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Journal articles on the topic 'Relations with Serbians'
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1
Selinić, Slobodan. "Izbor kadrova iz Srbije u Predsedništvo CK SKJ 1981–1983: političke borbe posle smrti Josipa Broza." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 2 (August 30, 2021): 199–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.2.sel.199-227.
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The present paper contributes to the study of Serbia’s position in Yugoslavia after the death of Josip Broz. Based on insights into the disputes over the election of Serbian members and chair of the LCY Central Committee Presidium in 1981–1983, it analyzes the relations between politicians from Serbia on the one hand, and the relations of Serbia and other republics and provinces on the other. Prior insights from memoirs and historiographical literature were complemented by archival research.
2
COHEN, LENARD. "IDENTITY-FORMATION AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE "NEW SERBIA": BLENDING TRADITIONS WITH A "EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE"." Southeastern Europe 32, no. 1 (2007): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633307x00093.
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Abstract Summary: Serbia has been undergoing a persistent identity crisis throughout most of the 200 years of its existence as an emergent and then independent polity. Recently, the visibility of issues relating to identity-building and statebuilding in Serbian political life have been heightened owing to Montenegro's referendum on sovereignty, the possibility of Kosovo obtaining independence, and Serbia's "new" position as an independent state. Drawing extensively on Serbian research, the article explores the transformation of political culture and political identities in post-Milosevic Serbia. The author contends that progress towards Europeanization and democratic consolidation in Serbia will require another major democratic breakthrough or at least a catalytic realignment of political forces (only partially obtained in the wake of the January 2007 Serbian elections). Serbia's future democratization remains contingent on the emergence of broad elite and public consensus around notions which blend a liberal and civic orientation with the positive aspects of Serbian tradition.
3
Biserko, Sonya. "HEGEMONIC NATIONALIST MATRICES OF THE PAST AND THE FUTURE OF THE BALKANS." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.04.
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The article examines the features of public attitudes, national consciousness and foreign policy of Serbia in the context of its relationship with the countries of the Western Balkans. On the basis of modern Serbian scientific literature and opinion piece, the author analyzes the current crisis state of Serbian society, which was the result of the policy of S. Milošević and the heirs of the ideas of Serbian nationalism. The main attention is paid to Serbia’s relations with the newly formed states after the collapse of the SFRY - Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro and North Macedonia - from the point of view of the problem of joining of these countries the EU and NATO. The author analyzes the political and psychological atmosphere in Serbian society, the moods and plans of the authorities of modern Serbia, as well as the views of the right-wing nationalist politicians and scientists in relation to neighboring states. The study acquaints the reader with Serbia’s foreign policy plans and their results in the context of the formation of a new national identity based on the «Saint Sava myth», Serbian Orthodoxy and Serbian ethnic nationalism. An important place in the formation of Serbian identity is occupied by the revision of the concept of the history of Yugoslavia, which leads to the deformation of historical consciousness and the dominance of ethno-national identity over all other types of identity, and above all, over civic identity. The author believes that the new identity now being formed in Serbia leads to the rejection of modern reforms based on the rule of law, human rights, pluralism and tolerance. The author concludes that for stabilization in the Balkans it is necessary to find a point of integration common to all peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, regardless of their nationality. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a key link in the process of stabilizing the region. But all the other states of the Western Balkans are facing the same task. The researcher examines the role of Russia in the domestic life and foreign policy of Serbia and, in general, in the Western Balkans region, which has not yet resolved the problems of the transition period.
4
Kuzmicheva, Lyudmila. "Serbia gains independence in 1878. Illusions and reality." Slavs and Russia, no. 2019 (2019): 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2019.11.
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Serbia became an independent state after the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878. Relations between the Russian Empire and the Serbian Principality deteriorated on the eve of the signing of the Treaty of Berlin. This was largely due to the personal position of the Serbian Prince Milan. Serbian leadership considered it impossible to support Russia in the event of a new war. For the Russian side, the unwillingness of the Serbian side to follow Russia's recommendations was unexpected. Serbian historiography has long argued that this position of Serbia was due to the infringement of Serbian national interests in the course of signing of the Treaty of San Stefano. Serbian territorial claims were not satisfied, and the creation of Greater Bulgaria seemed unfair to the Serbs. However, sources indicate that the rejection of consultations with Russia occurred not only for this reason. Prince Milan took a determined course for an Alliance with Austria-Hungary and a break-up with Russia. This is recognised by modern Serbian historiography. The departure from consultations with the Russian Empire and the rapprochement with the Habsburg monarchy largely determined the nature of Serbia's state-building, as well as its relations with neighbouring Balkan States. Serbia gained the status of an independent state, but at the same time became dependent on its Northern neighbour - Austria-Hungary.
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Bazić, Jovan. "Relations of Serbia and European Union: Socio-Historical Determinants and the Contemporary Political Issues." Politeja 16, no. 3(60) (March 1, 2020): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.60.20.
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This paper deals with the relations between the Republic of Serbia and the European Union, with special attention to the key issues in the process of its accession to the EU, as well as the political moods of the Serbian citizens towards that membership. There are many problems and misunderstandings in the process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union which are expressed through conflicts of different interests, the EU’s asymmetrical and ultimatumbased relationship with Serbia, a different perception and assessment of reality in Serbia, the value system and other cultural factors. These problems are manifested through many issues, and essentially, they stem from the consequences of the break-up of Yugoslavia and the political conditions for Serbia’s admission to EU membership, such as: the support of the secessionist processes in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, first in case of secession of Montenegro from the FR Yugoslavia and then of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia, as well as in the issues of Serbia’s cooperation with the Hague Tribunal. The core standards for EU membership from Copenhagen and Madrid remain in the shadow of these problems. This is one of the reasons why in Serbia the skepticism towards its membership in the European Union has been on the rise. Other contributing reasons for skepticism include the current processes within the Union, such as economic, monetary and institutional crisis, Brexit; the strengthening of conservatism and separatism, as well as the increasingly noticeable initiatives for the reorganization of the Union. That is why Serbia’s path to EU membership has become more complicated and why it seems more and more like a road without a final destination.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko. "The relations of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China at the beginning of the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 70, no. 1 (2018): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1801049d.
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The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.
7
Dyrina, Anna. "ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
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The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
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Baniak, Sandra. "Russia’s economic soft power: The case of Serbia." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 3 (December 2020): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.3.5.
