Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Relations with slave traders'

This thesis deals with the Afro-European trade on the Western Slave Coast from about 1600 to the 1880s, mainly the slave trade but also the trade in ivory and agricultural produce. The Western Slave Coast comprises the coastal areas of modem Togo and parts of the coastal areas of Ghana and Benin. For much of the period under discussion, this region was dominated by two kingdoms, the kingdom of the Hula (or Pla), known to European traders as Great or Grand Popo, after its coastal port (in modern Benin), and the kingdom of the Ge (Gen/Guin/Genyi), known to European traders as Little Popo, after its main coastal port (in modern Togo). In the nineteenth century, two more ports of trade appeared in the region, Agoud (in modem Benin) and Porto Seguro (in modern Togo). In terms of the Afro-European trade, this was an intermediate area between regions of greater importance to slave traders, the Gold Coast to the west and the eastern Slave Coast (mainly the kingdom of Dahomey) to the east. This thesis gives a detailed reconstruction of the political and commercial developments in the region, especially for the period from the 1780s and the 1860s. The discussion is based mainly on archival material from British, French and African archives, but also makes use of a wide range of published accounts, mainly in English, French and German, and information from oral traditions. Beyond its immediate local interest, the thesis contributes to our understanding of the operation of the Afro-European trade and its impact on African middleman societies. The intermittent commercial success of 'the Popos' illustrates the dynamics of the trade especially clearly. The Western Slave Coast is placed into the wider transatlantic trade network and its role in the trade re-evaluated. The link between the local and overseas economy is illustrated by the centrality of the lagoon, which is discussed in detail. Other important issues that are addressed include the role of the canoemen in the trade, the transition from the slave trade to the palm oil trade and the Afro-Brazilian settlement at Agoue.

Few exploratory ventures would ever be undertaken if the explorer appreciated his own limitations at the outset. Although his ultimate destination is unclear, the route uncertain, the terrain unfamiliar and the tools inadequate he is spurred initially by a self-assurance born of his own limited knowledge. Unfortunately, that same self-assurance ill-equips him for the difficulties which he inevitably has to face en route. This thesis has been no exception to this pattern. It has involved more than its fair share of blind alleys, false trails, disorientation, retracing of footsteps and re-establishment of bearings. It has occasionally been marked by that feeling of despairing bewilderment which confronts the uncertain traveller lost in unfamiliar territory or overwhelmed by the novelty and complexity of his surroundings. Like most exploratory journeys, it has been difficult to decide when the ultimate destination has been reached and almost impossible in restrospect to recall the exact route by which that particular point was achieved. However, the historian of Dahomey is fortunate in comparison with the explorer venturing into virgin territory. For he is well served by the pioneers who have blazed the trail before him and by the signposts which are available to him. The Kingdom of Dahomey has been well covered by primary source material and contemporary documentation and publications.

Dans la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle, le Sultanat de Zanzibar a été au cœur des politiques abolitionnistes et coloniales aussi bien françaises que britanniques. En effet, l’île de Zanzibar ne fut pas seulement le plus grand marché aux esclaves de l’océan Indien mais aussi la porte d’entrée privilégiée des trafiquants d’esclaves, des abolitionnistes, et des partisans de la colonisation en Afrique Orientale. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux controverses, ayant opposé la France et la Grande-Bretagne dans les eaux territoriales de Zanzibar, sur le droit de visite des bateaux transportant des esclaves ainsi que sur le droit des boutres à battre pavillon français et à échapper ainsi aux contrôles de la Royal Navy. Cette recherche souligne combien ces questions furent importantes, non seulement pour les relations de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et du Sultanat de Zanzibar, mais aussi pour le droit international et les relations internationales jusqu’à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Ce travail montre que les opérations de lutte contre la traite qui ont eu lieu à Zanzibar ont inspiré de nombreux officiers de marine, des consuls, des diplomates, des juristes, et des hommes politiques, aussi bien français que britanniques, quant à la conception et à la mise en œuvre « d’interventions humanitaires ». Ainsi l’histoire des opérations de lutte contre la traite menées dans le sultanat de Zanzibar permet d’éclairer de manière originale l’histoire du concept d’intervention humanitaire ou « d’humanité » (« intervention in the score of humanity »). Cette recherche souligne combien la nature de ces interventions humanitaires a sans cesse oscillé entre de véritables idéaux abolitionnistes et des enjeux coloniaux pressants
In the second half of the nineteenth century the Zanzibar Sultanate became the focal point of French as well as British imperial and humanitarian policies. In fact, the island was not only the most important slave trade emporium of the Indian Ocean but it was also the great gateway to East Africa for slave traders, humanitarians, or imperialists alike. This thesis looks at the controversies which took place in Zanzibar waters between France and Britain over the right of searching vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade as well as the right of dhows to fly the French flag and escape the Royal Navy’s scrutiny. This research highlights how important these questions were, not only for the relations of France, Britain, and the Zanzibar Sultanate, but also for international law and international relations up until the eve of the First World War. This work demonstrates that the anti-slave trade operations which took place in Zanzibar inspired many navy officers, consuls, diplomats, Foreign Secretaries, and lawyers – whether British, French, or American – on the theory and the practice of “humanitarian interventions”. Indeed, the history of anti-slave trade operations implemented in the Zanzibar Sultanate sheds a new light on the history of the concept of humanitarian intervention, or “intervention in the score of humanity” – (“l’intervention d’humanité”) – as it was then called. This research underlines how these humanitarian interventions unceasingly swung between genuine humanitarian ideals and pressing imperial issues

