To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Relations with slaves.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Relations with slaves'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Relations with slaves.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Farrelly, Carol M. "Imaginative slaves : Thomas Hardy, social relations, and Victorian readers." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249090.
Full textAbstract:
Imaginative Slaves explores the question of how Thomas Hardy imagined and addressed his contemporary readers. The representative or ideal reader sparked incessant conflict between all those who controlled the late-nineteenth-century reading industry. This thesis attempts to understand Hardy's imagined readers as constructs which he developed and shaped in largely antagonistic response to his culture's dominant conceptions of the reader, especially the oppressively pervasive conceptions held by publishers, editors, circulating libraries, and critics. All these conceptions tended to circle around the powerful reader of the day: the middle-class reader. Questions of class and gender, therefore, are particularly important to this thesis which very much grounds Hardy and his readers in their cultural, historical context. Hardy's unconventional, contentious attitudes towards his readers are considered as challenges to class and gender divisions, challenges, indeed, to the hardening Victorian social system. Hardy's novels, ultimately, question the belief that people are and should be members of narrowly defined, divisive social strata. Imaginative Slaves begins with a general discussion of Victorian reading culture, its structure, forms, ruling ideas, values, misconceptions, and anxieties. Moving on to consider perhaps the dominant conception of the reader, the Young Girl, it examines Hardy's struggles with this reader figure. Other important conceptions of the reader and reading are then tackled: the sensation reader and the working-class reader whose shadowy, threatening figure haunted and motivated many of the middle-class strictures placed on fiction such as Hardy's. The thesis ends with a consideration of both Hardy's legacy in the form of theatrical adaptations and the interpretive and social implications ofactual readers' theatrical reinvention of his novels. This thesis also implicitly questions recent critics' understandings of the popular or non-academic reader. Imaginonve Slaves, emulating Hardy, attempts to offer a rich, challenging, and socially grounded portrayal of readers which recognizes the potential power ofthe reader and the reading process
2
Beaumont, Frédéric. "Identités et territoire chez les slaves de Bucovine : relations interethniques, faits identitaires et territoriaux dans les Carpates orientales (Roumanie-Ukraine)." Bordeaux 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007BOR30010.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail se penche sur les faits identitaires et territoriaux chez les Slaves de Bucovine (Ukrainiens, Polonais et Russes-Lipovènes), une région multiethnique au cœur d’un processus intense de redéfinition des identités ethniques. La partition de la Bucovine entre Roumanie et Ukraine depuis 1940 constitue un cas exemplaire qui nous permet de suivre l’évolution de populations slaves majoritaires au nord, minoritaires au Sud, et de nous interroger sur la façon dont ces populations, séparées par une frontière hermétique jusqu’en 1989, se sont redéfinies dans des contextes devenus aussi différents. L’émergence de nouvelles identités ethniques : hutsule, ruthène, chez les Ukrainiens, lipovène chez les Vieux-croyants russophones ou gorale chez une population longtemps considérée comme slovaque et aujourd’hui reconnue comme polonaise est ainsi étudiée à la lumière d’une histoire régionale qui fut celle des confins orientaux de l’Empire Habsbourg et des bouleversements qui suivirent son démantèlement jusqu’à nos jours. Cette étude insiste particulièrement sur les conséquences des politiques d’assimilations sur un peuplement apparemment « homogénéisé ». De la localité à la commune, puis à l’échelle des territoires et des États, nous verrons de quelle manière sont formulés les identités, les sentiments d’appartenance communautaire ou régional, et de quelle manière ils s’insèrent dans une vision élargie qui englobe des espaces transnationaux<br>This study speaks about identitaries and territorial facts among Slavs of Bukovina (Ukrainians, Poles and Russian-Lipovans), a multi-ethnic region which is in the heart of an important redifinition of ethnic identities’ process. The Bukovina’s partition between Romania and Ukraine since 1940 constitutes an exemplary case which allows us to follow the evolution of slavic populations who are the majority in the north and the minority in the south, and allows us to wonder about the way those populations (separated by an impenetrable frontier until 1989) have redifined themselves in such different contexts. So, the emergence of new ethnic identities (hutsul or rusyn for Ukrainians, lipovan for Old Believers and goral for a population who had been considered slovak for a long time and is now know as polish) is studied in the light of a regional history which was that of the Habsbourg Empire’s oriental fringes and of the disruptions which follow its bringing down, until nowadays. This study particularly insists on the consequences of the assimilations’s politics on an apparently homogenized population. From the village to the commune, then at the scale of territories and states, we will see which way regional or ethnic identities are built, and how they express in larger transnational spaces
3
Hernaes, Per O. "Slaves, Danes, and African coast society : The Danish slave trade from West Africa and Afro-Danish relations on the Eighteenth-Century Gold Coast /." Trondheim : NTNU, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38868537r.
Full text
4
Sekeruš, Pavle. "Image des Slaves du sud dans la culture française (1830-1848)." Paris 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA030146.
Full textAbstract:
La presente etude consacree a l'image des slaves du sud dans la culture francaise de 1830 a 1848 est une tentative d'application de la methode imagologique sur le corpus traitant les representations des slaves du sud en france. Cette methode decouvre un champ interdisciplinaire qui se reclame d'un point de vue litteraire mais qui a de multiples implications sociales, historiques, et culturelles. L'epoque de 1830-1848 situe les slaves du sud en fonction des jeux politiques europeens, la peur de la russie, les insurrections des slaves de la turquie, les projets de l'union sudslave, l'illyrisme, le panslavisme, la crise d'orient, la revolution de 1848. Les litteraires, les militaires, les journalistes et les diplomates regardaient a travers des lunettes bifocales, celles du romantisme, eprisdu volksgeist specifique des slaves du sud et celles de l'idee de l'evolutionnisme (progressisme), selon laquelle les slaves du sud etaient places a l'aube de l'humanite, prets pour la << civilisation et l'education >>. Dans la culture francaise la yougoslavophilie se manifestait comme un emoi devant la primitivite, l'etat arriere ou l'exotisme du sauvage stimule par les postulats du mouvement romantique. La yougoslavophobie se manifestait comme le resultat de la realpolitik, dans laquelle la peur de la russie, concentree sur les problemes politiques appeles << le panslavisme >> et la question d'orient, jouait le role primordial.
5
Mahan, IV Francis E. "The whiteman's Seminole white manhood, Indians and slaves, and the Second Seminole War." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4973.
Full textAbstract:
This study demonstrates that both government officials' and the settlers' perceptions of the Seminoles and Black Seminoles in Florida were highly influenced by their paternalistic and Jeffersonian world views. These perceptions also informed their policies concerning the Seminoles and Black Seminoles. The study is separated into three sections. The first chapter covers the years of 1820-1823. This section argues that until 1823, most settlers and government officials viewed the Seminoles as noble savages that were dependent on the U.S. Furthermore, most of these individuals saw the Black Seminoles as being secure among the Seminole Indians and as no threat to white authority. The second chapter covers the years of 1823-1828 and demonstrates that during this time most settlers began to view Seminoles outside of the reservation as threats to the frontier in Florida. This reflected the Jeffersonian world view of the settlers. Government officials, on the contrary, continued to believe that the Seminole Indians were noble savages that were no threat to the frontier because of their paternal world view. Both groups by 1828 wanted the Seminoles and Black Seminoles separated. The final chapter covers the years of 1829-1836. It argues that by 1835 both settlers and government officials believed that the Seminoles and Black Seminoles were clear threats to the frontier because of the fear of a slave revolt and the beginning of Seminole resistance to removal. Most of the shifts in the perception of the Seminoles and Black Seminoles by government officials and the settlers were the result of their white gender and racial world views that then in turn affected their policies towards the Seminoles and Black Seminoles.<br>ID: 029810333; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-114).<br>M.A.<br>Masters<br>History<br>Arts and Humanities
6
Muhlestein, Robert M. "Utah Indians and the Indian Slave Trade: The Mormon Adoption Program and its Effect on the Indian Slaves." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1991. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTGM,33282.
Full text
7
Fortney, Jeffrey L. Jr. "Slaves and Slaveholders in the Choctaw Nation: 1830-1866." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28371/.
Full textAbstract:
Racial slavery was a critical element in the cultural development of the Choctaws and was a derivative of the peculiar institution in southern states. The idea of genial and hospitable slave owners can no more be conclusively demonstrated for the Choctaws than for the antebellum South. The participation of Choctaws in the Civil War and formal alliance with the Confederacy was dominantly influenced by the slaveholding and a connection with southern identity, but was also influenced by financial concerns and an inability to remain neutral than a protection of the peculiar institution. Had the Civil War not taken place, the rate of Choctaw slave ownership possibly would have reached the level of southern states and the Choctaws would be considered part of the South.
8
Yoon, Seok Hee. "Relations between Japan and Korea : a diachronic survey in search of a pattern." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Japanese, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10393.
Full textAbstract:
Ever since Korea and Japan established kingdoms in the 6th century, both countries greatly influenced each other politically, militarily, socially, culturally, and economically through international exchange. Korea and Japan kept their close relationship throughout history because of geographic proximity. It is also notable that 54 per cent of Japanese males and 66 per cent of Japanese females carry Sino-Korean genes in present-days and there are records that Japan carried a close relationship with Paekche, a kingdom of the Korean peninsula which introduced script, Confucianism, and Buddhism to Japan at an early stage.