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Serbia inherited Yugoslavia’s tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of “multi-vector” policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a “strategic partnership” with Russia. This paper presents Russia’s interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia’s internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo’s independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.
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Hristov, Petko. "Bulgarian Ritual Kinship (Kumstvo)." Journal of Family History 43, no. 1 (December 11, 2017): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199017738187.
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Among the Orthodox Christians on the Balkans, the rituals of Christian baptism and marriage traditionally give rise to ritual kinship relationships, not only among individuals but also among family groups that were until then unrelated. Only among Bulgarians, Serbians, and Macedonians, these relationships are carried on hereditarily and are constructed according to the patrilineal kinship model. The godfather’s role ( kumstvo) is inherited as symbolic capital by the family-kin groups of both the godparents and the godchildren. These are relations of symbolic inequality and have a ritual character: both the calendar feast cycle and the lifecycle rituals are marked by symbolic rights and obligations, which are still observed until the present day in most Bulgarian families, for example, mandatory gift exchange. The belief in the power of the godparent’s curse is still alive today in a number of regions in Bulgaria. On the other hand, the godparent tradition among Bulgarians acquired new meaning and new dimensions during the decades of socialism and postsocialist transition. During the last two or three decades, the godparent relationship has become a way of building new social networks, often of a clientelist nature. More and more often, ritual kinship relations are used for benefits and hierarchical ascent, similarly to nepotism. This process leads to the reformation of social networks—it still functions as social capital, but to each new generation. Every new family chooses different godparents, thus creating new social networks. Research about godparent relations among Bulgarians and, more generally, on the Balkans, is based on both existing studies on the subject and on the author’s personal fieldwork research in Bulgaria.
10
Konitzer, Andrew. "Serbia between East and West." Russian History 38, no. 1 (2011): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x549623.
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AbstractThis article critically examines contemporary narratives which frame Serbian politics as a conflict between supporters of a pro-European Union (EU) policy and supporters of closer ties with Russia. Contrary to this narrative, contemporary Serbian political actors increasingly present policies and platforms oriented towards both the European Union and Russia. These developments reflect the contradictory legacies arising from the history of Serbian and Russian diplomatic relations along with the sometimes ambivalent implications of Russia's stance on the issue of Kosovo's independence, Serbian public attitudes towards Russia, and recent developments in Serbian-Russian economic relations. Given the long time frame for EU membership and the current impasse over issues like Kosovo and Serbia's potential NATO membership, Serbia's leaders currently enjoy the luxury of simultaneously deepening ties with both the EU and Russia. However, a future linkage between Kosovo's independence and EU membership and/or the possibility of Serbia's joining NATO will likely present Serbian political elites with mutually-exclusive choices bearing important implications for their relations with either Russia or the EU.
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Božić-Miljković, Ivana, Kristina Kaličanin, and Vladimir Mitić. "Foreign trade of agricultural products between Serbia and the European Union: Problems and perspectives." Ekonomski pogledi 22, no. 1 (2020): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/ekopog2001029b.
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The aim of this paper is to analyse trade relations between Serbia and the European Union, from the perspective of trade in agricultural products. An overview of the changes in the economic structure of Serbia, which resulted from the transition to a system of market economy and in which agriculture gained greater developmental significance than it had in the previous period, represents the starting point of the analysis. The trade of agricultural products between Serbia and the EU countries has been on an upward trend since the beginning of the century, and Serbia has achieved a positive balance in that trade. However, the structure of Serbian export points to a problem of low export competitiveness. This problem could be overcome by acting gradually on various segments of production, trade and promotion of agricultural products, which the authors of the paper define in the form of a proposal. Trade in agricultural products between Serbia and the EU is part of their overall economic relations and contributes to the process of Serbia's integration into the EU, so positive trends related to this aspect of their relations can be expected in the future.
12
Armatta, Judith. "Historical Revelations from the Milošević Trial." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 1 (2012): 10–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633312x616968.
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Controversy over Serbia's1 role in the decade of wars in the former Yugoslavia continues. The trial of Slobodan Milošević unearthed significant new material in documents and testimony, despite the trial's premature end with Milošević's death. While there was no legal resolution, evidence revealed at trial provides a rich resource for historians to further examine some of the major controversies arising from the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the decade of wars that ensued. This article will highlight evidence relevant to the following issues: Was Serbia opposed to disintegration and war or did Milošević seek it in his quest for power? Were the wars in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina civil wars in which Serbia was not involved except to provide humanitarian aid and negotiate for peace or was Serbia a primary protagonist? What was Serbia's role, if any, in the Srebrenica genocide?2 Was Serbia, NATO or the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) responsible for war and ethnic cleansing in Kosovo? While the trial of Milošević did not attempt to establish Serbia's or the FRY's responsibility, actions taken by Milošević as Serbia's president and de facto leader of the FRY necessarily implicate them as political entities.
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Borozan, Igor. "The medieval revival and historical topographic representations in The Byzantine monuments of Serbia." Zograf, no. 43 (2019): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1943197b.
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The work of Felix Kanitz titled Serbiens byzantinische Monumente. Gezeichnet und beschrieben von F. Kanitz [The Byzantine Monuments of Serbia. Drawn and Described by F. Kanitz] published in German and Serbian in 1862 has never been subjected to more detailed analysis from the perspective of art history. The need for the contextualization of illustrated books and their relation to the European culture of historicism, to nature and landscape, as well as their relationship with various artistic phenomena of the mid-nineteenth century, demands the placement of Kanitz?s book into the wider cultural framework of the epoch.
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Troude, Alexis. "Franco-Serbian relations within the Armée D'Orient 1915-1918." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637221t.
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The paper offers an atypical approach to the Franco-Serbian collaboration on the Salonica Front in that it seeks to view it from the perspective of participants rather than to base itself on reports submitted by the respective military commands. Interesting and frequently contradictory personal experiences drawn from the encounter of two culturally and geographically remote worlds reflect the daily life of French and Serbian soldiers. Observing Franco-Serbian relations at three parallel levels everyday contacts on the front, support of French scholars and intellectuals to Serbia, and diplomatic relations between the two countries - the paper builds an argumentation for the process of establishing French influence in Serbia and the Balkans.
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Dimitrijević, Duško. "Chinese Investments in Serbia—A Joint Pledge for the Future of the New Silk Road." Baltic Journal of European Studies 7, no. 1 (June 27, 2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2017-0005.