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-89).
This research explores the extent to which Zimbabwean national policies and more broadly SADC affect informal trade and informal traders. Whilst SADC governments claim a desire to fight poverty, the organisation at the same time is pursuing policies that are obstructive to poverty alleviation. This is, for example, reflected in its lack of recognition of informal cross border traders. The thesis argues that one of the reasons explaining this is that SADC lacks an autonomous development strategy; its integration scheme is informed by the European model.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

Xenophobia has become a dominant narrative in contemporary South Africa. In this thesis, I hone in on a micro, informal economic market that functions cohesively and convivially with both South African and Somali transmigrant traders in it. Religion is one of the key ways through which migrants are able to access social networks and social capital. Islam, the dominant practised religion in the market, thus forms a foundation for strong, emotionally supportive, caring relationships between Somali transmigrants and South Africans The relationships between South African traders and Somali transmigrants are mutually constitutive, as they lean on one another for stability during a time that is unstable for both groups. The closeness of their relationships is evident through the way in which they tease and joke with one another, and the many ways in which they offer intangible support to each other. This thesis illustrates that despite the dominant xenophobic narrative, a close social kinship is formed in the Roelof Street market between South Africans and Somali transmigrants.

This study examines the slave narratives The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, The History of Mary Prince, A West Indian Slave, Related by Herself and The Bondwoman’s Narrative to determine the way in which these texts depict the economics of labor in slave society. Taking into account the specific socio-historical contexts in which these narratives were written, this study analyzes the way in which the representations of labor in these narratives interrogate slavery and address issues relating to the social relations and power dynamics of their respective societies. Emphasis is given to the way in which the gender complexities of slavery merge with the dynamics of labor thereby underscoring some of the peculiarities of the female slave experience.

O objetivo desta investigação é analisar o tráfico de escravos na Capitania do Rio Grande de São Pedro do Sul, na passagem do século XVIII para o XIX. Duas questões básicas orientaram nossa investigação: a análise das características demográficas dos escravos traficados (sexo, naturalidade, condição e faixa etária) e a caracterização da dinâmica de funcionamento do circuito mercantil (composição dos envios, concentração do tráfico e traficantes envolvidos). Verificou-se que, embora se realizasse apenas na sua etapa interna, o tráfico de escravos da capitania apresentava características semelhantes àquelas observadas nas regiões que participavam diretamente do tráfico atlântico de escravos. Quanto ao perfil demográfico, constatou-se o predomínio dos escravos africanos e uma elevada razão de masculinidade, tanto entre os africanos quanto entre os crioulos.Por outro lado, observou-se que aproximadamente 1/3 dos escravos despachados para o Rio Grande de São Pedro do Sul, entre 1788-1802, tinham entre 10 e 14 anos. No que diz respeito ao circuito mercantil, concluiu-se que o comércio se dava através de pequenos envios e era realizado por um grande número de “traficantes eventuais”. Estes pequenos comerciantes foram responsáveis pela comercialização de uma parcela importante do total de escravos e pela maior parte dos envios realizados e, deste modo, foram indispensáveis para o funcionamento do mercado negreiro sul-rio-grandense. As principais fontes utilizadas foram as guias de transporte de escravos emitidas pela Provedoria da Fazenda Real, os despachos e passaporte de escravos emitidos pela Polícia da Corte e o Livro de Sisas da Vila do Rio Grande.
The objective of this investigation is to analyze the slave trade in Capitania do Rio Grande de São Pedro do Sul, during the passage from the 18th to the 19th century. Two basic subjects guided our investigation: the analysis of the demographic characteristics of traded slaves (sex, naturalness, condition and age) and the characterization of the trading circuit (composition of shipments, trade concentration and traders engaged). It was noticed that, although it took place only internally, the slave trade in capitania presented characteristics similar to the ones observed in the regions which participated directly in the Atlantic slave trade. As to the demographic profile, it was verified a predominance of african slaves and a high percentage of males, both among africans and crioulos. On the other hand, it was observed that approximately 1/3 of the slaves sent to Rio Grande de São Pedro do Sul, between 1788-1802, was between 10 and 14 years old. Concerning the trading circuit, it was concluded that the slave trade took place through small shipments and was accomplished by a high number of “eventual traders”.These little traders were responsible for the commercialization of the majority of the slaves and of the shipments. This way, they became indispensable to the success of the slave trade in Rio Grande de São Pedro do Sul. The main sources used were the documents of slaves transportation issued by the Provedoria da Real Fazenda; the dispatching and passports of slaves issued by the Polícia da Corte and the Livro de Sisas da Vila do Rio Grande.

