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Journal articles on the topic 'Relations with Palestinian prisoners'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Francis, Sahar. "Gendered Violence in Israeli Detention." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 4 (2017): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.46.

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Women have been instrumental to the Palestinian liberation struggle from its inception, and the role they have played in political, civil, and armed resistance has been as critical, if not as visible, as that of their male counterparts. In addition to experiencing the same forms of repression as men, be it arrest, indefinite detention, or incarceration, Palestinian women have also been subjected to sexual violence and other gendered forms of coercion at the hands of the Israeli occupation regime. Drawing on testimonies from former and current female prisoners, this paper details Israel's incarceration policies and examines their consequences for Palestinian women and their families. It argues that Israel uses the incarceration of women as a weapon to undermine Palestinian resistance and to fracture traditionally cohesive social relations; and more specifically, that the prison authorities subject female prisoners to sexual and gender-based violence as a psychological weapon to break them and, by extension, their children.

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2

Hanieh, Adam, Adah Kay, and Catherine Cook. "Paying the Price of Injustice: Palestinian Child Prisoners and the UN Human Rights System." Middle East Report, no. 229 (2003): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559390.

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3

Halberstam, Malvina. "Terrorism on the High Seas: The Achille Lauro, Piracy and the IMO Convention on Maritime Safety." American Journal of International Law 82, no. 2 (April 1988): 269–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203189.

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On October 7, 1985, the Achille Lauro, an Italian-flag cruise ship, was seized while sailing from Alexandria to Port Said. The hijackers, members of the Palestine Liberation Front (PLF), a faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), had boarded the ship in Genoa, posing as tourists. They held the ship’s crew and passengers hostage, and threatened to kill the passengers unless Israel released 50 Palestinian prisoners. They also threatened to blow up the ship if a rescue mission was attempted. When their demands had not been met by the following afternoon, the hijackers shot Leon Klinghoffer, a Jew of U.S. nationality who was partly paralyzed and in a wheelchair, and threw his body and wheelchair overboard. The United States characterized the seizure as piracy, a position that has been supported by some commentators and opposed by others.

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4

READ, JAMES H., and IAN SHAPIRO. "Transforming Power Relationships: Leadership, Risk, and Hope." American Political Science Review 108, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 40–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541300066x.

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Chronic communal conflicts often embody prisoner's dilemmas. Both communities prefer peace to war. Yet neither trusts the other, viewing the other's gain as its loss, so potentially shared interests often go unrealized. Achieving positive-sum outcomes from apparently zero-sum struggles requires a particular kind of risk-embracing leadership. To succeed leaders must (a) see power relations as potentially positive-sum, (b) strengthen negotiating adversaries when tempted to weaken them, and (c) demonstrate hope for a positive future and take great personal risks to achieve it. Such leadership is exemplified by Nelson Mandela and F. W. de Klerk in the South African democratic transition. To illuminate the strategic dilemmas Mandela and de Klerk faced, we examine the work of Robert Axelrod, Thomas Schelling, and Josep Colomer, who highlight important dimensions of the problem but underplay the role of risk-embracing leadership. Finally we discuss leadership successes and failures in the Northern Ireland settlement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

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5

Susskind, Yifat. "Palestinian Political Prisoners." Middle East Report, no. 201 (October 1996): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012761.

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6

Falk, Richard. "Palestinian Prisoners Diaries : Book Review." Journal of Palestinian Refugee Studies 3, no. 1 (2013): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0014112.

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7

Khalili, Laleh. "‘Standing with My Brother’: Hizbullah, Palestinians, and the Limits of Solidarity." Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 2 (April 2007): 276–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000497.