In the Medieval Period, Korea and Japan maintained a friendly trade policy but there were incidents such as Mongol invasions, wakō (Japanese pirates) raids and two invasions by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, which worsened the relations between the two countries. And yet, during Japan’s period of isolation (from 1639 to1854), Korea was the only nation with which full and free trade was permitted.
The 20th century is based on invasion and colonisation of Japan over Korea. For 35 years from 1910 to 1945, under the control of Japan, the Japan-Korea relationship was nothing but misfortune: forced labour, suppression of Korean culture and language, press-gangs, sex slaves, and so forth.
The aim in this thesis is to go into greater detail about each significant event and its effect on the relationship between Japan and Korea to uncover some rationale or pattern such as gekokujō (the master being outdone by the pupil, and being treated thereafter with contempt).
9
Thompson, Chelsea L. "Sex, Slaves, and Saviors: Domestic and Global Agendas in U.S. Anti-trafficking Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/355.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis, I problematize the United States’ response to the global phenomenon characterized as human trafficking. The framing of trafficking as policy issue takes place in the context of politicized claims about the nature and prevalence of trafficking, its relation to the sex industry, and the kind of response that is required. U.S. anti-trafficking policy was built and shaped in the context of fears about immigration, global labor, and the sex industry. As a result, trafficking has been used to justify oppressive domestic reactions such as border crackdown, scrutiny of immigrant and sex worker communities, and victim “protection” that barely differs from prosecution. The United States has also leveraged anti-trafficking measures such as the policy prescriptions in the Trafficking in Persons Report and sanctions for countries that fall in the bottom tier to build a global response to trafficking that suits the hegemony of the United States rather than the needs of vulnerable populations. Through the government-subsidized “rescue industry”—an army of U.S.-based NGO’s and humanitarian groups—the United States has effectively exported an imperialistic response to trafficking based on Christian ethics and neoliberal economics around the world. These policies are distinctly out of touch with the experiences and needs of the supposed “victims of trafficking,” those attempting to survive at the bottom of global capitalist labor markets. As a result, I characterize anti-trafficking as a form of structural violence, and emphasize the need for an alternative movement that addresses the actual problems experienced by global laborers and the complicity of the United States in creating the conditions for labor exploitation.
10
Elam, Richard L. (Richard Lee). "Behold the Fields: Texas Baptists and the Problem of Slavery." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277972/.
Full textAbstract:
The relationship between Texas Baptists and slavery is studied with an emphasis on the official statements made about the institution in denominational sources combined with a statistical analysis of the extent of slaveholding among Baptists. A data list of over 5,000 names was pared to 1100 names of Baptists in Texas prior to 1865 and then cross-referenced on slaveownership through the use of federal censuses and county tax rolls. Although Texas Baptists participated economically in the slave system, they always maintained that blacks were children of God worthy of religious instruction and salvation. The result of these disparate views was a paradox between treating slaves as chattels while welcoming them into mixed congregations and allowing them some measure of activity within those bodies. Attitudes expressed by white Baptists during the antebellum period were continued into the post-war years as well. Meanwhile, African-American Baptists gradually withdrew from white dominated congregations, forming their own local, regional, and state organizations. In the end, whites had no choice but to accept the new-found status of the Freedmen, cooperating with black institutions on occasion. Major sources for this study include church, associational, and state Baptist minutes; county and denominational histories; and government documents. The four appendices list associations, churches, and counties with extant records. Finally, private accounts of former slaves provide valuable insight into the interaction between white and black Baptists.
11
Edwards-Ingram, Ywone. "Master-Slave Relations: A Williamsburg Perspective." W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625579.
Full text
12
Anderson, Erich R. "A Window to Jim's Humanity: The Dialectic Between Huck and Jim in Mark Twain's Adventures of Huckleberry Finn." Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1729.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, YEAR.<br>Title from screen (viewed on August 26, 2009). Department of English, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Jane E. Schultz, Jonathan R. Eller, Robert Rebein. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-83).
13
Strickrodt, Silke. "Afro-European trade relations on the western slave coast, 16th to 19th centuries." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2616.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with the Afro-European trade on the Western Slave Coast from about 1600 to the 1880s, mainly the slave trade but also the trade in ivory and agricultural produce. The Western Slave Coast comprises the coastal areas of modem Togo and parts of the coastal areas of Ghana and Benin. For much of the period under discussion, this region was dominated by two kingdoms, the kingdom of the Hula (or Pla), known to European traders as Great or Grand Popo, after its coastal port (in modern Benin), and the kingdom of the Ge (Gen/Guin/Genyi), known to European traders as Little Popo, after its main coastal port (in modern Togo). In the nineteenth century, two more ports of trade appeared in the region, Agoud (in modem Benin) and Porto Seguro (in modern Togo). In terms of the Afro-European trade, this was an intermediate area between regions of greater importance to slave traders, the Gold Coast to the west and the eastern Slave Coast (mainly the kingdom of Dahomey) to the east. This thesis gives a detailed reconstruction of the political and commercial developments in the region, especially for the period from the 1780s and the 1860s. The discussion is based mainly on archival material from British, French and African archives, but also makes use of a wide range of published accounts, mainly in English, French and German, and information from oral traditions. Beyond its immediate local interest, the thesis contributes to our understanding of the operation of the Afro-European trade and its impact on African middleman societies. The intermittent commercial success of 'the Popos' illustrates the dynamics of the trade especially clearly. The Western Slave Coast is placed into the wider transatlantic trade network and its role in the trade re-evaluated. The link between the local and overseas economy is illustrated by the centrality of the lagoon, which is discussed in detail. Other important issues that are addressed include the role of the canoemen in the trade, the transition from the slave trade to the palm oil trade and the Afro-Brazilian settlement at Agoue.
14
CAMPOS, DIEGO DE SOUZA ARAUJO. "A STUDY ABOUT SLAVERY AND ITS RELATIONS WITH SOCIAL HIERARCHY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2007. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=11408@1.
Full textAbstract:
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO<br>Nesta dissertação, procurar-se-á compreender a
escravidão
por meio de
análise histórica de sociedades escravocratas para, só
então, partir para o caso
brasileiro. Elucidar-se-á que a hierarquia social
constitui a chave para a
compreensão da instituição escravocrata através da
História. A análise da
escravidão desde a antiguidade bíblica mostra que ao
longo
do tempo a instituição
moldou-se a diferentes culturas e povos, trazendo sempre
uma característica
basilar: a hierarquia social como legitimadora do
controle
de algumas pessoas
sobre outras. O caso brasileiro não foi diferente, mas
com
nuanças notórias. No
Brasil, paralelamente à hierarquia, o amálgama das
três raças permitiu que a
miscigenação fosse inserida no código social brasileiro,
com fortes ramificações
após o fim da sociedade escravocrata. Na sociedade
brasileira, fortemente
hierarquizada, a mestiçagem serviu para dissolver, ou
melhor, aproximar as
camadas sociais, mantendo diferenciações originais que
são
de grau e não de
qualidade. Sendo assim, para o melhor entendimento das
relações raciais pós -
abolição, o estudo das heranças e particularidades da
escravidão torna-se
substancial.<br>This dissertation seeks to study slavery through an
analysis of the
institution of slavery in history and then focuses on the
Brazilian slavery system.
The work explains that social hierarchy constitutes the
key to understand slavery
through history. Ever since biblical time, slavery was
forged in a number of
different cultures and societies with the same
characteristic: social hierarchy as
the element that legitimated the control of a few by
others. The Brazilian case was
not different but had significant particularities. In
Brazil, parallel to social
hierarchy, the amalgam of the three races permitted
miscegenation to be inserted
in the Brazilian social code, with strong ramifications
even after emancipation. In
Brazilian society, miscegenation served to dissolve, that
is to say, to bring
together social groups, maintaining original differences
based on social level
rather than on quality. Therefore, to best understand
Brazilian race relations, the
heritage and particularities of the institution in Brazil
will be discussed in this
dissertation.
15
Hunter, Mark C. "The political economy of Anglo-American naval relations : pirates, slavers and the equatorial Atlantic, 1819 to 1863." Thesis, University of Hull, 2003. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5542.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the decisions that affected Anglo-American naval relations from the Gulf of Mexico to the West African coast between 1819 and 1863. It places British and American naval deployment within the context of political and economic goals. The study reveals that Britain and the United States used sea power for commerce protection, but also believed that it could be used to further long-term economic goals. However, the different ways in which Britain and the United States used sea power affected Anglo-American diplomatic and naval relations. In Britain, the government and commercial sectors were unified in their belief that sea power could be used for commerce protection and to push African factors of production into legitimate commerce. In the United States, the government only reached a consensus that sea power could be used, during peacetime, for commerce protection and promotion. When these goals of the nations conflicted, tensions increased as their interests clashed. America abhorred a strong military, but deployed naval force to fight piracy. But Britain combined slave trade suppression with economic policy and wanted American help along the West African coast. The Americans expanded their West African presence from occasional warships diverted from West Indian piracy patrols, to a full squadron, but focussed only on economic goals. These differences strained relations, but their common belief that they could use sea power for long-term commercial objectives in peacetime, provided the nations with a common mechanism through which the accumulated tensions could be mitigated. Naval forces in the equatorial Atlantic were rearranged and offending officers and ships withdrawn, to preserve Anglo-American relations. Anglo-American naval relations in the equatorial Atlantic reveal that the nations were neither friends, nor enemies, but sought to contain their disputes so they could further their individual policy objectives that would be harmed by a war.