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A presente dissertação discute a trajetória mercantil e honorífica de Elias Antonio Lopes, um dos maiores negociantes que atuou na praça mercantil do Rio de Janeiro em fins do século XVIII e nos primeiros quinze anos do século XIX. Ele emigrou da cidade do Porto para o Rio de Janeiro em aproximadamente 1770, para tentar a sorte nos ofícios mercantis. Ele concentrou em suas mãos uma grande fortuna, advinda de diferentes ramos mercantis, como o tráfico negreiro, arrecadação de contratos reais, comércio interno e externo. O negociante angariou variadas mercês, fundamentais em sua mobilidade social ascendente, em fins do século XVIII e principalmente após a vinda da Corte joanina em 1808. Isso aconteceu, após o negociante ter doado sua chácara em São Cristóvão e futura Quinta da Boa Vista para servir de residência da família real portuguesa. Neste sentido, discutiremos que o ideal aristocrático do Antigo Regime português esteve presente no início do século XIX quando os negociantes procuraram status social ao serem agraciados com mercês em retribuição aos serviços prestados a Dom João. Elias Antonio Lopes faleceu no ano de 1815 deixando uma grande herança, disputada entre seus herdeiros e a Coroa portuguesa pelo fato de ele não ter deixado testamento. Portanto, este estudo perpassa, desde a emigração de Lopes para o Rio de Janeiro, até sua trajetória mercantil e honorífica, encerrando-se com seu falecimento e disputa por sua herança.
In this dissertation, a detailed discussion of the mercantile and honorific route of Elias Antonio Lopes is explored. Elias was the greatest dealer, who played a significant role in the Rio de Janeiro imperial market by the ends of XVIII century and the first years of XIX century. He emigrated from the Porto city, Portugal, to the Rio de Janeiro, probably in the year of 1770 in order to get a chance in the market place of Rio de Janeiro. He got a great fortune from different facets of the mercantile area such as slave trade, the getting of royal contracts, as well as getting from internal and foreign markets. As a trader, he could assemble a great deal of benefices (mercês), which were fundamental in order to get social nobility in the XVIII, when the Portuguese royals arrived in 1808. All these took place after the donating of his own farmland in São Cristóvão, neighbourhood, the future Portuguese royal house. In this sense, it is discussed here that the aristocratic ideal in that time was commonplace in the beginnings of the XIX century, when the traders used to urge in getting social status by acquisition of titles through services provided to Dom João. Elias Antonio Lopes passed away in the year of the 1815 leaving a great inheritance, eagerly rivaled by his heirs and the Portuguese Crown, as he did not leave any testament. Therefore, this study is a large passing through of his route since his emigration to Rio de Janeiro, his honorific dealings in the mercantile marketing, ending up with his suddenly death and the eagerly rivalry of his properties.