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Abstract Following the political changes in 2000, Serbia has rapidly started to catch up with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in various aspects of the transition process. One of these very important aspects were foreign investments, both ‘direct’ and ‘portfolio’ ones, that had a significant impact on the development of Serbian economy by recovering economic structure and raising competitiveness in world markets, followed by improving the balance of payments and technological, scientific and managerial base. Foreign investments as an “economic engine” enable accelerated realization of national economic goals which include re-industrialization and renewal of industrial capacity. The openness of the Serbian market and the lack of financial resources allow China and other states concerned under favourable conditions invest in the development of Serbian economy. In this way, Chinese investments have become a driving force for the promotion of economic and other relations between the two countries. On the other hand, however, Chinese investments have proven to be an ideal test for the realization of the objectives of the development strategy of the ‘New Silk Road’ which among other things include the improvement of China’s position on world markets, including the EU market. For the proper understanding of Sino-Serbian relations, this study first gives a short explanation of the Chinese strategy of the New Silk Road. Then, it includes an analysis of Serbia’s position towards China. Analysis of the development of Serbian-Chinese economic relations, especially in the field of foreign investment and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanism ‘16+1’, occupies the central part of the study. The study concludes with an evaluation of comparative advantages and certain disadvantages for the Chinese foreign investment in Serbian economy, which in itself has certain significance for the realization of the New Silk Road strategy.
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Rossi, Michael. "Ending the impasse in Kosovo: partition, decentralization, or consociationalism?" Nationalities Papers 42, no. 5 (September 2014): 867–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.937683.
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This paper argues that current Western-backed approaches to conflict resolution in Kosovo have failed to alter Serbia's policy toward the region and have contributed to the exacerbation of political tensions between Belgrade and Brussels, while deepening ethnic cleavages between Serb and Albanian communities. While there is no possibility of Kosovo returning to Serbia's control, there is an equal unlikelihood that Serbian-populated regions of Kosovo, especially the north, will submit to Pristina's authority. Most importantly, there is little hope that Kosovo can gain full international recognition and membership in international organizations without a compromise settlement with Serbia. While territorial partition has long been a suggested option, I conclude that the best possible solution for Kosovo, given the positions of all parties involved, is a process of significant decentralization beyond the internationally supported measures in the Ahtisaari Plan. A model of consociational power sharing is one in which Serbian and Albanian municipalities are granted high levels of autonomy similar to arrangements made for Bosnia. While this solution may not be ideal and further weakens central authority, I argue that consociationalism reduces the problems of ethnic conflict, encourages local self-government, and preserves the overall territorial integrity of Kosovo.
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Kovacevic, Mladjen. "Economic and financial relations of Serbia with foreign countries in the period 2000-2003." Ekonomski anali 44, no. 160 (2004): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0460075k.
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The dissolution of the federation, war in the immediate environment, the UN sanctions, scarce investment as well as the NATO air-attacks had disastrous consequences for trade and financial relations of Serbia with foreign countries. Simultaneously, its foreign debt rose sharply due to the accrued interests, being at the end of 2000 substantially higher than Serbian gross domestic product. Thanks to the write-off of 51% of debt towards the Paris club, a windfall of donations and obtaining new favorable medium-term and long-term credits, the condition of Serbia's international financial relations considerably improved in the period 2001-2003, thus enabling it to run a foreign-exchange surplus during this period. Due to the policy of de facto floating exchange rate, sudden and drastic liberalization of imports and the lack of non-tariff protection, exports of goods and services in the last three years, contrary to plans, have increased much more slowly than imports, resulting in a large increase in growth and an enormously high level of trade deficit unsustainable in the long run. Due to new credits euro-denominated and other foreign-currency denominated debts being converted into the increasingly weaker dollar and the accrual of interests Serbian foreign debt increased sharply reaching an all-time high at the end of last year and being twice as high as was officially predicted three years before. The level of foreign debt is very high. Trade deficit and foreign indebtedness have become the most serious problems of Serbian economy and unless appropriate measures are taken, it will soon face a serious debt crisis.
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Paic, Róbert, Gyöngyvér Prisztóka, and Attila Kajos. "Factors of success. Attitude differences of one Hungarian and one Serbian team’s youth handball players." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2013): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2013/1/19.
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Results of the Hungarian and the Serbian handball teams are similar on the international level (IHF rankings: Serbia 4. Hungary 5. IHF-10.03.2012.), however the general supposition is that the Serbian handball players are more successful and more acknowledged. This is confirmed by numerous Serbian internationals that play at high level in Hungary and other European countries and the results of the youth national teams. In this article we were searching for the influential factors behind the success of the Serbian team. While there are no considerable differences in physical performance and anthropometric parameters so we assume the main differences are in their relation and stance to coach and to training. In our study we support an explanation for the reasons of the differences in the results between two nations youth handball players with an analysis of the attitude to the head coach and players relation to work and physical training. Our sample was chosen from one Serbian (Crvenka) and one Hungarian (Komló) youth team. The measurement was completed with a standard survey according to Hagger et al. (2007) Passes questionnaire. The results show that the Serbian youth players have better relations with their head coach and have better stance for work and training, which might be an explanation for their better success.
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Pivovarenko, A. А. "Serbia’s Foreign Policy in the South-West Direction." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 1 (May 25, 2021): 162–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-1-162-175.
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This article suggests a rethinking of Serbian-Albanian relations. Contemporary research tends to reduce this problem exclusively to the Serbia-Kosovo issue, which is usually regarded with a value-based approach. As a result, the issue of Serbia’s foreign policy strategy in the south-west and south direction, which also includes the Republic of Albania and other states (Montenegro, North Macedonia), where the role of the Albanian factor is signifi cant, remains outside the scope of the analysis. The purpose of this article is to examine more closely the logic of Serbia’s foreign policy activities in the south-western (Albanian) direction, taking into account the historical context and current trends associated with the active implementation of infrastructure projects in the entire Balkan region. Given that these projects cover both Serbia and Albania, it is appropriate to assume that Belgrade and Pristina have a mutual interest in forming a predictable non-confl ict space and in certain coordination of their approaches to conducting politics in their border area. This, in turn, requires a rethinking of Serbia’s foreign policy strategy in the southwestern (Albanian) direction. To this end, the author analyzes both the historical evolution of Belgrade’s position on the Albanian-Kosovo issue and considers it in the context of modern regional infrastructure projects. Considering the structural regional changes, taking place since the second half of the 2010s, the author comes to the conclusion that Belgrade is facing a dilemma between the self-signifi cant signifi cance of the Kosovo issue and the interest in forming a predictable and stable space to the southwest of its own borders. This dilemma determines the logic of modern Serbia’s foreign policy actions.