16
Barron, Agnel Natasha. "Representations of Labor in the Slave Narrative." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/english_theses/62.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the slave narratives The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, The History of Mary Prince, A West Indian Slave, Related by Herself and The Bondwoman’s Narrative to determine the way in which these texts depict the economics of labor in slave society. Taking into account the specific socio-historical contexts in which these narratives were written, this study analyzes the way in which the representations of labor in these narratives interrogate slavery and address issues relating to the social relations and power dynamics of their respective societies. Emphasis is given to the way in which the gender complexities of slavery merge with the dynamics of labor thereby underscoring some of the peculiarities of the female slave experience.
17
Jay, Bethany. "The representation of slavery at historic house museums : 1853-2000." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1365.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis advisor: James O'Toole<br>This dissertation examines the development of historic house museums in the United States from the mid-nineteenth century to the present to unravel the complex relationship between public presentations of slavery and popular perceptions of the institution. In conducting the research for this project, I examined the historic and contemporary public programming at nineteen separate museums. This sample of museums includes both publicly funded and private sites in both the North and South. By bringing together a diverse group of museums, this project examines national trends alongside regional traditions as well as the role of organizations such as the National Trust for Historic Preservation, the National Park Service, and a host of private institutions in determining different interpretive foci<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: History
18
Jezierski, Rachael A. "The Glasgow Emancipation Society and the American Anti-Slavery Movement." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2641/.
Full textAbstract:
This study reinterprets the history of the Glasgow Emancipation Society and its relationship to the American anti-slavery movement in the nineteenth century. It examines the role of economics, religion and reform, from Colonial times up to the US Civil War, in order to determine its influence on abolition locally and nationally. This thesis emphasizes the reformist tendencies of the Glasgow abolitionists and how this dynamic significantly influenced their adherence to the original American Anti-Slavery Society and William Lloyd Garrison. It questions the infallibility of the evangelical response to anti-slavery in Scotland, demonstrating how Scottish-American ecclesiastical ties, and the preservation of Protestant unity, often conflicted with abolitionist efforts in Glasgow. It also focuses on the true leaders of GES, persons often ignored in historical accounts concerning Scottish anti-slavery, which explains the motivation and rational behind the society’s zealous attitude and proactive policies. It argues that similar social, political and religious imperatives that affected the American movement likewise mirrored events in Scotland influencing Glaswegian anti-slavery. Lastly, it resurrects the legacy of the Glasgow Emancipation Society from its provincial role, showing it was, in fact, a leader in the British campaign against American slavery.
19
Matejka, Matt. "Turning Away From Your Slavic Brother: The Effects Of Identity On Relations Between Russia And Belarus." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5427.
Full textAbstract:
On September 24, 2011, it was announced that Putin would run for president once again in 2012. The reaction in the West was that “the more things change, the more they stay the same.” The Western conception of the post-Cold War Russia is often one of remarkable consistency since the turn of the century. This Western narrative focuses on an autocratic Putin reigning over his resurgent and confrontational Russia. Does this narrative tell the story of Russia today, or does it instead obscure it? To answer this I have elected to analyze Russian identity and how it relates to Russia's foreign policy with Belarus, traditionally a close ally of Russia. Analyzing news articles from state-owned Russia Today, I look at changes in reporting and Russian identity over time. I argue that a shift in Russian identity towards a more liberal outlook between 2006 and 2010 motivated a degradation of relations with Belarus. I argue that once the simplified narrative of a resurgent Russia is peeled back, a closer look reveals competing identities and competing interest groups in Russia's domestic arena. Finally I conclude that not only does identity play a pivotal role in Russia's relations, but also that researching identity is important in that it gives us a window into a fairly closed regime that lies at the center of the global stage. Discovering how Russian identity reacts to and influences foreign policy can offer insight into the domestic framework of contemporary Russia, as well as offer us an understanding of how central ideas are to crafting the world around us.<br>ID: 031001571; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Waltraud Morales.; Co-adviser: Thomas Dolan.; Title from PDF title page (viewed August 26, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 126-141).<br>M.A.<br>Masters<br>Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science; International Studies
20
Bryant, Kelly Ann. "Pacts and Pretenses, Competition and Cooperation: What Is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Why It Matters Now More Than Ever." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366035294.
Full text
21
Shin, Benjamin C. "Paul's use of servant/slave imagery in the New Testament and its relation to servant-leadership in the church." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1996. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
22
Jansson, Niklas, and Jonas Wanneby. "Slaget om hyllmetrarna : en studie av relationen mellan ledande leverantörer och detaljister inom dagligvaruhandeln." Thesis, Stockholm University, School of Business, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6337.
Full textAbstract:
<p>Debatten om svenska matpriser har varit en stark motor för den utveckling av dagligvaruhandeln som konsumenterna möter idag. Extrem lågpriskonkurrens, en ökad andel av detaljisters egna varumärken i butik samt en hög koncentration av detaljistledet, är några av de effekter som delvis kan förklaras av allmänhetens krav på sänkta matpriser. Vi har noterat att ledande varumärken såsom Kellogg’s och Gillette, uteslutits från detaljisternas sortiment som ett resultat av misslyckade förhandlingar rörande inköpspris. Detta kan även ses som ett tecken på att den en gång så starke leverantören har fått reducerad förhandlingsstyrka. Samtidigt förespråkar litteratur inom relationsmarknadsföring och ”supply-chain” management vikten av att samarbete och inleda partnerskap. Denna utveckling gällande prispress och ett möjligt maktskifte innebär förändrade förutsättningar och nya utmaningar. I denna uppsats vill vi undersöka vilka utmaningar leverantörer av ledande varumärken står inför i sin relation till detaljisten. Vi har utfört intervjuer med respondenter från Kraft, Kellogg’s och Procter & Gamble samt med dagligvarukedjorna ICA, Coop och Axfood. I vår undersökning har vi fokuserat kring att undersöka respektive respondents syn på Category Management, samarbete, makt och beroendeförhållanden samt förtroende, vilka vi anser är väsentliga komponenter för att studera denna relation. Vi finner att dagligvarukedjorna både agerar försäljningskanal åt leverantörerna men även åt sig själva då de erbjuder egna märkesvaror. Egna märkesvaror har inneburit både att detaljisten kan tillmötesgå konsumentens krav på låga priser men att EMV även fungerar som ett verktyg för detaljisten att öka sin förhandlingsstyrka gentemot de ledande leverantörerna. Vi finner också att betydelsen av starka varumärken möjligtvis har reducerats då detaljisten ser att olika kategorier har olika betydelse beroende på typ av kedja, där även de starka varumärkena spelar olika roller. En av våra viktigaste slutsatser är att Category Management som relationsbyggare inte fungerar enligt litteraturen då värdegrunden skiljer sig åt mellan medverkande leverantörer och detaljister. En utmaning för de ledande leverantörerna är därför att skapa sig en ny innebörd av Category Management som är anpassad till detaljistens syn på kategoriers mångfacceterade betydelse.</p>
23
Libby, Heather Elizabeth. "Evil perpetrators or cultural victims? An examination of the relation between cultural membership and moral responsibility." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/846.
Full textAbstract:
In my dissertation, I explore the connection between cultural membership and moral responsibility. In particular, I consider what sorts of mitigating excuses, if any, are available to perpetrators of what we take to be serious wrong action due to their unique cultural circumstances. I utilize real-life case studies, and apply various philosophical theories of moral responsibility to these examples.
One such theory--offered by Susan Wolf--suggests that these "cultural defendants" may not be responsible for their participation in morally wrong practices due to the possibility that they may have been rendered by their cultures unable to recognize and/or appreciate that these practices were in fact wrong. This would supposedly allow us to claim that they were not culpable for their resulting ignorance or for their morally wrong actions which resulted from acting in accordance with their (actually false) beliefs. I argue that this approach to understanding the relation between moral responsibility and cultural membership is seriously flawed, and provides us with counter-intuitive results about the case studies in question.
Consequently, I next examine theories of responsibility which suggest that responsibility may be mitigated not because of an alleged inability to recognize the truth, but rather due to the alleged reasonability of the beliefs of the perpetrators. Lawrence Vogel and Neil Levy offer versions of this strategy. They argue that, because certain morally wrong practices (such as slavery) were endorsed by the societies of certain individuals, their resulting beliefs in the propriety of their actions were epistemically reasonable. It is argued that these persons should not be considered culpable for holding their actually false beliefs or for acting in accordance with them. I argue that the strategy is in many ways preferable to Wolf's inability thesis, yet it nonetheless suffers from ambiguity.
The final portion of my project explores the connection between the epistemic status of a belief and a person's moral culpability for holding and acting upon it. I outline the grounds upon which the subjects in the case studies can be held morally culpable for their epistemic mistakes and for their failure to develop and exercise epistemic virtues.
24
Hascher, Andrew Michael. "The Black Sea and the Turkish Straits: Resurgent Strategic Importance in the 21st Century." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1574428754309163.
Full text
25
Starvaggi, Nicholas Hendon. "An Eastern Slavic Brotherhood: The Determinative Factors Affecting Democratic Development in Ukraine and Belarus." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243617971.