Haïti et la République dominicaine sont séparées par une frontière de 380 kilomètres héritée de la période coloniale. Cette frontière illustre également un fait particulier dans la région :l’indépendance de la République dominicaine par séparation d’avec Haïti alors que la majorité des colonies du continent américain déclaraient leur indépendance en se séparant des empires coloniaux. Depuis cette époque, certains secteurs de la société dominicaine n’ont cessé d’alimenter un discours nationaliste centré sur l’anti-haïtianisme. Haïti occupe donc une place particulière dans l’imaginaire collectif dominicain comme cela apparaît notamment dans son traitement médiatique, dans les politiques migratoires ou encore dans les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens – la République dominicaine constituant la principale destination de migration pour la population haïtienne issue des secteurs populaires.Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre Haïtiens et Dominicains dans la région frontalière, lieu privilégié pour « étudier ethnographiquement les diverses formes par lesquelles des personnes de nationalités différentes cohabitent et entrent en relation » (Grimson). Dans ce travail, la frontière est envisagée comme une construction spatiale, politique et sociale. En ce sens, la thèse s’attache tout d’abord à décrire les processus par lesquels la limite entre les anciens empires coloniaux est devenue une frontière territoriale et sociale intégrée dans les pratiques des populations frontalières. Une attention particulière est ainsi portée sur le processus de construction nationale et sur la politique violente de nationalisation de la région frontalière dominicaine dans la première moitié du 20e siècle aboutissant à la fin des relations transfrontalières, des modalités de circulation dans cet espace ainsi que des modes d’organisation sociale et d’identifications locaux qui avaient jusque là prévalus. Cette période correspond à une phase intense de construction de l’identité nationale dominicaine résultant à la fois de l’imposition par les élites d’une idéologie centrée sur l’opposition avec le pays voisin, et d’une intériorisation de cette idéologie par la population frontalière. Dans cette perspective, une attention particulière est portée sur le massacre de la population haïtienne perpétré dans la région en 1937. À travers l’analyse des versions officielles et des récits mémoriaux de ce massacre, ce travail interroge la mémoire collective frontalière entendue comme le processus social de (re)construction du passé (Halbwachs) « [fondant] et [renforçant] les sentiments d’appartenances et les frontières socio-culturelles en définissant ce qui est commun à un groupe et ce qui le différencie des autres » (Pollak). Cette thèse pose donc la question des processus qui rendent possible l’émergence des sociétés nationales dans la lignée des travaux de B. Anderson sur le nationalisme et les communautés imaginées. Elle interroge également les modes d’expression du nationalisme dominicain à l’heure actuelle qui dévoilent partiellement l’intimité culturelle dominicaine.La thèse porte ensuite sur la gestion quotidienne de la frontière. À travers l’analyse de la législation sur le contrôle frontalier, la migration, le commerce mais aussi la santé, par exemple, et surtout à travers la description de l’application de ces réglementations, ce travail interroge la manière dont la population frontalière fait l’expérience de l’État et comment cette expérience constitue « une clef de production d’imaginaires sur la nationalité et sur la relation État-société » (Grimson). Ce faisant, il révèle l’existence de plusieurs conceptions de l’espace frontalier qui entrent parfois en conflit et qui participent donc à la reconstruction constante de la frontière. La thèse porte enfin – et c’est le point central de cette recherche – sur les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens dans l’espace frontalier. Les observations des interactions, les conversations et les entretiens font apparaître une multiplicité de frontières symboliques et sociales (dans le sens des travaux de F. Barth) entre les deux groupes et définies par des éléments, produits et reproduits au quotidien, tels que la langue, l’habillement, le métier ou encore la confession religieuse par exemple. Loin d’être anodins, ces éléments servent à identifier un individu comme appartenant à un groupe et ces identifications jouent un rôle fondamental dans les modalités des relations quotidiennes. Celles-ci se révèlent fortement asymétriques et, pour la plupart, elles n’existent que dans la mesure où elles sont intéressantes pour l’une des deux parties (principalement les Dominicains). Les relations se déroulent dès lors principalement dans le cadre du travail agricole et du commerce et sont généralement marquées par de la discrimination. Toutefois, l’ethnographie révèle également l’existence de relations plus privilégiées entre Dominicains et Haïtiens. Celles-ci semblent être le résultat de la capacité de certains individus (principalement des Haïtiens) à se mouvoir dans un espace normatif différent (compétence métisse, Cunin) et à construire des réseaux de relations transfrontaliers (compétence transfrontalière, Losonczy). Connaître et savoir s’adapter aux normes en vigueur dans un autre espace, connaître les codes de sociabilité, connaître les chemins à emprunter pour traverser la frontière, pouvoir s’exprimer avec une relative aisance dans la langue de l’autre, sont autant d’éléments permettant de construire des réseaux et de les mobiliser en fonction des besoins. Les relations ainsi établies peuvent conférer un accès privilégié à certains espaces de la zone frontalière comme les lieux d’hospitalité temporaire ou prolongée, et les personnes de confiance (Losonczy). Par ailleurs, l’ethnographie montre que les modalités d’interactions et de cohabitation varient aussi en fonction des lieux de contacts et de la temporalité des migrations – celles-ci s’effectuant essentiellement depuis Haïti vers la République dominicaine. Trois zones de migrations apparaissent ainsi dans l’espace frontalier dominicain :les villes frontalières, les communautés rurales et les villages proches des grandes plantations agricoles. À chacun de ces espaces correspond une forme de migration plus particulière qui est soit journalière, soit temporaire ou encore prolongée. Si dans les trois espaces les relations sont majoritairement asymétriques, certains lieux semblent cependant plus propices à l’établissement des relations plus privilégiées (entraide, mariage, accueil d’un enfant,…) ou, au