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Sretenovic, Stanislav. "Franco-Serbian relations in the 19th and 20th centuries." Medjunarodni problemi 61, no. 4 (2009): 536–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0904536s.
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In this paper the authors deals with the evolution of the Franco-Serbian relations in European, regional and local contexts during the last two centuries. Two nations are characterized by material disproportion, geographic distance and cultural differences. Hence, the relations have been observed in their complexity and variations of intensity. Special attention is paid to versatile perceptions of the two nations, which have been influenced by the combination of political, ideological, economical and cultural factors in a given time. The author's conclusion is that due to reach tradition of the French-Serbian relations, the Serbs poses spiritual capital in France that is the base for further development of good relations between the two countries and two nations in the context of Serbia's European integrations. .
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Spanovic, Marija, Brian Lickel, Thomas F. Denson, and Nebojsa Petrovic. "Fear and anger as predictors of motivation for intergroup aggression: Evidence from Serbia and Republika Srpska." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 13, no. 6 (October 28, 2010): 725–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430210374483.
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We investigated the relationship between emotions of fear and anger and people’s motivation for intergroup aggression within the context of Serbian—Albanian relations in Serbia (Study 1) and Serbian—Bosniak intergroup relations in Bosnia (Study 2). Serbian students in Belgrade and Banja Luka completed a survey that assessed their attitudes towards Albanians or Bosniaks. We found that fear of the outgroup was related to increased motivation for aggression in the context of the ongoing conflict in Serbia, whereas fear was negatively related to aggression in Bosnia, where the conflict had been resolved. The relationships between fear and aggression were significant even after controlling for anger. Furthermore, ingroup affiliation mediated the relationship between fear and aggression in Serbia and between anger and aggression in Bosnia. These findings have implications for conflict resolution efforts in ongoing or intractable conflicts.
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Vujovic, Sreten. ""We" and "others" according to statements of economic experts in Serbia." Sociologija 45, no. 3 (2003): 237–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0303237v.
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This article refers to the scientific and professional relations between Serbian economists and their counterparts from the West. Opinions of Serbian economists about the others and otherness are considered within the context of post socialist transformation at the turn of millennium. Firstly, the statements about scientific exchange with foreign, i.e. Western professionals and institutions are discussed referring to experienced pleasant and unpleasant surprises as well as to the effects of scientific cooperation in view of "we"-"others" relationship, i.e. mutual learning process and reception of knowledge and professional behavior types. In relation to that, the differences between egalitarian liberals and libertarians among our economist", are pointed out. Finally, arguments of interviewed experts about privatization in Serbia, its characteristics and effects are presented.
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Selinić, Slobodan. "SRBIJA I POLITIČKI ODNOSI U JUGOSLAVIJI U VREME SAHRANE ALEKSANDRA RANKOVIĆA 1983: TAČKE SUKOBA." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 415–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.sel.415-434.
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Serbia’s political status after the death of Josip Broz was determined by two kinds of efforts by the state. Firstly, the Serbian leaders aimed to change its unequal status in federal Yugoslavia. Secondly, they aimed to stop fragmentation within Serbia, which grew steadily after the 1974 Constitution. Political relations between Serbian leaders on the one hand, and some political circles and leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the autonomous provinces on the other, were strained. They worsened even more after several clashes in 1983. Despite the opposition of politicians in Bosnia, Croatia, and Vojvodina to Dragoslav Marković (who was described as a strong advocate of Serbian political unity), he was elected as chairman of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (CK SKJ) in 1983. Serbo-Croatian relationships were further damaged after the publication of the book Enigma Kopinič in Belgrade. The Croatian leaders were against this publication because it revealed – as far as the Party was concerned – undesirable information about the interwar years and the period during World War II. The major confrontation came over the interpretation of events that occurred at the funeral of Aleksandar Ranković (mainly over who was responsible for the mass gathering and the respectful attitude toward the deceased). Federal party units, as well as those from the Yugoslav republics and from Belgrade, jointly condemned those events as a political rally against the government. However, they disagreed over who was responsible for the incident and what had caused the public outcry. The CK SKJ chairmanship members from the autonomous provinces, Croatia, and Bosnia accused Serbia and the Serbian Communist Party for the display of nationalism. They also held the Belgrade City Party Committee responsible for letting the rally happen. Contrary to this, the Belgrade City Committee led by Ivan Stambolić, whom the Serbian leadership supported, felt that the uproar was caused by the overall political, economic, and social crisis, for which the Federal government was to blame.
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Glišin, Vanja. "Serbian people under imperial pressure: The position in a geopolitical knot." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2002047g.
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In this paper, the author is analyzing the geopolitical position of Serbia and Serbian lands while following the historical course of events that changed the realpolitik state of affairs in this area. In the first part of the paper, the author starts with the analysis of geographical characteristics of Serbian state, political and economic environment of Serbia as semi-periphery in relation to the center, as well as the strategic potentials of the territory, waters and aerial space of this region. Leaning on the analyzed characteristics the work further turns its attention towards the geopolitical standing of Serbia and the Serbian people while being focused on a few geopolitical aspects to disassemble the imperial pressures throughout the centuries of Serbian crucifixion as clear as possible.
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Ignjatović, Jelena, Jovana Kisin, and Mileta Brajković. "Exports as a trigger of economic growth of the Republic of Serbia." Poslovna ekonomija 14, no. 2 (2020): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/poseko18-29329.
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In recent years, Serbian exports, accompanied by the inflow of foreign direct investment, have improved significantly, resulting in stronger economic growth. However, despite the positive predictions of the European Commission for further growth of exports and the increase of economic growth in Serbia, our economy is facing serious consequences caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, which is affecting the whole world. The paper aims at presenting the current macroeconomic picture of the Republic of Serbia through the analysis of import and export policy, the volume of foreign trade and their impact on economic growth. In relation to the set goals, the paper is divided into four thematic units, with conclusions and possible recommendations at the end. Special emphasis was placed on exports, its development opportunities and improving competitiveness, as well as the presentation of recommendations within the Serbia's New Growth Agenda. The subject of this paper is based on theoretical data analysis, through descriptive and comparative methods as well as the synthesis of theoretical and empirical facts. For this research the primary empirical data were collected from various relevant sources.