Full text
26
Lazic, Boris. "La relation du temps et de l’éternité dans l’œuvre poétique de P.P. Njegos." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040188.
Full textAbstract:
Notre travail a pour but de déterminer la valeur accordée à un motif littéraire et son développement dans le corpus littéraire de l’auteur étudié. La réflexion sur la nature de Dieu représente une première réflexion sur l’être qui va se poursuivre dans l’étude de la nature njegošienne et sa notion de chaos. Cette notion de chaos introduit l’idée d’une possible opposition binaire entre principe de lumière et de chaos, d’ordre et de désordre, de bien et de mal. Notre recherche porte à démontrer, sur la base des textes, l’impossibilité philosophique et théologique d’une double ontologie chez Njegoš. Dieu est à la fois être et devenir. La création dialectale divine œuvre à l’union de l’essence et de l’être. La relation du temps et de l’éternité s’exprime par ce travail d’irradiation lumineuse dont le but final est l’introduction de l’univers à l’harmonie. L’ontologie détermine l’anthropologie, la christologie la nature de la lumière du microcosme, la figure divine celle du poète romantique<br>The aim of this work is to determine the value given to a literary motive & its development in the literary body of the studied author. The study of the nature of God represents the first step in the study of the Being that further develops in the study of Njegoš’s concept of Nature & Chaos. The notion of Chaos introduces the idea of a possible binary opposition between the Principle of Light & Chaos, Order & Disorder, Good & Evil. The purpose of this research is to demonstrate, on the basis of the original author’s body of works, the philosophical & theological impossibility of a Dualistic Ontology. God is altogether being & becoming. The dialectal Divine Creating works on the union of the Essence & the Being. The relation of Time & Eternity is expressed by this work of luminous irradiating whose final aim is to introduce the Universe into Harmony. The Ontology determinates the Anthropology, the Christology the nature of the Ray of the Microcosm, the Figure Divine the Romantic Poet
27
Cohn, Marjorie Rocha. "A fazenda Santa Sofia: cafeicultura e escravidão no Vale do Paraíba Mineiro, 1850-1882." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-10042014-114001/.
Full textAbstract:
Esta dissertação tem por objeto a escravidão na economia cafeeira do Vale do Paraíba mineiro durante a segunda metade do século XIX. A análise parte do estudo de uma fazenda, a Santa Sofia, durante o período compreendido de 1850 a 1882. Nesta quadra, a fazenda pertenceu a Camilo Maria Ferreira Armond, Conde de Prados em 1881. A pesquisa pretende tratar, com base nesse foco espacial e temporal específico, um elenco de temas que vêm sendo explorados pela historiografia brasileira nas últimas décadas: a composição demográfica da escravaria da fazenda em tela; a organização do seu processo de trabalho (o que envolve o estudo das estratégias de controle empregadas pelo fazendeiro bem como das estratégias de resistência dos escravos); a organização do processo de produção do café (técnicas agronômicas e de beneficiamento dos grãos); a organização espacial da fazenda; as relações do fazendeiro com o mercado cafeeiro do Rio de Janeiro; finalmente, os impactos da crise da instituição da escravidão, na década de 1880, sobre as relações escravistas na fazenda.<br>The object of this dissertation is the slavery in the coffee economy in the Paraiba Valley during the second half of the 19th century. The starting point is a property, the Santa Sofia, during the period between 1850 and 1882. During this time, the property belonged to Camilo Maria Ferreira Armond, Count of Prados in 1881. Based on these special and temporal focus, the aim is to approach a range of themes that are being investigated by the Brazilian historiography on the last decades: the demography of slavery; the organization of the Santa Sofias work process (including the study of the control strategies employed by the farms owner and also the slave resistance); the organization of the coffee production (agronomical techniques and coffee processing); the spacial organization; the relations between the producer and the coffee market in Rio and, finally, the impacts of the slavery crisis in the 1880s.
28
Cheriau, Raphaël. ""L'Intervention d'Humanité" or the Humanitarian Right of Intervention in International Relations : Zanzibar, France and Britain in between Colonial Expansion and Struggle against the Slave Trade from the mid-19th Century to the early 1900s." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040060.
Full textAbstract:
Dans la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle, le Sultanat de Zanzibar a été au cœur des politiques abolitionnistes et coloniales aussi bien françaises que britanniques. En effet, l’île de Zanzibar ne fut pas seulement le plus grand marché aux esclaves de l’océan Indien mais aussi la porte d’entrée privilégiée des trafiquants d’esclaves, des abolitionnistes, et des partisans de la colonisation en Afrique Orientale. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux controverses, ayant opposé la France et la Grande-Bretagne dans les eaux territoriales de Zanzibar, sur le droit de visite des bateaux transportant des esclaves ainsi que sur le droit des boutres à battre pavillon français et à échapper ainsi aux contrôles de la Royal Navy. Cette recherche souligne combien ces questions furent importantes, non seulement pour les relations de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et du Sultanat de Zanzibar, mais aussi pour le droit international et les relations internationales jusqu’à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Ce travail montre que les opérations de lutte contre la traite qui ont eu lieu à Zanzibar ont inspiré de nombreux officiers de marine, des consuls, des diplomates, des juristes, et des hommes politiques, aussi bien français que britanniques, quant à la conception et à la mise en œuvre « d’interventions humanitaires ». Ainsi l’histoire des opérations de lutte contre la traite menées dans le sultanat de Zanzibar permet d’éclairer de manière originale l’histoire du concept d’intervention humanitaire ou « d’humanité » (« intervention in the score of humanity »). Cette recherche souligne combien la nature de ces interventions humanitaires a sans cesse oscillé entre de véritables idéaux abolitionnistes et des enjeux coloniaux pressants<br>In the second half of the nineteenth century the Zanzibar Sultanate became the focal point of French as well as British imperial and humanitarian policies. In fact, the island was not only the most important slave trade emporium of the Indian Ocean but it was also the great gateway to East Africa for slave traders, humanitarians, or imperialists alike. This thesis looks at the controversies which took place in Zanzibar waters between France and Britain over the right of searching vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade as well as the right of dhows to fly the French flag and escape the Royal Navy’s scrutiny. This research highlights how important these questions were, not only for the relations of France, Britain, and the Zanzibar Sultanate, but also for international law and international relations up until the eve of the First World War. This work demonstrates that the anti-slave trade operations which took place in Zanzibar inspired many navy officers, consuls, diplomats, Foreign Secretaries, and lawyers – whether British, French, or American – on the theory and the practice of “humanitarian interventions”. Indeed, the history of anti-slave trade operations implemented in the Zanzibar Sultanate sheds a new light on the history of the concept of humanitarian intervention, or “intervention in the score of humanity” – (“l’intervention d’humanité”) – as it was then called. This research underlines how these humanitarian interventions unceasingly swung between genuine humanitarian ideals and pressing imperial issues
29
Bourgeois, Catherine. "Au-delà des collines. Ethnographie des relations dominico-haïtiennes en zone frontalière." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/233130.