contraire, à une intensification du rejet et de l’exclusion (ségrégation spatiale, conflits, saccages d’habitations, expulsions,…). L’ethnographie révèle donc l’existence d’au moins deux formes d’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière dominico-haïtienne. L’une est celle de la « configuration sociale métisse » (Losonczy) que dessinent les formes de sociabilité basées sur les réseaux transfrontaliers. Celle-ci est toutefois mise à mal notamment par les représentations qui circulent sur les Haïtiens ainsi que par un ensemble de règles et pratiques qui soulignent les différences, réaffirment les frontières ethniques et assignent des appartenances identitaires. L’autre est celle de la « configuration du côte à côte » (Bourgeois) qui organise les modes de sociabilité de groupes mis en situation de co-présence limitant leurs relations à quelques échanges strictement définis. Dans ce type de configuration, les frontières des groupes apparaissent comme plus rigides, moins souples que dans le modèle de la configuration sociale métisse. Enfin, cette thèse montre que les relations et les différentes facettes de l’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière jouent un rôle dans la construction des appartenances identitaires locales. Plusieurs registres identitaires collectifs et individuels apparaissent ainsi dans les récits migratoires des Haïtiens et dans les conversations avec les frontaliers dominicains. Ces registres ne sont pas mutuellement exclusifs :ils révèlent une appartenance identitaire à géométrie variable en fonction des personnes avec lesquelles on se trouve et des modalités d’interactions.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Esta investigação se propõe a analisar a prática do crime de sequestro e escravização de cidadãos negros livres uruguaios conduzidos à força para o território brasileiro, assim como a manutenção ilegal da condição de cativo dos que viveram em solo oriental por vontade de seus senhores e foram trazidos de volta ao Império do Brasil. A partir da constatação de que essas ações se intensificaram na segunda metade do século XIX, a pesquisa tem por objetivo explicitar os mecanismos de funcionamento e logística dessa atividade ilegal, relacionados ao novo quadro conjuntural que então se inaugurava. Nesse sentido o texto foi estruturado em quatro eixos que se complementam e ao mesmo tempo oferecem uma visão da temática em diferentes níveis. O primeiro trata das repercussões internacionais do problema em conexão ao conflito de interesses vivenciados no ambiente doméstico de cada país, de forma a problematizar as relações entre o tenso ambiente de disputas regionais e as específicas questões bilaterais envolvendo Brasil e Uruguai. No segundo eixo o foco se fixou sobre as condições de legalidade / ilegalidade das escravizações, com atenção especial para a questão da definição e legitimação da nacionalidade de um indivíduo, que em diversos casos determinou legalmente seu estatuto de liberdade ou escravidão. O terceiro eixo partiu da análise de um importante grupo documental - os mapas estatísticos sobre os casos de escravização ilegal – para propor a sistematização de dados sobre tais crimes, dando visibilidade a aspectos ligados a forma de ocorrência, às providências no sentido de combater essa atividade e às características das vítimas. O último eixo se utiliza de alguns casos ocorridos com o intuito de identificar as principais rotas do tráfico e as peculiaridades destas ações criminosas, investindo especialmente nas questões locais decorrentes e na atividade dos agentes consulares uruguaios no sentido de impedir o prosseguimento dessas ações, libertar seus concidadãos e punir os responsáveis. Para este trabalho foram selecionadas fontes primárias de diversas áreas de procedência: processos-crime, inquéritos policiais, leis uruguaias e brasileiras relativas à escravidão, notas diplomáticas, acordos e tratados assinados entre Brasil e Uruguai, pronunciamentos na Assembleia Legislativa da Província rio-grandense, jornais da época – com destaque para a extensa e importante documentação do Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores do Uruguai obtida junto ao Archivo General de la Nación de Montevidéu.
This research aims at analyzing the practice of kidnapping and enslavement of free black Uruguayan citizens forced to go to the Brazilian territory and the illegal continuing of the captive condition of those returned to the Brazilian Empire after living in Oriental territory in the interest of their lords. Following evidence that these actions were intensified in the second half of the nineteenth century, the research objective is to clarify the mechanisms and logistics of this illegal activity as related to the then recent onset of a new conjuncture. In this sense the text was structured around four intertwined axes which offer a thematic view in different levels. The first treats the international repercussions of the problem as related to the conflict of interests, occurring in the domestic setting of each country, troubling the relationships in the strained ambiance of regional disputes and the specific bilateral issues involving Brazil and Uruguay. The second axis focuses on the legal/illegal condition of enslavement with special attention to the question of the definition and the granting of the nationality of an individual which often legally determined his status of free man or slave. The third axis relies on the analysis of an important document set – the statistical maps of the illegal enslavement – to propose the systematization of the data on those crimes to shed light on aspects relating to the form of occurrence, the actions to fight this activity and the characteristics of the victims. The last axis uses some cases for the purpose of identifying the main routes of the traffic and the peculiarities of those criminal actions with special attention to the local resulting issues and to the activity of the Uruguayan consular agents to impede the continuation of these actions, to free their citizens and punish those responsible. To this end, various primary sources of different origins were selected: criminal prosecutions, police inquires, Uruguayan and Brazilian laws relating to slavery, diplomatic notes, accords and treaties signed by Brazil and Uruguay, statements of the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Rio Grande do Sul, historic newspapers – with emphasis on the extensive and important documentation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Uruguay acquired from the General Archives of the Nation in Montevideo.