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On 30 January 2004, after months of negotiations between Hizbullah and the state of Israel via German mediators, a major exchange of bodies and prisoners was completed. In return for a kidnapped Israeli citizen—alleged to belong to Israeli intelligence services—and the bodies of three Israeli soldiers captured three years previously, Israel released twenty-nine Lebanese and other Arab prisoners, the remains of fifty-nine Lebanese citizens, and, astonishingly, 400 Palestinian prisoners. The prisoner release was something of a coup for Hizbullah and its success led Hizbullah on 12 July 2006 to emulate the same capture operation hoping to precipitate the release of the last remaining Lebanese prisoners in Israeli prisons. In 2004, many from across the political spectrum in Lebanon and Palestine praised Hizbullah's achievement. In Beirut, the welcoming ceremonies for the released Palestinian prisoners were awash in both Palestinian and Lebanese flags. Among the celebrants were tens of thousands of Palestinians. The superior effectiveness of Hizbullah in comparison with then Palestinian leadership was not lost on observers. After all, in its most successful negotiations with the Israeli state the previous August, then Palestinian Prime Minister Abu Mazen had been able to secure the release of only 338 Palestinian prisoners of Israel, most of whom had reached the end of their terms anyway. In his welcoming speech to his Palestinian and Lebanese audience, Hizbullah Secretary General, Sayyid Hasan Nasrallah, further took a swipe at the Fatah-dominated Palestinian National Authority (PNA) by insisting that “We should not fall under any illusions and let ourselves believe that peaceful negotiations are an alternative to military resistance. Effective [military] resistance was the main factor behind our success” (Daily Star, 30 Jan. 2004, my emphases). One Lebanese analyst claimed that the Hizbullah success could not possibly be “a popular deal with Palestinian leadership” (Daily Star, 26 Jan. 2004), because it showed the relative effectiveness of Hizbullah compared to the Fatah-dominated PNA.

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8

Aljamal, Yousef M. "Dreaming of Freedom: Palestinian Child Prisoners Speak." Türkiye Ortadoğu Çalışmaları Dergisi 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.26513/tocd.321486.

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9

Shehab, Ekrema, Abdelkarim Daragmeh, and Iman Rayyan. "The translation of Palestinian prisoners’ cryptic security Arabic terms into English." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 65, no. 5 (December 23, 2019): 648–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.00120.she.

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Abstract This study deals with the translation into English of nine cryptic security Arabic terms Palestinian prisoners have nomenclatured in response to the life conditions in Israeli prisons. These terms were collected from prison literature and through interviews with five newly-freed Palestinian prisoners who served long terms in Israeli jails. The terms’ functions are pragmatically explicated, and suitable translations, capturing their pragmatic imports, are offered. The study found that these terms have drifted from their original semantic usages and acquired new functions prompted by Palestinian prisoners’ needs for self- and mate-security concerns. In such cases of highly contextualized language usages, the translation options range from those capturing the form and/or function to those capturing the communicative sense independently.

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10

Francis, Sahar. "Status of Palestinian Prisoners in International Humanitarian Law." Journal of Palestine Studies 43, no. 4 (2014): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.43.4.39.

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This essay addresses the legal status of Palestinian political prisoners under international humanitarian and human rights law. At the heart of this issue lies the fundamental question of Israel's right to arrest hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, put them on trial before arbitrary military courts, and treat them as criminals in its capacity as the occupying power given the internationally-recognized right of Palestinians to resist occupation and pursue self-determination. This question takes on all the more urgency considering the illegal nature of the Israeli occupation1 and given that the laws and rules of war are applicable to Palestinian detainees as their status conforms to the definition of prisoners of war and civilians under occupation pursuant to the Geneva Conventions of 1949.

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11

Hamdan, Mohammed. "“EVERY SPERM IS SACRED”: PALESTINIAN PRISONERS, SMUGGLED SEMEN, AND DERRIDA'S PROPHECY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, no. 4 (August 27, 2019): 525–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743819000680.

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AbstractThis paper investigates the contemporary phenomenon of smuggling sperm from within Israeli jails, which I treat as a biopolitical act of resistance. Palestinian prisoners who have been sentenced to life-imprisonment have recently resorted to delivering their sperm to their distant wives in the West Bank and Gaza where it is then used for artificial insemination. On the level of theory, my analysis of this practice benefits from Jacques Derrida's commentary inThe Post Cardon imaginative postal delivery of sperm to distant lovers. I use Derrida's heteronormative implication to examine how Palestinian prisoners defy the Israeli carceral system via the revolutionary act of sperm smuggling. The article then argues that smuggling sperm challenges the conventional gender codes in Palestinian society that see women in passive roles. Drawing on Derrida's metaphorical connection between masturbation and writing, I problematize the perception of speech/orality as primary in traditional Palestinian culture. Women, who mostly act as smugglers, become social agents whose written stories of bionational resistance emerge as a dominant mode of representation.