Full textAbstract:
Haïti et la République dominicaine sont séparées par une frontière de 380 kilomètres héritée de la période coloniale. Cette frontière illustre également un fait particulier dans la région :l’indépendance de la République dominicaine par séparation d’avec Haïti alors que la majorité des colonies du continent américain déclaraient leur indépendance en se séparant des empires coloniaux. Depuis cette époque, certains secteurs de la société dominicaine n’ont cessé d’alimenter un discours nationaliste centré sur l’anti-haïtianisme. Haïti occupe donc une place particulière dans l’imaginaire collectif dominicain comme cela apparaît notamment dans son traitement médiatique, dans les politiques migratoires ou encore dans les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens – la République dominicaine constituant la principale destination de migration pour la population haïtienne issue des secteurs populaires.Cette thèse porte sur les relations entre Haïtiens et Dominicains dans la région frontalière, lieu privilégié pour « étudier ethnographiquement les diverses formes par lesquelles des personnes de nationalités différentes cohabitent et entrent en relation » (Grimson). Dans ce travail, la frontière est envisagée comme une construction spatiale, politique et sociale. En ce sens, la thèse s’attache tout d’abord à décrire les processus par lesquels la limite entre les anciens empires coloniaux est devenue une frontière territoriale et sociale intégrée dans les pratiques des populations frontalières. Une attention particulière est ainsi portée sur le processus de construction nationale et sur la politique violente de nationalisation de la région frontalière dominicaine dans la première moitié du 20e siècle aboutissant à la fin des relations transfrontalières, des modalités de circulation dans cet espace ainsi que des modes d’organisation sociale et d’identifications locaux qui avaient jusque là prévalus. Cette période correspond à une phase intense de construction de l’identité nationale dominicaine résultant à la fois de l’imposition par les élites d’une idéologie centrée sur l’opposition avec le pays voisin, et d’une intériorisation de cette idéologie par la population frontalière. Dans cette perspective, une attention particulière est portée sur le massacre de la population haïtienne perpétré dans la région en 1937. À travers l’analyse des versions officielles et des récits mémoriaux de ce massacre, ce travail interroge la mémoire collective frontalière entendue comme le processus social de (re)construction du passé (Halbwachs) « [fondant] et [renforçant] les sentiments d’appartenances et les frontières socio-culturelles en définissant ce qui est commun à un groupe et ce qui le différencie des autres » (Pollak). Cette thèse pose donc la question des processus qui rendent possible l’émergence des sociétés nationales dans la lignée des travaux de B. Anderson sur le nationalisme et les communautés imaginées. Elle interroge également les modes d’expression du nationalisme dominicain à l’heure actuelle qui dévoilent partiellement l’intimité culturelle dominicaine.La thèse porte ensuite sur la gestion quotidienne de la frontière. À travers l’analyse de la législation sur le contrôle frontalier, la migration, le commerce mais aussi la santé, par exemple, et surtout à travers la description de l’application de ces réglementations, ce travail interroge la manière dont la population frontalière fait l’expérience de l’État et comment cette expérience constitue « une clef de production d’imaginaires sur la nationalité et sur la relation État-société » (Grimson). Ce faisant, il révèle l’existence de plusieurs conceptions de l’espace frontalier qui entrent parfois en conflit et qui participent donc à la reconstruction constante de la frontière. La thèse porte enfin – et c’est le point central de cette recherche – sur les relations quotidiennes entre Dominicains et Haïtiens dans l’espace frontalier. Les observations des interactions, les conversations et les entretiens font apparaître une multiplicité de frontières symboliques et sociales (dans le sens des travaux de F. Barth) entre les deux groupes et définies par des éléments, produits et reproduits au quotidien, tels que la langue, l’habillement, le métier ou encore la confession religieuse par exemple. Loin d’être anodins, ces éléments servent à identifier un individu comme appartenant à un groupe et ces identifications jouent un rôle fondamental dans les modalités des relations quotidiennes. Celles-ci se révèlent fortement asymétriques et, pour la plupart, elles n’existent que dans la mesure où elles sont intéressantes pour l’une des deux parties (principalement les Dominicains). Les relations se déroulent dès lors principalement dans le cadre du travail agricole et du commerce et sont généralement marquées par de la discrimination. Toutefois, l’ethnographie révèle également l’existence de relations plus privilégiées entre Dominicains et Haïtiens. Celles-ci semblent être le résultat de la capacité de certains individus (principalement des Haïtiens) à se mouvoir dans un espace normatif différent (compétence métisse, Cunin) et à construire des réseaux de relations transfrontaliers (compétence transfrontalière, Losonczy). Connaître et savoir s’adapter aux normes en vigueur dans un autre espace, connaître les codes de sociabilité, connaître les chemins à emprunter pour traverser la frontière, pouvoir s’exprimer avec une relative aisance dans la langue de l’autre, sont autant d’éléments permettant de construire des réseaux et de les mobiliser en fonction des besoins. Les relations ainsi établies peuvent conférer un accès privilégié à certains espaces de la zone frontalière comme les lieux d’hospitalité temporaire ou prolongée, et les personnes de confiance (Losonczy). Par ailleurs, l’ethnographie montre que les modalités d’interactions et de cohabitation varient aussi en fonction des lieux de contacts et de la temporalité des migrations – celles-ci s’effectuant essentiellement depuis Haïti vers la République dominicaine. Trois zones de migrations apparaissent ainsi dans l’espace frontalier dominicain :les villes frontalières, les communautés rurales et les villages proches des grandes plantations agricoles. À chacun de ces espaces correspond une forme de migration plus particulière qui est soit journalière, soit temporaire ou encore prolongée. Si dans les trois espaces les relations sont majoritairement asymétriques, certains lieux semblent cependant plus propices à l’établissement des relations plus privilégiées (entraide, mariage, accueil d’un enfant,…) ou, au contraire, à une intensification du rejet et de l’exclusion (ségrégation spatiale, conflits, saccages d’habitations, expulsions,…). L’ethnographie révèle donc l’existence d’au moins deux formes d’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière dominico-haïtienne. L’une est celle de la « configuration sociale métisse » (Losonczy) que dessinent les formes de sociabilité basées sur les réseaux transfrontaliers. Celle-ci est toutefois mise à mal notamment par les représentations qui circulent sur les Haïtiens ainsi que par un ensemble de règles et pratiques qui soulignent les différences, réaffirment les frontières ethniques et assignent des appartenances identitaires. L’autre est celle de la « configuration du côte à côte » (Bourgeois) qui organise les modes de sociabilité de groupes mis en situation de co-présence limitant leurs relations à quelques échanges strictement définis. Dans ce type de configuration, les frontières des groupes apparaissent comme plus rigides, moins souples que dans le modèle de la configuration sociale métisse. Enfin, cette thèse montre que les relations et les différentes facettes de l’organisation sociale dans la région frontalière jouent un rôle dans la construction des appartenances identitaires locales. Plusieurs registres identitaires collectifs et individuels apparaissent ainsi dans les récits migratoires des Haïtiens et dans les conversations avec les frontaliers dominicains. Ces registres ne sont pas mutuellement exclusifs :ils révèlent une appartenance identitaire à géométrie variable en fonction des personnes avec lesquelles on se trouve et des modalités d’interactions.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
30
Fredriksson, de Rond Misja. "När är klockan slagen? : Om grov kvinnofridskränkning och särskilt om rätt till nödvärn." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-331681.
Full text
31
Parker, Maxwell. "The Narrative of Regime Change: Pro-Kremlin Narratives Implicating Foreign Interference in the 2020–2021 Belarusian Protests." The Ohio State University, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1619153176164935.
Full text
32
Reid, John. "Warrior aristocrats in crisis : the political effects of the transition from the slave trade to palm oil commerce in the nineteenth century Kingdom of Dahomey." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2008.
Full textAbstract:
Few exploratory ventures would ever be undertaken if the explorer appreciated his own limitations at the outset. Although his ultimate destination is unclear, the route uncertain, the terrain unfamiliar and the tools inadequate he is spurred initially by a self-assurance born of his own limited knowledge. Unfortunately, that same self-assurance ill-equips him for the difficulties which he inevitably has to face en route. This thesis has been no exception to this pattern. It has involved more than its fair share of blind alleys, false trails, disorientation, retracing of footsteps and re-establishment of bearings. It has occasionally been marked by that feeling of despairing bewilderment which confronts the uncertain traveller lost in unfamiliar territory or overwhelmed by the novelty and complexity of his surroundings. Like most exploratory journeys, it has been difficult to decide when the ultimate destination has been reached and almost impossible in restrospect to recall the exact route by which that particular point was achieved. However, the historian of Dahomey is fortunate in comparison with the explorer venturing into virgin territory. For he is well served by the pioneers who have blazed the trail before him and by the signposts which are available to him. The Kingdom of Dahomey has been well covered by primary source material and contemporary documentation and publications.
33
Cheriau, Raphaël. ""L'Intervention d'Humanité" or the Humanitarian Right of Intervention in International Relations : Zanzibar, France and Britain in between Colonial Expansion and Struggle against the Slave Trade from the mid-19th Century to the early 1900s." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040060.
Full textAbstract:
Dans la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle, le Sultanat de Zanzibar a été au cœur des politiques abolitionnistes et coloniales aussi bien françaises que britanniques. En effet, l’île de Zanzibar ne fut pas seulement le plus grand marché aux esclaves de l’océan Indien mais aussi la porte d’entrée privilégiée des trafiquants d’esclaves, des abolitionnistes, et des partisans de la colonisation en Afrique Orientale. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux controverses, ayant opposé la France et la Grande-Bretagne dans les eaux territoriales de Zanzibar, sur le droit de visite des bateaux transportant des esclaves ainsi que sur le droit des boutres à battre pavillon français et à échapper ainsi aux contrôles de la Royal Navy. Cette recherche souligne combien ces questions furent importantes, non seulement pour les relations de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et du Sultanat de Zanzibar, mais aussi pour le droit international et les relations internationales jusqu’à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Ce travail montre que les opérations de lutte contre la traite qui ont eu lieu à Zanzibar ont inspiré de nombreux officiers de marine, des consuls, des diplomates, des juristes, et des hommes politiques, aussi bien français que britanniques, quant à la conception et à la mise en œuvre « d’interventions humanitaires ». Ainsi l’histoire des opérations de lutte contre la traite menées dans le sultanat de Zanzibar permet d’éclairer de manière originale l’histoire du concept d’intervention humanitaire ou « d’humanité » (« intervention in the score of humanity »). Cette recherche souligne combien la nature de ces interventions humanitaires a sans cesse oscillé entre de véritables idéaux abolitionnistes et des enjeux coloniaux pressants<br>In the second half of the nineteenth century the Zanzibar Sultanate became the focal point of French as well as British imperial and humanitarian policies. In fact, the island was not only the most important slave trade emporium of the Indian Ocean but it was also the great gateway to East Africa for slave traders, humanitarians, or imperialists alike. This thesis looks at the controversies which took place in Zanzibar waters between France and Britain over the right of searching vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade as well as the right of dhows to fly the French flag and escape the Royal Navy’s scrutiny. This research highlights how important these questions were, not only for the relations of France, Britain, and the Zanzibar Sultanate, but also for international law and international relations up until the eve of the First World War. This work demonstrates that the anti-slave trade operations which took place in Zanzibar inspired many navy officers, consuls, diplomats, Foreign Secretaries, and lawyers – whether British, French, or American – on the theory and the practice of “humanitarian interventions”. Indeed, the history of anti-slave trade operations implemented in the Zanzibar Sultanate sheds a new light on the history of the concept of humanitarian intervention, or “intervention in the score of humanity” – (“l’intervention d’humanité”) – as it was then called. This research underlines how these humanitarian interventions unceasingly swung between genuine humanitarian ideals and pressing imperial issues
34
White, Robyn L. "Invisible Women: Examining the Political, Economic, Cultural, and Social Factors that lead to Human Trafficking and Sex Slavery of Young Girls and Women." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1708.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis employs the most recent and best available data on human trafficking, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’s Trafficking in Persons Global Report 2006, as well as nine independent variables to determine what their effects are on countries’ volumes of human trafficking outflows. By completing a cross-sectional analysis via an OLS regression, I found statistically significant support for three factors that I hypothesize lead to greater outflows of human trafficking. My findings suggest that countries that are less corrupt, have more seats in parliament held by women, and score higher on Cho, Dreher, and Neumayer’s Anti-Trafficking Policy Index are less likely to experience high outflows of human trafficking. Additionally, while they narrowly avoid statistical significance, this study also suggests that states that have a legal stance on prostitution and have fewer women employed in the non-agricultural sector experience less human trafficking outflows.