In mid-November, 1775, Lord Dunmore last Royal Governor of Virginia attempted to enlist the support of rebel owned slaves to crush Patriot resistance to Great Britain. This study examines the slaveholders' response to Dunmore's actions. Virginia's slaveholders fought a counter-revolution in order to maintain traditional race relations in the colony. Patriot propaganda portrayed Dunmore as a race traitor, who became symbolically more "black" than white. Slaveholders characterized Dunmore as a rebel, a madman, and a sexual deviant - stereotypes normally given to slaves by their "masters." Since Dunmore threatened to destroy the defining institution of slavery, planters sought to salvage their identities by defending the paternalistic philosophy and racist assumptions upon which slave society was based. Planters overwhelmingly became Patriots to protect slavery.
Department of History

The "implicit rules" of the white racial framing shape meanings, structure interactions, and impose identities upon all who enter American society. The context of this current study conceptualizes how this racialized frame differentially shapes the experiences of native African-Americans and African immigrants in America, disrupting associations between these ancestral kinsmen and subsequently interrupting identity processes. The body of knowledge now available depicts the relationship between native and immigrant blacks as "socially-distanced," "divided," "conflicted" – as disconnected. However, I argue that such characterizations – symbolic of the divisive influence of racial structures rooted in America's slave past – evolve from inappropriate evaluation of black behavior within white racial contexts that do not support or encourage such expression. This current mixed-method study re-examines the relationship between native and immigrant blacks from an africentric perspective – a view that captures the authenticity of black behavior in the service of its full development and potential. Based on data obtained from 40 respondents (20 African, 20 African-American) at a Historically Black College/University (HBCU), this study informs our understanding of the workings of the white racial frame and its impact upon identity processes, specifically for native and immigrant blacks in America. This research found that absent the influence of the white racial frame upon identity processes, native African-American and African respondents freely interact and fully express identification with a shared ancestry and heritage; that the most significant disconnect in the relationship exists in identification with a common history given the separation experienced as a direct result of the American slave trade. This separation – still perpetuated today by American racial constructs' divisive characterizations – accounts for the differential experiences and motivations of native and immigrant blacks within American society. As a result, native and immigrant blacks do not contextualize or interpret racial experiences in the same manner, giving birth to the misconception that their identification with each other does not emanate from a shared heritage and promoting as an obvious rift, obscure tensions bred by the white racial framing of American society.