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Rossi, Michael. "In search of a democratic cultural “alternative”: Serbia's European heritage from Dositej Obradović to OTPOR." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 6 (November 2012): 853–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.742987.
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Developments in Serbia's democratic consolidation over the past six years have been both ongoing and progressive. Yet the establishment of a widely shared and collectively accepted political culture that has departed from the ethnocentric and euroskeptic narratives of the Milošević era remains incomplete. Additionally, the failure by Serbian socio-political elites in appropriating alternative narratives of Serbian history and culture that demonstrate a tradition of shared values and identities with other European communities has stymied public acceptance of Serbia's European integration and public trust among its leaders. This paper argues that Serbian socio-political elites can appropriate narratives and symbols of Serbian collective identity that have been either sidelined or neglected by previously established ethnocentric narratives, and ascribe new systems of meaning and codes of behavior that qualify European liberal democratic values. I argue that a plentiful reservoir of democratic capital can be found in the histories of Serbian communities in Vojvodina over the past three centuries, and the urban cosmopolitanism of Belgrade from the late 1860s up to the present period.
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Cvejic, Slobodan. "On inevitability of political clientelism in contemporary Serbia." Sociologija 58, no. 2 (2016): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1602239c.
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This paper deals with the problem of political clientelism in Serbia broadly defined as the selective distribution of benefits (money, jobs, information, a variety of privileges) to individuals or clearly defined groups in exchange for political support. The main objective is to explain why political clientelism is widespread in Serbia and which key factors determine its shape and intensity. The explanation is based on the analysis of historical factors of development of clientelism in Serbia, as well as on analysis of data from a recent research on informal relations between political and economic elites in Serbia and Kosovo. The paper concludes that clientelism and informality have represented one of the structuring principles of socioeconomic and political development of Serbian society under the conditions of weak formal institutions and socio-historical heritage of late modernization. On the other hand, since 2000 economic and political sphere in Serbia became more open and competitive which influenced change in the character of clientelism in Serbia - the increased rivalry among different clientelistic (sub)networks heightened the chance of opportunistic defection even at the top level, which made political power of patrons more tradable and the relation inside the power network less asymmetric.
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Djordjevic, Bojan, Mira Djordjevic, and Dragisa Stanujkic. "Investor relations on the internet: Analysis of companies on the Serbian stock market." Ekonomski anali 57, no. 193 (2012): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1293113d.
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Stockholders and other interested parties used to exchange information in writing by means of physical submission, while today with just a click on any known company?s Internet page it is possible to acquire both the information needed and its financial situation. The aim of this work is to indicate the lack of corporate culture and investor communication on the Serbian stock market by analyzing investor relations via the e-communication tools of some of the best Serbian companies. This study investigates investor relations on the Internet of companies listed on the Belgrade Stock Exchange (BELEX 15 and BELEX LINE). For this purpose, the websites of the 20 largest listed companies of the Republic of Serbia were screened for investor relations items. Results obtained by using a three-stage model show that most companies in Serbia are at the second stage of internet investor relations, i.e., where information available through other sources is combined to better inform investors. In the third stage companies use the full interactive possibilities of the Internet for investor relations purposes. The author also stresses that the quality of investor relations must be a part of every company?s strategic vision.
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Rodman, David. "Serbian–Israeli relations." Israel Affairs 26, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 489–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2020.1754610.
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Mirovic, Dejan. "Slobodan Jovanovic and Serbian-Russian relations in the context of international public law." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 168 (2018): 743–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1868743m.
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Without a doubt, Slobodan Jovanovic was one of the greatest Serbian jurists, and in the period between the two World Wars, he was probably the most influential Serbian jurist. In this context, his views on the Serbian-Russian relations have exerted an influence on the formation of the dominant discourse, but also on many generations that came after his time (his bust in front of the Faculty of Law in Belgrade symbolically shows how highly he is valued in today?s legal circles, more than 60 years after his death). In his voluminous opus Jovanovic suggests that the Peace of Bucharest, the Akkerman Convention and the Peace of Edirne were bilateral agreements between Russia and Turkey, with provisions that went in favour of the third party (pactum in favorem tretii), i.e. Serbia. He also gave a positive assessment of the Russian diplomacy during the 19th century. In that sense, Jovanovic criticizes the Serbian historians who claimed the opposite, and even Milos Obrenovic himself. Finally, as a jurist, he also rejects the ideological division according to which only reactionary influences came from Russia, and only freedom and enlightenment from the West. In his analysis of the Serbian-Russian relations Jovanovic points out that it was Russia which insisted on the formation of a National Council in Serbia which was to ?limit? the absolute power of Milos Obrenovic. Such an attitude has retained its validity even in the 21st century because the dogma about the so-called Russian reactionary policy is still very much alive. As a jurist, Jovanovic also shows understanding of the conflict of Russian and Serbian interests, or the interests of a small country and those of an empire. He remains midway between the uncritical idealization of Russia and even more intolerant Russophobia. He cites and compares numerous examples. He pointed out that, for instance, a Polish insurrection broke out in 1830, at the very same time when Russia was in negotiations with the Ottoman Porte over the Serbian issue. However, despite these (undeniable) facts, Jovanovic does not draw Russophobic conclusions, which were so prevalent in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. He remains midway between the non-critical idealization of Russia and even more intolerant Russophobia. Such opinions of a jurist, who was ideologically an anglophile, are still very important in 2018, when Russophobia present in the West, but also in a part of the Serbian elite, reaches the Cold War level.
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Ducic, Vladan, and Jugoslav Nikolic. "Dynamics of ozone layer under Serbia and solar activity: Previous statement." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 88, no. 1 (2008): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0801070d.