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12

Siegel-Itzkovich, J. "Israel accused of ignoring psychiatric problems in Palestinian prisoners." BMJ 314, no. 7080 (February 22, 1997): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.314.7080.535i.

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13

Sylvan, Donald A., Jonathan W. Keller, and Yoram Z. Haftel. "Forecasting Israeli–Palestinian Relations." Journal of Peace Research 41, no. 4 (July 2004): 445–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343304044476.

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14

Qafisheh, Mutaz M. "Palestinian prisoners in Israel versus Namibian prisoners under apartheid: a potential role for the International Criminal Court." International Journal of Human Rights 20, no. 6 (May 4, 2016): 798–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2016.1167686.

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15

Al-Shaikh, Abdul-Rahim. "The Parallel Human: Walid Daqqah on the 1948 Palestinian Political Prisoners." Confluences Méditerranée N° 117, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.117.0075.

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16

Shami, Mufeed M. "LABOR RELATIONS IN PALESTINIAN INSTITUTIONS." International Journal of Commerce and Management 4, no. 4 (April 1994): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb047299.

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17

Haj, Samira. "Palestinian Women and Patriarchal Relations." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 17, no. 4 (July 1992): 761–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494763.

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18

Viterbo, Hedi. "Rights as a Divide-and-Rule Mechanism: Lessons from the Case of Palestinians in Israeli Custody." Law & Social Inquiry 43, no. 03 (2018): 764–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12270.

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Critics have highlighted the complicity of human rights law in mass disempowerment and domination—a criticism equally applicable to child law. This article investigates this issue, as evidenced by three recent developments that Israel has justified by invoking these legal frameworks: an increased separation of Palestinian adults and children in Israeli custody; the Israeli legal system's growing preoccupation with “rehabilitating” the now-segregated Palestinian children; and the Israeli authorities' ever-diminishing interest in such rehabilitation for adult Palestinian prisoners. By canvassing the legal architecture, judicial rationalizations, adverse effects, and sociopolitical context of these developments, this article foregrounds their divide-and-rule logic and structure of driving a generational wedge between Palestinians and potentially weakening their political ties, solidarity, and resistance.

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19

Punamäki, Raija-Leena, Jari Salo, Ivan Komproe, Samir Qouta, Mustafa El-Masri, and Joop T. V. M. De Jong. "Dispositional and situational coping and mental health among Palestinian political ex-prisoners." Anxiety, Stress & Coping 21, no. 4 (October 2008): 337–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10615800701797333.

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20

Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 4 (2017): 140–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.140.

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This update, which summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, covers the quarter beginning on 16 February 2017 and ending on 15 May 2017. During this period, the administration of U.S. pres. Donald Trump attempted to put its own stamp on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, the Israeli government announced a new policy on settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, despite disagreements among the major parties. Some 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike, drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, Israel's right-wing government kept up a campaign to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

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21

Mohamad, Husam. "U.S. Policy and Israeli-Palestinian Relations." Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 43, no. 1 (2019): 26–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsa.2019.0004.

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22

Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 4 (2017): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.s3.

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This is part 134 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 February to 15 May 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump leads a new, regional effort to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. With the prospect of peace talks on the horizon, the Israeli government announced a new policy to guide settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, although the elections were compromised by disagreements among the major political parties. Approximately 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike (the Dignity Strike), drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, the right-wing Israeli government continued its efforts to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the Palestine-Israel conflict, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (4).

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23

Kanninen, Katri, Raija-Leena Punam�ki, and Samir Qouta. "Adult attachment and emotional responses to traumatic memories among Palestinian former political prisoners." Traumatology 9, no. 3 (September 2003): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1528/trau.9.3.127.22267.

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24

Wahbe, Randa May. "Physical and mental health of long-term Palestinian political prisoners: a qualitative study." Lancet 380 (October 2012): S23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(13)60204-4.

