisme ; elle se termine à une période où les échanges des prisonniers avec les Arabes, devenus une routine, perdent de l’actualité et les guerres avec les Bulgares battent le plein. La présente étude démontre les mutations de la loi byzantine et son impact sur le traitement à l'égard des problèmes divers concernant les prisonniers de guerre. Etudier l'ère particulière peut éclaircir ce sujet afin d'en déduire si l'attitude de Byzance différait envers ses ennemis et donc les captifs chrétiens et non-chrétiensThe state of captivity is a transitional situation which leads either to slavery or to freedom. During 6th-11th c. prisoners under captivity could have various occupational roles. In addition, they could be bearers of a different ideology, culture and knowledge. A series of questions arise about their release in terms of ransom, prisoner exchange, and their social and civil status. Imperial theory was not always corresponding at the societies’ reality concerning this issueTherefore, the research is dealing with military and diplomatic questions and also with the spheres of culture and military intelligence and finally reveals how Byzantium perceived itself and the ‘others’. Based on a multidimensional approach and in terms of methodology on the critical analysis of primary sources and comparison, my main aim is to describe the position of both State and Church “vis-à-vis” the particular issue and its evolution. The starting point of my research is set on a period, when the attitude towards prisoners of war as it was inherited from the Roman world, begins to change due to the influence of Christianity and reaches up to a point, when exchanges of prisoners with the Arabs were consolidated and the wars with the Bulgarians had started. The present study demonstrates the changing face of the byzantine law and its impact on the treatment towards the diverse problems concerning prisoners of war. Studying the particular era can shed light on this topic in order to infer whether Byzantines’ attitude differed towards his enemies and therefore Christians and non-Christians captives
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Kenderian, Nanor. "Prison to prison : the prison novels of Hagop Oshagan and Armenian penological literature." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2352bc99-62be-4d32-8d44-f0453fb9ea48.
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The prison novels (Haji Murat, Haji Abdullah and Süleyman Effendi) of Western Armenian writer Hagop Oshagan (1883-1948) articulate two unprecedented sociocultural critiques of Armenian experience. Like much of Oshagan's works, these novels, comprising the cycle Haryur Mék Tarvan [101 Years' Imprisonment] (1933), have scarcely been studied. The task of this study is to reveal the nature of Oshagan's critique, and to revise two chief Armenian literary critical trends: that of either de-contextualizing or instrumentalizing these novels' nationalist preoccupations; that is, either overlooking their contextual relevance as responses to contemporaneous nationalist dogmas, or distorting them to seem ideologically sympathetic. Oshagan's novels rather deploy the prison trope to foreground and question the aesthetic and ideological influence of late 19th century Armenian nationalist-revolutionary movements. They moreover undermine the persisting paradigm borne of nationalist-revolutionary rhetoric that collectively represents Armenians and Turks as victims and victimizers respectively. The present study reads Oshagan in the wider context of Armenian penological literature, and locates his engagement with nationalist-revolutionary ideology as an overtly critical, rather than sympathetic project. It provides an unprecedented appraisal of such political movements' primarily negative impact upon late 19th and early 20th century Western Armenian literature, a tradition that has presented 'Armenianness' through an almost exclusive narrative of subjection. This literary historical background allows Oshagan's singularity to appear. He is the first to recognize the prison trope as the preferred nationalist-revolutionary literary convention, a trope he then reconfigures in order to formulate an alternative, a literary mode of nationalism - namely, mystic nationalism - informed by his readings of Dostoevsky's novels. Oshagan imagines and articulates anew the Armenian-Turk relationship in terms that complicate, subvert and transcend the normative master/slave model instituted by nationalist-revolutionary rhetoric. In the process, he elaborates a conception of these movements as inadvertently complicit in the discursive - and, ultimately, also political - (self)-subjection of Armenians culminating as experiences of absolute subjection. After Oshagan, this study constitutes the first comprehensive analysis of literary renderings of both Armenian-Turk relations and nationalist-revolutionary ideology.