35
Cardoso, Rosilene Costa. "Relações sociais na sociedade escravista: cotidiano e criminalidade em Juiz de Fora - 1870-1888." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2011. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2135.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-18T19:57:13Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
rosilenecostacardoso.pdf: 5512138 bytes, checksum: 345d476219ae50fd7ebd4bf69f72ee93 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-22T15:12:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
rosilenecostacardoso.pdf: 5512138 bytes, checksum: 345d476219ae50fd7ebd4bf69f72ee93 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-22T15:12:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
rosilenecostacardoso.pdf: 5512138 bytes, checksum: 345d476219ae50fd7ebd4bf69f72ee93 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2011-11-28<br>O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o cotidiano da comunidade escrava na cidade de Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais. Através dos processos criminais nos quais os réus eram escravos, compreendidos entre 1870 e 1888, buscou-se analisar o cotidiano, as relações sociais, bem como as tensões e os conflitos inerentes ao sistema do qual os cativos faziam parte. Assim, a proposta é apurar se tais relações corroboraram para a decisão do júri, de maneira a absolvê-los ou a condená-los. Para tanto, analisamos a formação do município enquanto grande produtor de café e de posse de uma expressiva população escrava na segunda metade do século XIX que, por conseguinte, vivenciou as tensões do fim tráfico internacional de escravos. Analisamos os casos de violência entre escravos, feitores e senhores que caracterizaram os conflitos e as relações sociais, fossem elas horizontais ou verticais. Procuramos, ainda, analisar a ordem social e jurídica que compunha o cenário social, econômico e demográfico do município, entendendo a constituição da comunidade escrava e a ordem jurídica presente no contexto oitocentista.<br>The present work aims to analyze the daily life of the slave community in the city of Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais. Through criminal prosecutions in which defendants were slaves, ranging between 1870 and 1888, we sought to analyze the daily life, social relations, as well as the tensions and conflicts inherent in the system which were part of the captives. The proposal is to determine whether such relationships to corroborate the jury in order to acquit them or condemn them. For this purpose, we analyze the formation of the municipality as a major producer of coffee and possession of a significant slave population in the second half of the nineteenth century, therefore, experienced the tensions of the international slave trade order. We analyzed the cases of violence among slaves, masters and overseers that characterized the conflict and social relations, be they horizontal or vertical. We also seek to analyze the social and legal landscape that made up the social, economic and demographic of the city, understanding the constitution of the slave community and the legal context in this nineteenth century.
36
Cotrell, Brittany Marie. "When Ambivalence Kills: The West and InternationalHIV Relief in Post-Socialist Russia." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366143332.
Full text
37
Acruche, Hevelly Ferreira. "Escravidão e liberdade em territórios coloniais: Portugal e Espanha na fronteira platina." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFF, 2013. https://appdesenv.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/260.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-24T20:05:02Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Acruche, Hevelly-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1402253 bytes, checksum: fc91090825d27547323a5bfc15f2dd9e (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-24T20:05:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Acruche, Hevelly-Dissert-2013.pdf: 1402253 bytes, checksum: fc91090825d27547323a5bfc15f2dd9e (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2013<br>O objetivo deste dissertação é analisar a porosidade das fronteiras, especificamente as do sul da América, a luz dos Tratados de limites assinados entre as Coroas de Portugal e Espanha na segunda metade do século XVIII. Ao mesmo tempo, intentamos analisar a relação entre as convulsões e alianças políticas formadas no Velho Mundo e seus reflexos no andamento das políticas de domínio e soberania nas Conquistas americanas. Para tal, pretendemos observar os efeitos destas leis, de caráter internacional, no continente americano; seja no processo demarcatório em si, seja na contenção do comércio ilegal e das fugas escravas. Deste modo, pensamos em demonstrar que um conjunto de práticas e mecanismos viabilizou a continuidade do contrabando entre lusos e hispânicos na fronteira platina e que, embora a escravidão tenha fundamental importância na América espanhola, na fronteira sul os conflitos militares em torno da posse da Colônia do Sacramento levaram a uma construção da ideia de liberdade no além – fronteira.<br>The aims of this dissertation is to analyze the porosity of borders, specifically the South America, the light of the treaties signed between the limits of crowns of Portugal and Spain in thesecond half of the eighteenth century. At the same time, intend to analyze the relationship between convulsions and political alliances formed in the Old World and its impact on the progress of political domain and sovereignty in American Achievements. To this end, we intend to observe the effects of these laws, international in character, the Americas, the demarcation process is itself, in restraint of trade is illegal and trails slaves. Thus, we demonstrate that in a set practices and mechanisms enabled the continuity of smuggling between Hispanic and Luso platinum border and that although slavery has fundamental importance in Spanish America, the southern border military conflicts over the ownership of the Colony Sacramento led to the construction of the idea of freedom beyond – border.
38
Pavlou, Ioannis Nikos. "The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429211845.
Full text
39
Piantanida, Fernando Martín. "La participation des aporoi aux guerres serviles sous la République romaine et leur relation avec les esclaves révoltés : idéologie dominante, praxis populaire et discordes civiles." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018UBFCC011/document.
Full textAbstract:
Compte tenu de l'importance de l'antinomie esclavage/liberté dans la pensée des Grecs et des Romains à l'époque classique, la participation de quelques hommes libres aux mouvements dirigés par des esclaves révoltés renvoie à un problème complexe. Les esclaves-marchandises, définis comme « choses », étaient représentés comme des étrangers, comme les « autres » contre lesquels tous les citoyens (autant les riches propriétaires d'esclaves que les pauvres paysans et artisans) se sont définis eux-mêmes comme unité. La dichotomie esclave/citoyen servait à nuancer d'un point de vue idéologique les rapports d'exploitation et les différences de richesse entre les citoyens. Malgré les différences juridiques, politiques, idéologiques et sociales qui séparaient les hommes libres des esclaves, les sources narratives nous disent que certains hommes libres n'ont pas réprimé les esclaves rebelles comme ils auraient dû le faire en solidarité avec les riches, mais ont participé, au contraire, au pillage des biens de ces derniers ou se sont joints aux esclaves dans les révoltes. Dans ce travail nous étudions la participation de quelques hommes libres et pauvres (aporoi) aux guerres serviles sous la République romaine et leur relation avec les esclaves révoltés, problématique parfois négligée par l'historiographie. Face au courant historiographique qui néglige la participation des libres et celui qui la surestime, nous revalorisons une ligne de recherche qui atteste le caractère servile des insurrections (puisqu'il semble que le rôle principal de ces révoltes ait été tenu par les esclaves, tant du point de vue qualitatif que quantitatif) en affirmant parallèlement que la participation des hommes libres en fut un élément important. Nous croyons que cette lecture est la plus fidèle aux témoignages de nos sources et que nous apportons quelques éléments pour la repenser en abordant son étude dans le cadre de l'imaginaire démocratique classique qui tendait à encourager la solidarité citoyenne face à la menace servile, en analysant chaque révolte séparément afin d'évaluer la relation établie entre les couches inférieures de la société et en dégageant la participation des aporoi par leur révolte parallèle ou par leur intégration dans les rangs rebelles comme des symptômes des fortes tensions civiles à l'intérieur du corps citoyen que nous définissons en termes de staseis (discordes civiles) dont les révoltes serviles se sont nourries. C'est pourquoi nous croyons que la participation des aporoi fut au moins un facteur parmi d'autres favorisant les insurrections serviles. Dans le cas de la première guerre sicilienne et dans celui de la guerre des gladiateurs, nous soutenons l'idée de l'existence d'une alliance conjoncturelle entre les esclaves révoltés et les aporoi. En revanche, dans le cas de la seconde guerre servile, nous défendons l'interprétation selon laquelle les libres pauvres ont profité de l'occasion pour piller les propriétés des riches. Notre analyse vise à nuancer les visions théoriques les plus inflexibles qui en fonction de l'importance des barrières juridiques et idéologiques entre les hommes libres et les esclaves affirment l'absolue incommunicabilité entre les deux groupes. Il y eu des exceptions, comme par exemple dans les guerres serviles où un secteur des masses plébéiennes et libres a ignoré les constructions idéologiques qui représentaient les esclaves comme leur strict contraire<br>The participation of free men in the movements led by rebellious slaves sets a complex problem in terms of the importance of the freedom/slavery antinomy in the thinking of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The chattel-slaves, defined as things, were represented as foreigners. The slaves served as the ‘Others’ against which all citizens, from the rich slave owners to the poor artisans and peasants, defined themselves as a unity. The contrast between the slave and the citizen made it possible to shade, from an ideological point of view, the relations of exploitation and the differences of wealth between the citizens. This tended to suppress the social conflict between them. Despite the significant legal and political differences between the free and the enslaved, and the ideological representation that was made of it, the sources narrate that some free men not only did not repress the rebel slaves in the great servile revolts, in solidarity with their rich fellow citizens, but they plundered these last ones or joined the fugitives. In the present work, we study the participation of impoverished free men (aporoi) in the late-republican servile wars and the relationship they established with the rebel slaves, a problem that has sometimes been neglected by the historiography or only partially treated. Some historiographical currents neglected the participation of the aporoi in the servile wars, and others overestimate it. In opposition, we revalue a line of investigation that, on the one hand, maintains the servile nature of the insurrections, since, the main role was apparently of the rebel slaves, but on the other hand affirms that the participation of free men was an important element. We believe that this point of view is the most appropriate for the testimonies of the sources and we contribute elements to rethink it. Those elements include: to focus the study within the framework of the classic democratic imaginary that will tend to promote the citizen solidarity facing the servile threat; to analyse each revolt individually to evaluate the relationship between the subaltern sectors; and understand the participation of the aporoi, either its parallel rebellion or its inflow to the rebel ranks, as the symptom of tensions within the citizen body that can be defined in terms of stáseis (civil discords), of which the servile revolts nurtured from the beginning. Therefore, the participation of the aporoi is a factor, among others, that helped the growth of the servile revolts. In the case of the first Sicilian revoit and the revoit of Spartacus, we maintain the existence of a conjunctural alliance between the rebellious slaves and the aporoi .In contrast, in the second Sicilian revoit, we defend the interpretative line that supports the idea that there was no relationship between the two groups, but rather two parallel revolts: the free poor simply took advantage of the opportunity in the servile revoit to plunder the properties of the rich. Our work attempts to nuance the most rigid theoretical views that affirm the absolute incommunicability between plebeians and slaves. There were occasions, albeit unusual, where the abyss that separated the free man from the slave did not seem to be so great, at least not to the aporoi, who ignored the imaginary that pitted them against the dishonored social dead. The servile wars were one of those cases
40
Golob, Timothy Adam. "Human Trafficking from Southern Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala: Why These Victims are Trafficked into Modern Day Florida." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5026.