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25

Kanninen, Katri, Raija-Leena Punamäki, and Samir Qouta. "Adult attachment and emotional responses to traumatic memories among Palestinian former political prisoners." Traumatology 9, no. 3 (September 2003): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153476560300900302.

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26

Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 1 (2017): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.s3.

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This is part 135 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 May to 15 August 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump continued work on a largely undefined peace initiative without much progress. Violence in the Old City of Jerusalem interrupted U.S. efforts, and the Israeli government imposed new security restrictions at Haram al-Sharif, sparking a wave of unrest across the occupied Palestinian territories and a Muslim boycott of the sanctuary that put the nascent U.S. initiative to the test. Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas increased pressure on Hamas to relinquish control of Gaza to the PA. The 1,500-plus Palestinian prisoners who declared a mass hunger strike last quarter secured key concessions from the Israeli authorities and brought their “Dignity Strike” to a close. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates enacted a diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.

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27

Keshet, Yael, and Ariela Popper-Giveon. "Experiences of Jewish and Arab Healthcare Practitioners Treating Terrorists in Israel." Violence and Victims 35, no. 5 (October 1, 2020): 674–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/vv-d-19-00098.

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The growing number of terror attacks worldwide draws attention to the difficulties that healthcare practitioners experience when they treat terrorists or suspected terrorists. Research literature on the challenges faced by healthcare practitioners treating terrorists in conflict areas is limited. In-depth interviews were conducted during 2016–2017 with 50 Jewish and Arab healthcare practitioners (managers, physicians, and nurses) employed in 11 public hospitals in Israel, who treat Palestinian terrorists and security prisoners, in the context of a prolonged and violent national conflict. Jewish practitioners find it emotionally difficult to treat terrorists and security prisoners. They face an ethical dilemma when called upon to save the lives of those who took life and find themselves identifying with the victims. Arab practitioners identify with both sides of the conflict. Three coping strategies were described: maintaining a humanistic standpoint; adherence to a standard of detached professionalism; and refusal to treat terrorists and security prisoners.

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28

Tetrault, Justin EC, Sandra M. Bucerius, and Kevin D. Haggerty. "Multiculturalism Under Confinement: Prisoner Race Relations Inside Western Canadian Prisons." Sociology 54, no. 3 (November 13, 2019): 534–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038519882311.

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What do race relations among Canadian prisoners tell us about national mythology, liberal multiculturalism, and racial colour-blindness? Drawing from almost 500 semi-structured interviews conducted with male prisoners inside four provincial institutions in Western Canada as part of the University of Alberta Prison Project, we analyse prisoners’ perceptions of race and detail how their beliefs in Canada’s national mythology – particularly multiculturalism – foster racial colour-blindness in daily prison life. Our data speak to both support for, and critiques of, liberal multiculturalism as a lived political philosophy. For instance, racial colour-blindness helps reduce ethnic conflict and encourages inter-group relations among racially diverse prisoners. As critics of liberal multiculturalism suggest, however, our participants individualized racism, focusing on what is often called ‘overt racism’ (such as white supremacy). Few participants acknowledged ‘structural racism’ or dwelled on the overrepresentation of people of colour in the prison system (even when housed on a unit that could contain over 60 per cent Indigenous prisoners). Some prisoners expressed a belief that Canada had overcome racism.

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29

El Kurd, Dana. "Palestinian Protests." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 4 (December 2018): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.114002.

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This paper argues that both the institutions and the social cohesion of Palestinians in Jerusalem were dealt a heavy blow following the creation of the Palestinian Authority in 1994. The Palestinian Authority increasingly demobilized Palestinians within Jerusalem and eroded traditional institutions. Nevertheless, the Israeli occupation’s intention to repress Jerusalemites by shutting down their organizations has inadvertently opened up new opportunities for collective action. Since then, Jerusalemites have begun reviving traditional institutions and working to address Israeli policies. This article incorporates new quantitative and qualitative data on the most recent waves of protest to make the argument that social cohesion is crucial to understanding protest capacity in East Jerusalem today.

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30

Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 1 (2017): 132–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.132.