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The aim of this paper is to identify ozone layer dynamics under Serbian area, as well as possible relations of change in stratospheric ozone concentration with some parameters of solar activity. During the period 1979-2005, the statistical decrease of ozone concentration was noticed under Serbian territory cumulatively for 24.5 DU (7.2%), apropos 9.4 DU (2.8%) by decade. These changes are consistent with the changes in surrounding countries. From absolute minimum 1993, flexible trend of ozone layer pentad values validate hypotheses of its recovery. Correspondence of ozone thickness extreme period with Wolf's number and with the greatest volcanic eruptions shows that interannual variations of stratospheric ozone concentration are still in the function of natural factors above all, as are solar and volcanic activities. Investigation of larger number solar activity parameters shows statistically important antiphase synchronous between the number of polar faculae on the Sun and stratospheric ozone dynamics under Serbia. Respecting that relation between these two features until now isn't depicted, some possible causal mechanisms are proposed.
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Ejdus, Filip. "Serbia's Military Neutrality: Origins, effects and challenges." Croatian International Relations Review 20, no. 71 (October 1, 2014): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cirr-2014-0008.
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Abstract Serbia is the only state in the Western Balkans that is not seeking NATO membership. In December 2007, Serbia declared military neutrality and in spite of its EU membership aspirations, developed very close relations with Moscow. The objective of this paper is threefold. First, I argue that in order to understand why Serbia declared military neutrality, one has to look both at the discursive terrain and domestic power struggles. The key narrative that was strategically used by mnemonic entrepreneurs, most importantly by the former Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, to legitimize military neutrality was the trauma of NATO intervention in 1999 and the ensuing secession of Kosovo. In the second part of the paper, I discuss the operational consequences of the military neutrality policy for Serbia's relations with NATO and Russia, as well as for military reform and EU accession. Finally, I spell out the challenges ahead in Serbia's neutrality policy and argue that its decision makers will increasingly be caught between pragmatic foreign policy requirements on the one hand and deeply entrenched traumatic memories on the other.
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Barsegyan, D. E. "Analysis of the impact of tariff preferences on the foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia." Upravlenie 8, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2020-8-4-42-50.
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The article considers the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the impact of tariff preferences on foreign trade between two countries. The analysed measures were: dynamics of the Russian Federation’s exports to the Republic of Serbia, dynamics of the Russian Federation’s imports from the Republic of Serbia, tariff preferences applied between countries. The article provides statistical data on the dynamics and structure of foreign trade of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Serbia for 2010–2019 and their dependence on the application of tariff preferences, as well as indicators of trade between the EAEU and the EAEU member states with the Republic of Serbia for 2017–2019. The paper analyses the possible directions of Serbia’s participation in the EAEU and the European Union, assesses the benefits of creating a free trade zone between the EAEU and Serbia, as well as the costs of Serbia’s integration into the European Union. The importance of tariff preferences in the development of foreign trade relations between Russia and Serbia is shown.
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Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.
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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.
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Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa. "EU aspirations of the Republic of Serbia – an overview." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2016 (October 23, 2016): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.16.1.
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The primary purpose of this paper is to ascertain the degree to which the Republic of Serbia is ready for full membership of the European Union. Therefore the criteria set by the European Union for the countries aspiring to membership have been examined, including in particular the Copenhagen criteria of 1993. The assessment expressed in the European Parliament resolution of 18 April 2013 has also been taken into account. In many respects, the Republic of Serbia is not yet fully prepared for membership in the European Union, but on 20 January 2014 negotiations started on Serbia’s accession to the EU. Their results will be conditional on the course and pace of the talks concerning the normalisation of relations between Serbia and Kosovo. The date of Serbia’s eventual accession to the European Union is expected to be 2020.
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Toropygin, A. V. "Economic and Political Aspects of the Serbia — EAEU Free Trade Area." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 14, no. 2 (July 9, 2021): 120–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2021-02-120-131.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the Serbia — EAEU relations development through the prism of the Agreement on the Free Trade Area (FTA) — between the integration association and the separate economy / country. The purpose of this study is to identify the prospects of the FTA taking into account Serbia’s desire to integrate into the European Union. The author come to the conclusion that intensive interaction, primarily between Serbia and Russia through the FTA between Serbia and the EAEU, is explained, on the one hand, by Serbia’s multi-vector foreign policy, and, on the other hand, by Russia’s attentive attitude to the course of the conflict over Kosovo. Russia has economic interests in this region, as well as the region is people-related value for Russia within which it has used and will intensively utilize of soft power mechanisms.
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Smole, Simon. "Dangerous promises." Maska 34, no. 198 (December 1, 2019): 60–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/maska.34.198-199.60_1.
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Abstract The article aims to look at the current Serbian theatre scene from several perspectives; in addition to its poetic and culturological level, it highlights the relations of domination in theatre and, more broadly, within the transitional and post-transitional cultural model of Serbia. It finds the novelty of the so-called »new Serbian drama« in its break with the Serbian theatre tradition and its representational and aesthetic conventions, while at the same time taking a critical stance on the lack of changes to the paradigm of how theatre works (its manners of directing, acting, organization and production).
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Vukomanović, Milan. "The Serbian Orthodox Church as a Political Actor in the Aftermath of October 5, 2000." Politics and Religion 1, no. 2 (July 1, 2008): 237–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048308000199.
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AbstractThis study tackles the place and role of the Orthodox Church in Serbian society, state, and political life after October 5, 2000. Owing to its present “symphony” with the state, the church now offers a new ideological framework and value-system for state institutions such as the armed forces and public education. This new role of the church is particularly emphasized in the current legislation. One could probably refer to the “etatization” of the Serbian Church, with some negative consequences for non-traditional religious communities. The relations with the Macedonian and Montenegrin Orthodox churches have also been discussed in this context. In post-Milošević Serbia, religious rights and freedoms have been considerably extended, but there is still a great deal of arbitrariness, even completely partial interpretations of the church-state relations. In the concluding section, this article deals with the church's traditionalist perception of society as narod (the people), with some recommendations as for the possible cooperation between the church and civil society in Serbia.
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Hofmeisterová, Karin. "The Serbian Orthodox Church’s Involvement in Carrying the Memory of the Holocaust." Südosteuropa 67, no. 4 (February 25, 2020): 500–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2019-0038.
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AbstractThe Holocaust has become a globally recognized reference for suffering and has often been appropriated as a framework for (re-)understanding collective identities. This article examines the agenda of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in relation to the memory of the Holocaust in post-Milošević Serbia. It focuses on the Jasenovac Committee of the SOC and the role of its head, Bishop Jovan (Ćulibrk), in the memorialization of Staro Sajmište, a distinguished place of the Holocaust in occupied Serbia. Based on primary sources encompassing Orthodox media, official statements, and interviews with mnemonic agents in the region, the author argues that the SOC has established itself as an acknowledged actor in the remembrance of the Holocaust in Serbia and beyond. Such a position allows it to point out Serbian martyrdom as part of the Holocaust imaginary, reinforce Serbian victimhood-oriented collective identity, and capitalize on the symbolic advantages of ultimate victimhood for its own regenerative ends.