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Jochaud, du Plessix Caroline. "La norme en Terre sainte : le système européen face à la solution de deux Etats (1973-2012)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0036/document.
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Nous mettons en exergue dans cette thèse le concept de système européen en politique étrangère (SEPE) comme outil pertinent afin d’analyser la politique étrangère européenne telle qu’elle fonctionne, et non pas telle qu’elle devrait fonctionner. Le SEPE – composé des politiques étrangères des États membres et de l’action extérieure de l’UE – met en valeur le dynamisme de la gouvernance européenne, issu des interactions entre ses différents agents et leur utilisation des normes européennes. A travers le SEPE, nous démontrons que la politique étrangère commune face à la solution de deux États s’explique par les usages que fait l’UE3 – la France, l’Allemagne et le Royaume-Uni – de l’UE en politique étrangère. Ces usages sont au nombre de trois : fonctionnel, réaliste et normatif. Nous montrons que l’adoption puis la promotion de la solution de deux Etats résultent de la manière dont ils se saisissent de l’UE afin de répondre à un contexte international difficile, de la Déclaration de Copenhague de 1973 au vote à l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies de 2012 concernant le statut de la Palestine. Le déploiement et test de divers outils de politique étrangère, tels que la position d’envoyé spécial en 1996, illustrent l’usage fonctionnel de l’UE. Les usages normatif et réaliste de l’UE envers les Palestiniens rendent compte de l’adoption de normes financières et politiques très contraignantes, reflétant les intérêts communs de l’UE3. Ces mêmes usages leur permettent de promouvoir la reconnaissance de l’Etat d’Israël, et d’autre part, de privilégier leurs intérêts stratégiques avec Israël au niveau bilatéral grâce à l’expression d’un linkage politique au niveau communautaireIn this thesis we bring up the concept of European System in Foreign Policy (ESFP) as a pertinent tool to analyze the European Foreign Policy as it actually functions rather than as it should function. The ESFP – composed of the Member States’ foreign policies and the External action of the EU – highlights the dynamism of the European governance in foreign policy, which arises from the interactions between the agents of this system and their use of the European norms. Through the ESFP, we demonstrate that the EU’s common policy towards the two-State solution can be explained by the usages of the EU in foreign policy by France, Germany and the United-Kingdom – the EU3. These strategic usages are threefold: a functional or reflexive, a realist and a normative usage. We show that the adoption and the promotion of the two-State solution result from the way they seize upon the EU in order to cope with a difficult international context, since the Declaration of Copenhagen in 1973 to the vote at the General Assembly of the United Nations in 2012 concerning the new status of Palestine. The introduction and test of several foreign policy tools, as the position of special envoy in 1996, illustrate the functional usage of the EU. The normative and realist usages of the EU towards the Palestinians explain the adoption of constraining financial and political norms reflecting the common interests of the EU3. These same usages allow them to promote the recognition of the State of Israel on the one hand, and on the other hand, to privilege their strategic interests with Israel at the bilateral level through the expression of a political linkage at the community level
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De, Villiers Shirley. "Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815.
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The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
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Bernasová, Tereza. "Právní postavení Palestiny." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261746.
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The theme of this diploma thesis is the analysis of the legal status of Palestine. The theoretical part of this thesis examines the history of Palestine, the relations between Palestine and Israel, the rejection of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 by Arab states, Palestinian membership in international organisations, the Oslo I Accord and the Montevideo criteria for statehood.The thesis also evaluates the final status negotiations between Israel and Palestine and various Palestinian government programs. The second part of the thesis analyses the constraints posed by divided Palestinian territories and the dynamics and interactions between Palestinian populations living in and outside the territory. Furthermore this diploma thesis focuses on the Palestinian public sector; especially on the areas of justice, education, health system and defense. Individual chapters also deal with the economic instability of Palestine and its financial dependence on the other, mostly European, countries. In conclusion, this diploma thesis will give not only a comprehensive legal view of the status of Palestine, but also views on Palestinian governance.