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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 May 2017 and ending on 15 August 2017: U.S. president Donald Trump continued working on a largely undefined peace initiative with little success. Violence in the Old City of Jerusalem interrupted U.S. diplomatic efforts and the Israeli government imposed new security measures at Haram al-Sharif. These restrictions sparked a wave of unrest across the occupied Palestinian territories and a Muslim boycott of the sanctuary, testing the nascent U.S. initiative. Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas increased pressure on Hamas to relinquish control of Gaza to the PA. The 1,500-plus Palestinian prisoners who declared a mass hunger strike last quarter secured key concessions from the Israeli authorities and brought their strike to a close. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates enacted a diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.

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31

Punamaki, Raija-Leena. "Experiences of Torture, Means of Coping, and Level of Symptoms among Palestinian Political Prisoners." Journal of Palestine Studies 17, no. 4 (1988): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537292.

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32

كلاب, محمد مصطفى. "ظواهر سيميائية في شعر الأسرى الفلسطينيين = Semiotic Phenomena in the Poetry of Palestinian Prisoners." IUG Journal of Humanities Research 25, no. 2 (June 2017): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0040953.

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33

Punamaki, Raija-Leena. "Experiences of Torture, Means of Coping, and Level of Symptoms among Palestinian Political Prisoners." Journal of Palestine Studies 17, no. 4 (July 1988): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1988.17.4.00p0046s.

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34

Rispler-Chaim, V. "Ethical aspects concerning sperm smuggled by Muslim Palestinian ‘security prisoners’ out of Israeli prisons." Ethics, Medicine and Public Health 14 (July 2020): 100531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jemep.2020.100531.

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35

Cohen, Hillel. "Society–Military Relations in a State-in-the-Making." Armed Forces & Society 38, no. 3 (July 27, 2011): 463–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x11415493.

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The participation of the Palestinian Authority’s (PA’s) security agencies in the armed struggle against Israel in the second Palestinian uprising (2000–2005) is analyzed in this article as a response to the demand of Palestinian society, thus as a unique case of armed forces which, in the lack of political directive, became more attentive to public opinion. The article shows how Palestinian public discourse in the late 1990s–early 2000s, that was shaped by the Islamic movement of Hamas, portrayed the PA’s security officials as traitors. Members of the PA security agencies (mainly Fatah members) sought to reposition themselves in the “national camp,” and this motivated them to raise their weapons against Israeli targets. By doing so, they also removed the mental burden of turning their weapons against fellow Palestinians that was one of the major sources for their image as collaborators.

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36

Frisch, Hillel. "Comparing Palestinian Perspectives in the Palestinian Authority, Israel and Jordan on Jordanian-Israeli Relations." Israel Affairs 9, no. 3 (March 2003): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714003516.

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37

Alin, Erika, and Don Peretz. "Intifada: The Palestinian Uprising." International Journal 46, no. 2 (1991): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202875.

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38

Barber, Brian K. "Political Violence, Family Relations, and Palestinian Youth Functioning." Journal of Adolescent Research 14, no. 2 (April 1999): 206–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0743558499142004.

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39

A. Murat, AĞDEMİR. "Religion, Settlements and Israel’s Relations with Palestinian Arabs." Milletleraras 45 (2014): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/intrel_0000000294.

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40

PRESSMAN, JEREMY. "Israeli Unilateralism and Israeli?Palestinian Relations, 2001?2006." International Studies Perspectives 7, no. 4 (November 2006): 360–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1528-3585.2006.00259.x.

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41

Sarraj, Eyad El, Raija-Leena Punamäki, Suhail Salmi, and Derek Summer-field. "Experiences of torture and ill-treatment and posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms among Palestinian political prisoners." Journal of Traumatic Stress 9, no. 3 (1996): 595–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jts.2490090315.

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42

Inbar, Efraim. "Israel's Palestinian Challenge." Israel Affairs 12, no. 4 (October 2006): 823–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533310600890141.

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43

Das, Samir Kumar. "Prisoners of Peace." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 42, no. 3 (August 2017): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375417736698.