Full textAbstract:
Florida is ranked as one of the United States' top three destination states for human trafficking; many of those victims originate from Mesoamerica--Southern Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Human trafficking is a growing problem which hinders universal human rights for hundreds of new victims in Florida every year. Mesoamericans have a high risk of becoming victims due to the situations in their home countries. The issue of human trafficking has only recently gained the national and state attention of law makers and law enforcement officers.
This study uses several human trafficking cases to educate and exemplify why Mesoamerican victims are selected and how human trafficking takes place in Florida. The results of this study demonstrate that traffickers use their knowledge of victims and victims' societies to lure and then enslave them into sex and labor trafficking. This research uses criminal cases to illustrate the conditions of the enslavement of human trafficking victims, the methods used by the traffickers, and the culmination of the court cases for both victims and perpetrators. Furthermore, it provides points of discussion to initiate future research and to guide legislature and law enforcement in methods to end this barrier to universal human rights.
41
Deiab, Rafaela de Andrade. "A mãe-preta na literatura brasileira: a ambigüidade como construção social (1880-1950)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8134/tde-04092007-123741/.
Full textAbstract:
Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar a memória coletiva que se consolida em torno da figura da mãe-preta. Para a realização dessa empreitada, tomei como objeto de estudo as representações literárias da mãe-preta no período de 1880 a 1950. É nesse intervalo de tempo que se estabiliza uma interpretação mais alentada sobre a escravidão. Nessa medida, as representações da mãe-preta são tomadas como vias de acesso a interpretações paradoxais sobre a escravidão brasileira e seu legado. Tenho como hipótese que, se essa instituição violenta e arbitrária não podia ser esquecida; ela, ao menos, poderia ser lembrada em sua faceta mais íntima, afetiva e \"produtora de uma cultura mestiça\". Contudo, ainda assim, afeto e intimidade parecem não conseguir romper com a diferença e a hierarquia social: é justamente nessa tensão que se constroem representações ambíguas da mãe-preta na literatura brasileira.<br>The main purpose of this research is to study the collective memory formed around the figure of \"mãe-preta\" (Black-Mom). For this purpose, I have taken as object of study the literary representations of \"mãe-preta\" (black-mom) between 1880 and 1950. This is the main period in which an interpretation of slavery was established. Therefore, the representations of \"mãe-preta\" (black-mom) are a way of having access to the paradoxical interpretations of Brazilian slavery and its legacy. My hypothesis is that, although this violent and arbitrary institution could not be forgotten, it could at least be remembered in its more intimate and affective ways or as a \"producer of a mixed culture\". Nevertheless, it seems that intimacy and affection are not capable of breaking up with social difference and hierarchy. Ambiguous representations of \"mãe-preta\"? (black-mom) in Brazilian literature are built exactly on this tension.
42
Factum, Ana Beatriz Simon. "Joalheria escrava baiana: a construção histórica do design de jóias brasileiro." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16134/tde-13012010-154213/.
Full textAbstract:
Esta tese é uma investigação sobre a joalheria escrava na Bahia dos séculos XVIII e XIX, retrocedendo ou avançando no tempo quando necessário à melhor compreensão do fenômeno. Contribui para o aprofundamento e ampliação dos conhecimentos relativos à história do design no Brasil, no que se refere aos objetos classificados como afro-brasileiros, que são fruto da complexa relação senhor-escravo materializada na forma, na função e no significado do seu design. Adicionalmente, colaborou-se com os estudos da historiografia da escravidão em geral, com foco na participação negra no processo de formação da cultura materialbrasileira.<br>This thesis consists of an investigation about slave Brazilian jewelry in Bahia, in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries. In order to provide the best understanding of the phenomena, it goes back and further in time, as it turns out to be necessary. It contributes to both deepen and widen the knowledge on the history of design in Brazil, in relation to the objects classified as Afro- Brazilian, which are an outgrowth of the complex relation between masters and slaves, materialized in the shape, function and meaning of their design. Moreover, it intends to contribute to the studies of slavery historiography in general, focusing on the participation of black people in the building process of Brazilian material culture.
43
Lima, Rafael Peter de. "'A nefanda pirataria de carne humana' : escravizações ilegais e relações políticas na fronteira do Brasil meridional (1851-1868)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/24034.
Full textAbstract:
Esta investigação se propõe a analisar a prática do crime de sequestro e escravização de cidadãos negros livres uruguaios conduzidos à força para o território brasileiro, assim como a manutenção ilegal da condição de cativo dos que viveram em solo oriental por vontade de seus senhores e foram trazidos de volta ao Império do Brasil. A partir da constatação de que essas ações se intensificaram na segunda metade do século XIX, a pesquisa tem por objetivo explicitar os mecanismos de funcionamento e logística dessa atividade ilegal, relacionados ao novo quadro conjuntural que então se inaugurava. Nesse sentido o texto foi estruturado em quatro eixos que se complementam e ao mesmo tempo oferecem uma visão da temática em diferentes níveis. O primeiro trata das repercussões internacionais do problema em conexão ao conflito de interesses vivenciados no ambiente doméstico de cada país, de forma a problematizar as relações entre o tenso ambiente de disputas regionais e as específicas questões bilaterais envolvendo Brasil e Uruguai. No segundo eixo o foco se fixou sobre as condições de legalidade / ilegalidade das escravizações, com atenção especial para a questão da definição e legitimação da nacionalidade de um indivíduo, que em diversos casos determinou legalmente seu estatuto de liberdade ou escravidão. O terceiro eixo partiu da análise de um importante grupo documental - os mapas estatísticos sobre os casos de escravização ilegal – para propor a sistematização de dados sobre tais crimes, dando visibilidade a aspectos ligados a forma de ocorrência, às providências no sentido de combater essa atividade e às características das vítimas. O último eixo se utiliza de alguns casos ocorridos com o intuito de identificar as principais rotas do tráfico e as peculiaridades destas ações criminosas, investindo especialmente nas questões locais decorrentes e na atividade dos agentes consulares uruguaios no sentido de impedir o prosseguimento dessas ações, libertar seus concidadãos e punir os responsáveis. Para este trabalho foram selecionadas fontes primárias de diversas áreas de procedência: processos-crime, inquéritos policiais, leis uruguaias e brasileiras relativas à escravidão, notas diplomáticas, acordos e tratados assinados entre Brasil e Uruguai, pronunciamentos na Assembleia Legislativa da Província rio-grandense, jornais da época – com destaque para a extensa e importante documentação do Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores do Uruguai obtida junto ao Archivo General de la Nación de Montevidéu.<br>This research aims at analyzing the practice of kidnapping and enslavement of free black Uruguayan citizens forced to go to the Brazilian territory and the illegal continuing of the captive condition of those returned to the Brazilian Empire after living in Oriental territory in the interest of their lords. Following evidence that these actions were intensified in the second half of the nineteenth century, the research objective is to clarify the mechanisms and logistics of this illegal activity as related to the then recent onset of a new conjuncture. In this sense the text was structured around four intertwined axes which offer a thematic view in different levels. The first treats the international repercussions of the problem as related to the conflict of interests, occurring in the domestic setting of each country, troubling the relationships in the strained ambiance of regional disputes and the specific bilateral issues involving Brazil and Uruguay. The second axis focuses on the legal/illegal condition of enslavement with special attention to the question of the definition and the granting of the nationality of an individual which often legally determined his status of free man or slave. The third axis relies on the analysis of an important document set – the statistical maps of the illegal enslavement – to propose the systematization of the data on those crimes to shed light on aspects relating to the form of occurrence, the actions to fight this activity and the characteristics of the victims. The last axis uses some cases for the purpose of identifying the main routes of the traffic and the peculiarities of those criminal actions with special attention to the local resulting issues and to the activity of the Uruguayan consular agents to impede the continuation of these actions, to free their citizens and punish those responsible. To this end, various primary sources of different origins were selected: criminal prosecutions, police inquires, Uruguayan and Brazilian laws relating to slavery, diplomatic notes, accords and treaties signed by Brazil and Uruguay, statements of the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Rio Grande do Sul, historic newspapers – with emphasis on the extensive and important documentation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Uruguay acquired from the General Archives of the Nation in Montevideo.