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Keim, Katharina Esther. "Pirqei deRabbi Eliezer : structure, coherence, intertextuality, and historical context." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/pirqei-derabbi-eliezer-structure-coherence-intertextuality-and-historical-context(5a243982-b0b3-4209-9cba-1b58cfb40210).html.
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The present dissertation offers a literary profile of the enigmatic Gaonic era work known as Pirqei deRabbi Eliezer (PRE). This profile is based on an approach informed by the methodology theorized in the Manchester-Durham Typology of Anonymous and Pseudepigraphic Jewish Literature, c.200 BCE to c.700 CE, Project (TAPJLA). It is offered as a necessary prolegomenon to further research on contextualising PRE in relation to earlier Jewish tradition (both rabbinic and non-rabbinic), in relation to Jewish literature of the Gaonic period, and in relation to the historical development of Judaism in the early centuries of Islam. Chapter 1 sets out the research question, surveys, and critiques existing work on PRE, and outlines the methodology. Chapter 2 provides necessary background to the study of PRE, setting out the evidence with regard to its manuscripts and editions, its recensional and redactional history, its reception, and its language, content, dating, and provenance. Chapters 3 and 4 are the core of the dissertation and contain the literary profile of PRE. Chapter 3 offers an essentially synchronic text-linguistic description of the work under the following headings: Perspective; PRE as Narrative; PRE as Commentary; PRE as Thematic Discourse; and Coherence. Chapter 4 offers an essentially diachronic discussion of PRE’s intertexts, that is to say, other texts with which it has, or is alleged to have, a relationship. The texts selected for discussion are: the Hebrew Bible, Rabbinic Literature (both the classic rabbinic “canon” and “late midrash”), the Targum, the Pseudepigrapha, Piyyut, and certain Christian and Islamic traditions. Chapter 5 offers conclusions in the form of a discussion of the implications of the literary profile presented in chapters 3-4 for the methodology of the TAPJLA Project, for the problem of the genre of PRE, and for the question of PRE’s literary and historical context. The substantial Appendix is integral to the argument. It sets out much of the raw data on which the argument is based. I have removed this data to an appendix so as not to impede the flow of the discussion in the main text. The Appendix also contains my entry for the TAPJLA database, to help illuminate the discussion of my methodology, and a copy of my published article on the cosmology of PRE, to provide further support for my analysis of this theme in PRE.
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Houmeau, Didier. "Les prisonniers de guerre britanniques de Napoléon 1er." Thesis, Tours, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011TOUR2010.
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A la rupture de la paix d’Amiens, le Premier Consul retient en otage les Britanniques présents sur le sol de la France en réponse au gouvernement britannique qui détient aussi des Français. Mais la raison est avant tout économique. Les Anglais sont séparés des autres prisonniers de guerre et ne servent que dans les domaines où ils excellent comme les filatures. Leur dénombrement s’avère difficile, à cause de documents incomplets ou de mutations trop fréquentes. Les dépôts, au nombre de quatre en 1803, passent à douze en 1810, puis à quinze à de la fin des hostilités.La vie en société s’organise et les prisonniers ont tendance à recréer la vie « à l’anglaise » particulièrement festive dans divers dépôts. Mais les jeux d’argent sèment la discorde et entraînent les duels et les dettes. Les évasions nombreuses provoquent la colère du Ministère de la guerre. Les échanges sont rares et blessés et invalides font l’objet de tractations pour les échanges.La santé reste un problème majeur, la qualité de la nourriture est douteuse. La mortalité est importante.Hormis les mariages et les naissances, ils ont laissé peu de choses puisqu’ils n’ont rien bâti mais demeure le souvenirAfter the breaking off of the Peace of Amiens, the Premier Consul keeps the British who were present on the French ground as hostages as a reply to the British Government who keeps also French prisoners. But the true reason is more economical. The British prisoners are treated differently from prisoners of war and are only used in what is useful, such as spinning factories.Having a precise census of the British population in the depots was difficult: the documents are incomplete and the transfers from depot to depot too often. There were four depots at the beginning but it went to twelve in 1810 and 15 by the end of the war.Social life is organized and the prisoners tend to recreate the “British way of life” with much rejoicing in the various depots. But money games bring quarrels and debts. Escapes arises hunger in the French War Ministry. Exchanges are seldom and wounded and disabled men are part of these exchanges. Health remains a major problem and food is of poor quality. Death rate is severe. Except weddings and births, they have not left anything as they did not build but remembrance is still there