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Mladenovic, Maja. "Russia-Serbia relations in the context of the activities of pro-western and pro-Russian NGOs." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2021): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2021.1.34630.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the most active western and pro-Russian non-governmental organizations working in Serbia. In the Mass Media and non-governmental sphere, the influence of Russia is rudimentary, and is often hampered by the supporters of the Euro-Atlantic ideas. The maintenance and development of a positive image in the face of information war led by Western countries against Russia, requires constant attention of Russia’s foreign policy agencies in their work with Serbian government and social structures. The active work of the government and civil society is needed for mutual promotion of cultural achievements in Russian and Serbian cultural space. The research methodology is based on the comparative approach. The author arrives at the conclusion that Western NGOs have huge financial capacities to influence the society of Serbia. They create, promote and develop their own NGOs through local contractors, whilst pro-Russian NGOs are authentic projects of pro-Russian Serbs which typically lack money and wide public action and whose projects don’t get wide information or financial support. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that it is one of the first attempts to comprehensively analyze and assess the work of non-governmental organizations in modern Serbia.
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Lubardic, Bogdan. "Serbia and Russia mirroring obtainment in philosophy 1920-2020: Synoptic reflexion." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 173 (2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2073001l.
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The author endeavours to reconstruct the ways in which the relations between Russia and Serbia in the 20th and 21st century are reflected through the philosophies of both, respectively. Reasons are given for the importance of institutional reception of Russian philosophy into Serbian cultural space, and vice versa. It is demonstrated that the relating of Russia and Serbia in philosophy is important theoretically and spiritually, and equally as a form of identity politics in culture.
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Ristivojević, Branislav, and Stefan Samardžić. "Basic assumptions of feminist criminology in the results of the implementation of law on prevention of family violence." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 1 (2020): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-24973.
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First two years of implementation of the Law on prevention of family violence is a just an occasion to try to bring together results of its effects. Starting point for this analysis was presumption that the radical feminism and its counterpart in criminology, radical school of feminist criminology, shaped the Law. According to it family violence is a product of alleged male wish to control female sexuality. This control is conducted through social institutions such as family and marriage. As long as these institutions persist violence is repeated. Consequently, recidivism must be present as a rule. So, these institutions are to be destroyed. Some other personal factors of criminal behaviour within family do not exist. Other forms of family violence are not acknowledged and distinction between them is not made. At the beginning author gives detailed description of a numerous methodological obstacles which hamper analyses. In the next part basic presumptions originating from radical school of feminist criminology was summarily proved by brief analysis of a several provisions of the Law itself. In the third part author summarize effects of a Law by using 9 individual surveys of practice of a 9 different police departments in Republic of Serbia. Despite serious methodological obstacles and relatively scarcity of a survey sample, author's assessment of a practice shows that basic presumptions of the radical school of feminist criminology are not proved in context of a Serbian society. If this presumption were, proven violence between partners must have been dominant in comparison with violence between relatives in analysis. In reality, violence between relatives exists in almost one-half of all cases: 43%. Furthermore, a division between three possible partner relations, a marriage, extramarital relations and a simple romance (and then on existing ones and former) shows that more formal and more stable type of relations are more represented in analysis: 51% of all cases happened in existing marriages, further 19% in existing extramarital relations and 8% in existing romances. Likewise, all existing relations are more represented in analysis in relation to former ones: 20% of cases happened in former marriages and former extramarital relations and a simple romance are represented in analysis with only 1% of all cases respectively. It is quite possible that people, educated and raised in Serbian culture, are more violent in relations in which they "invested" more. Their "investment" is a spiritual and material energy spent in relation. Those who want to have kids, raise family and acquire property and the other way round choose more formal and stabile types of relations. When faced with deprivation of these investments (kids and property) or when these are endangered, it is quite possible for people to become violent. In relations that are temporary, ephemeral or lightly perceived there is no such a kind of "investment", and, it seems, no violence. Other possible personal factors of violent criminality are present in analysis. Perpetrators of violence are in 37% of cases unemployed. On the other hand, only 18% of them are repeated offenders, so recidivism is not high. When it comes to so called "urgent measures" as a specific type of sanctions for family violence they are issued in 2/3 of all cases. Restrain of approach and communication with victim is more frequent in comparison with eviction from home. This is understandable. With so broad definition of a member of a family, Law offers protection to persons who are in such a type of relations in which joint living is not an option. Therefore, there is not a joint accommodation from which a perpetrator should be evicted. The same applies for all former relationships, which also enjoy protections of the Law although former partners, by definition, do not live jointly any more. Ratio between measures is 35% eviction orders to 65% restrain orders. In all cases where eviction order is issued, the other measure is also issued. Out of these two facts it is possible to draw conclusion that eviction order is only measure necessary in Serbia. In Serbian culture, the notion family comprises only of relationships in which people share "table, bad and roof". Author argues that only this type of a relation is a family, which, as a case may be, needs protection. This is one proof more that radical school of feminist criminology shaped the Law. Its teaching tries to force all relations between man and a woman, existing and former, within the notion of a family. However, concludes the author, results of implementations of the Law in Serbia speaks, on the contrary, that such a teaching is a strange body in Serbian culture, society and, consequently, legal practice.
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Jovašević, Dragan. "Osnovne karakteristike zakonodavstva Karađorđeve Srbije / The Basic Characteristics of the Law in Karadjordje’s Serbia." Годишњак факултета правних наука - АПЕИРОН 6, no. 6 (July 11, 2016): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/gfp1606063j.
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Parallel with the struggle for liberation of the long period of Turkish power, Serbian people lead by Karadjordje had put the base of modern state. One of the effort was to order in legal way all social relations. In the frame of newmade legal arrangment there were two criminal codes : The Act of Archpriest Mateja of 1804. and the Karadjordje’s Criminal Act of 1807., which are partly preserved and still, by them, the circumstances and the relations in that Serbia can be understood till today. These criminal acts are in the borders between Middle Age criminal law from the Dusan’s Code. as the most important written legal act of the Early Middle Age period, and modern Serbian criminal law.