44
Maja, Pech. "Local methods for relational structures and their weak Krasneralgebras." Phd thesis, Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Prirodno-matematički fakultet u Novom Sadu, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/NS20090522PECH.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis local methods are made available as a tool to study theunary parts of clones (or, equivalently, the weak Krasner algebras). Using thelanguage of model theory and Galois connections we develop a link betweenhomomorphism-homogeneous relational structures and local methods, via thenotion of endolocality. The theoretical results that are obtained are used to developa systematic theory for the classification of homomorphism-homogeneousrelational structures.<br>U ovoj tezi su razvijene lokalne metode koje se mogu koristiti za izu-ˇcavanje unarnih delova klonova (ili, ekvivalentno, slabih Krasnerovih algebri).Koriˇs´cenjem jezika teorije modela i Galoovih veza uspostavljen je odnos izmeduhomomorfizam-homogenih relacionih struktura i lokalnih metoda, preko pojmaendolokalnosti. Dobijeni teoretski rezultati su upotrebljeni za razvoj sistematsketeorije za klasifikaciju homomorfizam-homogenih struktura.
45
Coakwell, Jacob Richard. "Peace on Ukraine's Terms: Partition not Autonomy." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu152270767363487.
Full text
46
Frost, Nylén Julia. ""Ingen big deal" : - En undersökning i kvinnligt dejtande på Tinder." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Media- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-30662.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. Uppsatsen Ingen big deal - en undersökning i kvinnligt dejtande på Tinder undersöker hur kvinnors sökande eller möten efter/med en romantisk eller sexuell partner, i samtiden kallat “dejting”, förändrats av applikationen Tinder. Uppsatsen har genom ett antal intervjuer med kvinnor undersökt hur deras dejtande ser ut på Tinder och hur eller om detta har förändrat deras sätt att dejta. Studien undersöker först hur dejtande har sett ut genom tiderna och vilka roller som kvinnan har tilldelats eller anpassat sig efter för att därefter undersöka hur eller om detta har förändrats i och med sociala medier och främst dejtingapplikationer på smarta telefoner. Det som upptäcktes var att kvinnor i och med Tinder börjar få ett nytt perspektiv på sitt dejtande och börjar se dejtande som en process där erfarenheten bidrar till en klarare bild av kvinnors målbild när det kommer till relationer. Den visade även på tendenser att kvinnor börjar appropriera ett manligt förhållningssätt till relationer, där de undersöker olika tillvägagångssätt och även vidgar sin definition av vad en relation är och kan vara. Relationer börjar mer bli en bisak även i kvinnans samliv, vilket tidigare inte varit fallet. Men det märktes även hur kvinnor använde Tinder som ett sätt att komma ur tidigare relationer och återfå självförtroende för att kunna gå in i nya relationer. Huruvida detta är Tinders förtjänst eller inte kan diskuteras men det är ett faktum att Tinder fundamentalt förändrar kvinnors sätt att se på relationer och hur de själva beter sig i dejtingprocessen.
47
Pacini, Henrique Ferreira. "O silêncio de griot: as representações da escravidão africana nas aulas de história no ensino fundamental." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-30032017-160359/.
Full textAbstract:
A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar de que maneira a escravidão africana é representada nas aulas e materiais didáticos utilizados no Ensino Fundamental. O enfoque do trabalho parte da hipótese de que as aulas de História, estruturadas a partir de uma concepção ocidental de viés liberal da periodização histórica, dificultam a introdução de enfoques narrativos alternativos que valorizem a cultura e a população afro-brasileira, mantendo uma visão negativa sobre a população negra, principalmente por meio da forma como ocorre o ensino sobre a escravidão africana. A pesquisa teve sua fundamentação teórica baseada no conceito gramsciano de hegemonia - da maneira que foi apropriado pelos Estudos Culturais britânicos - e pelo conceito de consciência histórica formulado pela Teoria da História, de Jörn Rüsen. Os dados empíricos foram coletados em duas escolas públicas da cidade de São Paulo - uma da rede estadual e outra da rede municipal por meio de pesquisa etnográfica nas salas de aula, questionários e entrevistas. Também foram analisados as diretrizes disciplinares de História das duas redes de ensino e os materiais didáticos utilizados por professores e estudantes. Após a pesquisa, concluiu-se que a narrativa histórica sobre a escravidão ensinada nas escolas, dentro de uma periodização ocidental com viés liberal, implica na construção de uma identidade afro-brasileira carregada de negatividade, fator que dificulta a ressignificação das relações étnico-raciais dentro das estratégias propostas pela Lei Federal 10.639/2003.<br>This dissertation aims to analyze in what manner African slavery is represented in classes and teaching materials used in elementary school. The work focus rests on the assumption that History classes, structured on a liberal bias Western conception of historical periodization, hinder the introduction of alternative narrative approaches that value the culture and africanBrazilian population, maintaining a negative outlook on the black population, specially by the manner of teaching African slavery. The research had its theoretical foundation based in the Gramscian concept of hegemony in the way it was adopted by the British Cultural Studies - and in the concept of historical consciousness formulated in the Theory of History, by Jörn Rüsen. Empirical data were collected in two public schools in the city of São Paulo - one of the state government and the other of the municipal network - through ethnographic research in classrooms, questionnaires and interviews. Guidelines for History teaching and class materials used by teachers and students of both school systems were also analyzed. After research it was concluded that the historical narrative about slavery taught in schools, within a Western periodization with liberal bias, implies the construction of an african-Brazilian identity laden with negativity, which hampers the reframing of ethnic-racial relations within the strategies proposed by federal law 10.639 / 2003.
48
Jarc, Jaka. "Rights and obligations : conceptions of social relations viewed through the treatment of possessions in the Biblical poems of Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Junius XI." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19349.
Full textAbstract:
My thesis examines social conceptions framing rights and obligations by reviewing how possessions are used and exchanged in the poems of MS Junius XI. I identify several major additions to the scriptural source material of the poetic narrative where the poems present a unique treatment of possessions in a social environment. These poetic additions often feature novel combinations of events and even entirely new sub-stories. In reviewing these departures I focus specifically on possessions and examine how they frame the rights and obligations within social interactions. Focusing on objects of social exchange enables the discussion of the literary narrative to relate to secondary historical literature on possessions as well as social conceptions. This has not yet been done for the poems of Junius XI. This thesis is divided into four thematic chapters ordered from the most tangible to the most abstract: moveable objects, landed possessions, degrees of possession of people, and abstract notions of authority framing social interactions tied to holding and exchanging possessions. In chapter two moveable possessions will be discussed in relation to social status, cultural identity, exchange and hierarchy. The third chapter will examine the interplay between the allegorical and practical notions of land possession. The fourth chapter will discuss social hierarchy framed as a range of rights and obligations discussing to what degree people are themselves treated as possessions. The discussion will examine what types and levels of relative personal freedom is detectable in the Junius XI poems. The final chapter will amalgamate findings and issues of the previous chapters by examining how the exchange and treatment of possessions impact various types of authority which frame social interactions, hierarchies and values.
49
Farghaly, Nadine. "Patriarchy Strikes Back: Power and Perception In Buffy the Vampire Slayer." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1241804608.
Full text
50
Petersen, Megan A. "Rights We Are Bound to Disrespect: John Locke, Dred Scott, and the American Social Contract." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/585.
Full textAbstract:
This article traces different forms of the same present throughout several eras in American political and social history. I focus on two texts, John Locke’s Second Treatise of Government, and Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney’s majority opinion in Dred Scott v. Sandford, in order to examine slavery as a legal institution in the United States, and, in particular, the constitutionality of slavery. Rather than a massive contradiction, the Dred Scott decision is just another iteration of American political and racial philosophy as it was 100, even 200 years earlier. Taney’s opinion is a reflection of what the Lockean social contract came to look like in a racially hierarchized, colonial society. The Dred Scott decision paints one of the most accurate pictures of American political thought but is always written off as nothing but bad law. A close examination of race and social contract theory as they influenced the American Constitution gives insight into more productive ways to talk about race today.