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Afifi, Rola. "La politique d’aide au développement de l’Union européenne dans le territoire palestinien occupé : vers l’établissement d’un État palestinien." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCB222.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse vise à examiner les politiques d'aide au développement de l'Union européenne (UE) et leur impact sur les conditions politiques, économiques, sécuritaires et sociales dans le Territoire palestinien occupé (TPO). De plus, elle vise à répondre à la question de savoir si ces politiques ont concrètement contribué à la construction d'une économie palestinienne solide conduisant à l'établissement d'un État palestinien, ou si elles étaient seulement des politiques destinées à protéger un processus de paix, délabré en permanence, et à maintenir le statu quo de l'occupation tout en répondant aux exigences de survie de la population palestinienne. L'étude met en lumière l'évolution de la politique d'aide européenne au peuple palestinien en accordant de l'intérêt à l'évolution de la politique étrangère de l'UE envers le conflit palestino-israélien et aux institutions en charge de la coopération au développement avec les pays tiers au sein de l'Union. La présente recherche a pour objet l'aide accordée par l'UE aux Palestiniens pour la période s'étendant de 1993 à 2014. Elle met en évidence un ensemble de résultats, dont le plus important est que cette aide a joué un rôle éminent afin d'éviter l'effondrement de l'Autorité nationale palestinienne (ANP) et d'aider le peuple palestinien. Elle s'est diversifiée au cours des années, en quantité et en qualité, afin de s'adapter à la situation politique, économique et humanitaire dans le TPO. Elle a contribué aux réformes réussies effectuées par l'ANP dans plusieurs secteurs, et elle a davantage soutenu les plans nationaux palestiniens de développement. Pourtant, cette aide n'a réussi ni à freiner les politiques de dé-développement pratiquées systématiquement par l'occupation, ni à mettre de la pression sur Israël. Cette recherche souligne que cette aide ne réalisera pas ses objectifs, notamment celui de l'établissement d'un État palestinien viable coexistant avec l’État d'Israël en paix et en sécurité, tant que l'UE n'utilisera pas son pouvoir économique et ne transformera pas sa rhétorique en actions concrètes sur le terrainThe study aims to examine the policies of development aid of the European Union (EU) and their impact on the political, economic, security and social conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). In addition, it seeks to answer the question whether these policies have helped to build a strong Palestinian economy leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state, or if they were only policies to protect the peace process, permanently dilapidated, and maintain the status quo of the occupation while meeting the basic requirements of survival of the Palestinian population. The study highlights the evolution of the European political support to the Palestinian people by highlighting the evolution of EU foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the institutions responsible for the development cooperation with third countries within the Union. This research relates to the aid granted by the EU to the Palestinians for the period extending from 1993 to 2014. It highlights a set of results, the most important is that this aid has played a prominent role in avoiding the collapse of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and in helping the Palestinian people. It has diversified over the years, both in quantity and quality, to fit the political, economic and humanitarian situation in the OPT. It contributed to the successful reforms carried out by the PNA in several sectors, and has further supported the Palestinian national development plans. However, this aid has not succeeded to curb the de-development policies systematically practiced by the occupation or to put pressure on Israel. This research underlines that this aid will not achieve its objectives, including that of the establishment of a viable Palestinian state coexisting with the State of Israel in peace and security, as long as the EU does not use its economic power and does not turn its rhetoric into concrete action on the ground
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Gensicke, Klaus. "Der Mufti von Jerusalem und die Nationalsozialisten : eine politische Biographie Amin el-Husseinis." Darmstadt Wiss. Buchges, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2945010&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.
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