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Jovanovic, Miroslav. "Nikolaj Velimirovic’s letters to Aleksandar Belic sent from London 1916." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 82 (2016): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1682167j.
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The Archive of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Belgrade holds four letters that the Nikolaj Velimirovic (1881-1956) sent in 1916. to philologist Aleksandar Belic (1876-1960). Both of them were send by the Serbian government in the missions at the the Allied capitals - Velimirovic in London, Belic in Petrograd. Velimirovic?s view of international relations and the importance of the impact of the Russian Empire in Great Britain led him to cooperation with Belic to help Serbia in achieving its war aims.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "The goalposts of transition: football as a metaphor for Serbia's long journey to the rule of law." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (January 2010): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903386611.
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Football (soccer) provides a useful prism for analysis of the long transition of the Serbian state and society since 1991. To a striking extent, the world of professional football and the attendant phenomena of financial corruption and football hooliganism have informed both the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia and the current concerted attempt to create a “European Serbia.” During the 1990s, football in Serbia to a significant extent became synonymous with organized crime and the criminalization of the Serbian state. Since 2000, the persistent phenomena of crime, violent hooliganism and lethargic reforms have mirrored the difficult and halting transition of the post-Milošević state. Although recent events highlight the reluctance of the Serbian authorities to confront these problems, both government and sports officials are coming to see reform of Serbian football as a key element of the establishment of the rule of law.
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Biro, Mikloš. "PUBLIC OPINION IN SERBIA ON ICTY: A CHICKEN OR AN EGG?" Primenjena psihologija 10, no. 4 (January 11, 2018): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2017.4.463-475.
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The paper presents seven consecutive public opinion polls in Serbia (in the period 2000–2011) on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and its “partiality“ towards Serbs. The author connected changes in attitudes of citizens during the observed years with the public statements of the “national leaders“ about the Tribunal, as well as with the presentation of the facts of Serbian war crimes in Serbian media. Even though the observed correlation could not be interpreted in the terms of causal relation, the author pointed out to the importance of creators of the public opinion, and offered a possibility that the leading politicians and media in Serbia were not reactive to the attitudes of citizens (as they claimed) but vice versa – they created the public opinion of citizens by their statements or by presentation of the facts about Serbian war crimes.
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Bekiarova, Natalia. "THE CONTROVERSY AROUND THE CURRENT SERBIAN BORDERS: A REAL CHALLENGE IN THE COUNTRY'S WAY TO EUROPEAN UNION MEMBERSHIP." Knowledge International Journal 30, no. 6 (March 20, 2019): 1401–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij30061401b.
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The article “The controversy around the current Serbian borders: a real challenge in the country's way to European Union membership” provides an overview of border and territorial disputes between the Republic of Serbia and its neighbours in the Western Balkans. These problems have not been solved more than a quarter of a century. In the new EU strategy from February 2018 'A credible enlargement perspective for and enhanced EU engagement with the Western Balkans', it is said that Serbia and Montenegro can become members of the EU in 2025. This is possible in case that countries meet the conditions for membership and overcome their border disputes with their neighbours. A special place is given to the reasons for many unsettled border issues between post Yugoslav states. The focus is on the complex relations between Serbia and Kosovo, which should sit at the negotiating table and resolve the many controversial issues between them. One of the most important is the regulation of borders and the recognition of Kosovo's independence from Serbia. The idea of "correction" of the border between the two countries was commented, as well as the modern hostile relations between the countries. It is concluded that now an agreement between Serbia and the former Serbian province seems less likely than ever and explains why. The article sheds light on the complex border problems between Serbia and Croatia about the border of the Danube River, as well as the outstanding border issues between Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The conclusions are that Serbia will not be able to fulfill all the conditions for EU membership and the process of European integration of the country will be delayed.
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Zivkovic, Dragica. "Serbian cartography: From engineering to digital." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 92, no. 3 (2012): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd1203001z.
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Today?s territory of Serbia early appeared on geographical maps as it was a direct result of its territory in relation to the centres of the ancient Greek and Roman civilizations. However, cartographic displays have long been scarce and uneven. Serbia?s separation from mainstream European cartography has affected its inaccurate displays, taking over data from old maps and relying on chronicles. This is why Serbia?s displays on maps and its cartographic heritage have to be observed dualistically, simultaneously as European cartographic displays of Serbia and Serbian cartography.
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Božić-Miljković, Ivana. "Geoeconomic aspects of the cooperation between the Republic of Serbia and the people's Republic of China: Situation and perspectives." Socioloski pregled 55, no. 2 (2021): 314–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg55-31925.
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The subject of this paper is the economic relations between the Republic of Serbia and the People's Republic of China from the beginning of the century until today. The development of these economic relations and cooperation is based on the long tradition of their good political and diplomatic relations. The relationship of these two countries towards the transition and different strategies in the implementation of this process are determinants of their economic success and the position they have in the global economy. The aspects of the economic cooperation between Serbia and China are analyzed in two categories in which this cooperation is most visible and in which its effects can be precisely expressed quantitatively: the cooperation in the field of foreign trade and in the field of investments. The basic hypothesis is that the economic relations between Serbia and China have been growing rapidly since the beginning of the century and that such a trend will continue in the future at the bilateral level, but also within the program of various cooperation platforms initiated by China and signed by Serbia. China's position in international institutions enables the protection of Serbia's territorial integrity, which is another important dimension of their mutual relations.
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Beretka, Katinka. "Fluid Borders of National-Cultural Autonomy: The Legal Status of National Minority Councils in Serbia." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.64.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article gives an overview of the current position of minority self-governance within the Serbian legal order and its multilevel governance structure, with a particular focus on issues deriving from the missing legal determination of national minority councils. Although Serbia’s 2009 Law on National Minority Councils was welcomed by the international community, both national minority councils and public agencies have from the very beginning of its operation expressed serious concerns relating inter alia to the unspecified legal status of the councils. This has resulted in frequent misunderstandings in practice and, rather than being real self-governments of national minorities under public law, the councils are usually treated as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) or organizations under the influence of political parties. Instead of presenting (international) political and social scientific approaches to the legal character of non-territorial autonomy in general, the article focuses on concrete legislative solutions and Constitutional Court practice regarding issues relevant to the de jure status of national minority councils in Serbia, such as election rules, competences, and funding.