This thesis explores representations of Indigenous peoples of the Northwest Coast within the discipline of Anthropology, with particular attention given to Hul’qumi’num’ speaking nations on Vancouver Island and the Gulf Islands of British Columbia. Through a critical engagement with ethnography, linguistic, archival and oral history sources, I offer a critique of the harmful concepts of war and slave as mistranslations from Hul’qumi’num’ into English. The consequences of this mistranslation and lack of understanding permeate our social, cultural and political lives and relationships with settler society. By looking at the original Hul’qumi’num’ words, our laws, and our stories about inter-village relations, I will provide a healthy alternative understanding to the apocryphal representations of Coast Salish nations in Anthropology. I will conclude this discussion with revival of traditional Hul’qumi’num’ laws and practices of relationality and coexistence in marriage and exchanges.
Graduate
0326
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flowersrachel@gmail.com

by Chong Hong Sang.
Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1995.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-104).
APPROVAL PAGE --- p.ii
ABSTRACT --- p.iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.v
LIST OF TABLES --- p.vii
LIST OF APPENDIX TABLES --- p.viii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT --- p.x
CHAPTER
Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1
China's Economic Reform --- p.1
China's Foreign Trade Performance --- p.3
China's Trading Partners --- p.3
Industry/Commodity Composition --- p.4
Geographical Trade Performance --- p.5
Joint-venture's Share in China Trade --- p.6
China's Negotiation in Joining WTO --- p.7
Importance of China's Foreign Trade to Hong Kong --- p.7
Objectives of the Study --- p.8
Scope of the Study --- p.9
Methodology --- p.10
Chapter II. --- AN OVERVIEW OF CHINA'S FOREIGN TRADE REGIME --- p.11
China's Foreign Trade Reform --- p.11
China's Foreign Trade Policy --- p.14
Administration of Foreign Trade --- p.17
Foreign Exchange Management --- p.21
Chapter III. --- AN OVERVIEW OF CHINA'S FOREIGN TRADE PRACTICES --- p.23
The Agency System --- p.23
Contracts --- p.24
Trade Partners --- p.24
Trade Contacts and Negotiation --- p.25
Payment --- p.27
Transportation --- p.28
Insurance --- p.29
Inspection --- p.30
Arbitration --- p.30
Chapter IV. --- SURVEY AND SURVEY FINDINGS --- p.32
Survey --- p.32
Response Rate --- p.33
Limitation --- p.34
Survey Results --- p.35
Chapter V. --- "OPPORTUNITIES, PROBLEMS, AND STRATEGIES FOR CHINA TRADERS" --- p.70
Opportunities --- p.70
Problems --- p.71
Strategies --- p.72
Chapter VI. --- SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS --- p.74
APPENDICES
Chapter 1. --- STATISTICAL TABLES --- p.76
Chapter 2. --- QUESTIONNAIRE --- p.95
BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.101