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As Irom Sharmila Chanu breaks her sixteen-yearlong fast on August 9, 2016, struggle for peace in India’s Northeast seems to have turned a full circle. On the one hand, her battle against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act 1958—the law that empowers even a noncommissioned army officer to open fire on a civilian and in the process kill her with impunity, that is to say, without ever being tried in a court of law—by all accounts made her the “iron lady” and “the Face of Manipur” to the world. On the other hand, notwithstanding her indefinite fast—widely believed to be emblematic of the “collective moral outrage” against the Act—persistent appeals made by a host of national and international human rights groups, eminent public intellectuals, and the recommendation of the respective Committees in favor of repealing it, the Act remains very much in force in parts of Jammu and Kashmir and in the Northeast even after fifty-eight years of its enactment, resulting in the death of hundreds of civilians. This article seeks to explain the implications of this paradox for peace politics in the region. Why does Sharmila have to take the otherwise painful and albeit difficult decision of breaking her fast even when there is little sign of repealing the Act? Insofar as she takes the difficult decision of breaking her fast, she realizes that her prolonged fast becomes subjected to a variety of technologies of governance: first, by calling for the complete sacrifice of her private life, second by turning her fast into a public spectacle rendering it both “unsuccessful” and necessary—significantly both at the same time—and finally by inculcating in her and in many of us the intense desire of pursuing peace through the established political institutions, particularly electoral institutions.

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44

Hausmann, Ricardo. "Prisoners of Geography." Foreign Policy, no. 122 (January 2001): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3183225.

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45

Fischer, Stanley. "Building Palestinian Prosperity." Foreign Policy, no. 93 (1993): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149020.

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46

Arzt, Donna E., and Don Peretz. "The Palestinian Refugees." Middle East Policy 7, no. 2 (February 2000): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.2000.tb00149.x.

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47

Gertz, Nurith, and George Khleifi. "Palestinian ‘Roadblock Movies’." Geopolitics 10, no. 2 (July 2005): 316–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040590946601.

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48

Hacin, Rok. "Prisoners’ Perceptions of Legitimacy of Prison Staff in Slovenia." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 26, no. 2 (May 26, 2018): 160–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-02602003.

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This paper focuses on prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy of prison staff in Slovenian prisons and the influence of progressiveness of the prison regime on these perceptions. The purpose of the study is to identify those factors that influence prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy of the prison staff and to test different models of studying legitimacy in the post-socialist prison environment. Possible differences in prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy in different prison regimes in Slovenia will be explored. Results of regression analyses highlighted the fact that procedural justice, distributive justice, trust in authority, effectiveness of the prison staff, prison regime, age, relations with prisoners, relations with the prison staff, and obligation to obey, all predict prisoners’ perceptions of legitimacy. Results of discriminant analysis revealed the differences between prisoners in open, semi-open, and closed departments. The implications of these findings are discussed in the conclusion.

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Abu Sitta, Salman, and Terry Rempel. "The ICRC and the Detention of Palestinian Civilians in Israel's 1948 POW/Labor Camps." Journal of Palestine Studies 43, no. 4 (2014): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.43.4.11.

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The internment of thousands of Palestinian civilians in Israeli-run prisoner of war camps is a relatively little known episode in the 1948 war. This article begins to piece together the story from the dual perspective of the former civilian internees and of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Aside from the day-to-day treatment of the internees, ICRC reports focused on the legal and humanitarian implications of civilian internment and on Israel's resort to forced labor to support its war effort. Most of the 5,000 or so Palestinian civilians held in four official camps were reduced to conditions described by one ICRC official as “slavery” and then expelled from the country at the end of the war. Notwithstanding their shortcoming, the ICRC records constitute an important contribution to the story of these prisoners and also expose the organization's ineffectiveness—absent a legal framework as well as enforcement mechanisms beyond moral persuasion, the ICRC could do little to intervene on behalf of the internees.

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الشريف, محمد يوسف. "التحليل النفسي لأشعار الأسرى الفلسطينيين داخل المعتقلات الإسرائيلية = Identifying the Palestinian Prisoners Personality in Israeli Jails." دراسات عربية في التربية و علم النفس, no. 48 P.3 (April 2014): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0023097.

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