Le présent travail s'intéresse aux processus de redéfinition identitaire et de reconfiguration des rapports interétatiques se manifestant au sein du groupe d'États-nations slavo-oriental depuis le démantèlement de l'URSS. Fondamentalement, son objectif est double. Il s'agit d'abord de vérifier l'hypothèse d'un groupe d'États-nations slavo-oriental distinct, ayant des propriétés particulières dont les effets s'observent sur les processus de redéfinition identitaire et de reconfiguration des rapports interétatiques entre la Russie, l'Ukraine et le Belarus. Il s'agit ensuite de trouver la clef interprétative permettant de comprendre la dynamique ou la logique interne des interactions qui s'observent au sein d'un tel groupe, à la fois frontalier de l'Europe et de l'Asie. Bien qu'il s'agisse, en réalité, d'une sorte d'anthropologie de la diplomatie postsoviétique, ce travail s'inscrit entièrement dans le champ disciplinaire des Relations internationales. Les discours des hommes politiques influents, les documents juridiques qu'ils ont fait adopter ainsi que les commentaires et les réactions qu'ils ont suscités auprès des experts et des masses forment le terrain empirique à l'étude. Reformulée dans le langage théorique de l'approche constructiviste cette thèse aspire, dans un premier temps, à mettre en relief la macrostructure (à la fois matérielle et idéelle) constitutive d'un sous-système commun aux trois (et seulement aux trois) États-nations successeurs de l'URSS à majorité slavo-orientale et orthodoxe. À cet égard, la présente étude vient confirmer que l'histoire militaire, économique, juridique, religieuse et linguistique génère une structure intersubjective commune et particulière aux Slaves de l'Est. Celle-ci se manifeste par cette croyance, constamment débattue, d'appartenir à une seule et même famille, dont le fondement est à la fois ethnolinguistique et historique. Son existence génère une tension dialectique permanente et unique entre, d'une part, le sentiment de fraternité ethnolinguistique et religieuse et, d'autre part, les rivalités liées au partage de l'héritage d'un passé commun, lequel s'étend de la Rous à l'URSS. En second lieu, ce travail propose d'identifier les microstructures (matérielles et idéelles) explicatives des particularités de chacune des unités étatiques-nationales du sous-système. Ce travail démontre, par le biais d'une analyse des facteurs militaire, économique, juridique, religieux et linguistique susceptibles d'affecter la politique étrangère de chacun des États-nations à l'étude, que les comparaisons jouent un rôle constitutif des personnalités postsoviétiques de la Russie, de l'Ukraine et du Belarus. Cette thèse fait ainsi valoir que les dirigeants tentent de définir leur État-nation d'une façon qui soit tant gratifiante que viable, mais que ce processus n'est pas linéaire et prévisible. Le développement de la personnalité simultanément étatique et nationale constitue plutôt un mécanisme d'apprentissage par essais-erreurs dans lequel chacun, à sa manière, se compare aux autres unités du sous-système. Puisqu'elle oscille entre l'optimisme d'une confédération pacifique et le pessimisme d'une prédation vorace entre ses unités, il appert que la macrostructure sous-systémique à l'étude ne saurait être classée dans l'un des idéaux-types « hobbesien », « lockéen » ou « kantien », tels que décrits par Alexander Wendt. Afin d'expliquer et de mieux comprendre ces passages rapides entre les épisodes de collaboration et les épisodes de confrontation, la présente thèse explore un autre idéal-type de structure intersubjective dont la forme, particulièrement instable, serait de type « familiale ». En dernière analyse, afin d'évaluer la valeur heuristique du prisme interprétatif que serait la métaphore de la famille, ce travail examine les séquences d'interaction triangulaire entre les États-nations slavo-orientaux au cours des années 1990-2010. Sans prétendre pouvoir surmonter la difficulté consistant à identifier des critères stricts et précis de falsifiabilité (caractéristique de tout modèle théorique parcimonieux), cette thèse fait valoir les mérites d'un cadre analytique comparatif et longitudinal fondé sur la métaphore de la famille et permettant à la fois d'expliquer et de comprendre les rapports politiques postsoviétiques chez les Slaves de l'Est. Par cette analyse sous-systémique, l'étude permet d'approfondir le débat sur les mérites et les limites de l'approche constructiviste en Relations internationales. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : relations internationales, constructivisme, analyse comparative, Russie, Ukraine, Belarus

This study focused on the ‘silence of the prophets’ in the post-apartheid era. It sought to understand why the prophets, who spoke out so vehemently against the injustices of apartheid, did not speak out against the injustices of the government after 1994 even when it became blatantly apparent that corruption was beginning to unfold on various levels, especially with the introduction of the so-called Arms Deal. Accordingly, the study singles out Drs Allan Boesak and Frank Chikane who were among the fiercest opponents of the apartheid regime before 1994. The study traced the impact of the ideological forces that influenced Boesak and Chikane’s ideological thinking from the early Slave Religion, Black Theology in the USA and Liberation Theology in Latin America. Black Theology and Black Consciousness first made their appearance in South Africa in the 1970s, with Boesak and Chikane, among others, as early advocates of these movements. In 1983, Boesak and Chikane took part in the launch of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in Mitchells Plain, Cape Town. This movement became the voice of the voiceless in an era when the members of the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan African Congress (PAC) had been sent into exile. It also signalled a more inclusive and reconciliatory shift in Boesak and Chikane’s Ideological thinking. Whereas Black Consciousness sought to exclude white people from participating in the struggle for liberation, the UDF united all under one banner without consideration for colour, race, religion or creed. After the advent of liberation in South Africa in 1994, it became increasingly obvious that corruption was infiltrating many levels of the new government. But the prophets were silent. Why were they silent? The study presents an analysis of the possible reasons for this silence based on interviews with Boesak and Chikane as role players and draws conclusions based on their writings both before and after 1994. Overall, the study concluded that they were silent because they had become part of the new political structures that had taken over power. To sum up, the study demonstrates the irony of prophetic oscillation and concludes that no prophet is a prophet for all times. Thus, as a new democracy unfolds in South Africa, the situation demands new prophets with a new message.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Phil. (Theology)