Journal articles on the topic 'Relations with slaves'

The available aggregated data on the Atlantic slave trade in between 1519 and 1875 concern the numbers of slaves transported by a country and the numbers of slaves who arrived at various destinations (where one of the destinations is ‘deceased’). It is however unknown how many slaves, at an aggregate level, were transported to where and by whom; that is, we know the row and column totals, but we do not known the numbers in the cells of the matrix. In this research note, we use a simple mathematical technique to fill in the void. It allows us to estimate trends in the deaths per transporting country, and also to estimate the fraction of slaves who went to the colonies of the transporting country, or to other colonies. For example, we estimate that of all the slaves who were transported by the Dutch only about 7 per cent went to Dutch colonies, whereas for the Portuguese this number is about 37 per cent.

AbstractThis chapter is concerned with the way in which Muslim jurisprudence dealt with the body of female slaves in two Muslim societies: Morocco and the Sudan. While the depiction and the representation of the slave body have generated a great deal of debate among scholars working on slavery in the New World, this subject has received little attention amongst both Islamicists and Africanists. The literature on slavery in the American South and in the Caribbean has shown that the depiction of the slave body reveals a great deal about the reality of slavery, the relations of power and control, and the cultural codes that existed within the slave societies. The slave physical appearance and gestures were used to distinguish between the slaves and free and to justify slavery. Throughout the Americas slaves were routinely branded as a form of identification right up to the eighteenth century. Although the body of the slaves from both sexes was subjected to the same depiction, the treatment of female slaves deserves further exploration. As many scholars have argued, slave women suffer the double jeopardy of being both a slave and a woman. Moreover, the body of the female slave in Muslim societies is of particular significance as many of them were used for sexual purposes, as mistresses and concubines. The chapter shows that the reproductive role of female slaves became a major justice issue, particularly in their struggle for freedom.

The following article is based on archival documents from the manuscript fund of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Academy of Sciences of Uzbekistan, funds of the National State Archive of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Khivan Ichon-Kala Museum-Reserve and State Archive of the Orenburg Region of the Russian Federation. The historical sources reflecting the issue of slavery relations in the Khivan Khanate are analyzed, and public attitude to slaves in the country is studied. The doc-uments mainly reflect such issues as slave trade and conditions under which the slaves were liber-ated. Khivan Khanate’s customs of giving slaves and maidservants out as gifts to other owners were analyzed on the basis of related documents. Based on this, the role of Islam in the social and spiritual life of the Khivan Khanate was also analyzed. One of the methods to get rid of slaves and maidservants in the Khivan Khanate was to provide them freedom in exchange for money, and this issue is reflected in some archival sources. Based on the study of the documents of the State Historical Archive of the Orenburg Region, the level of political relations between the Khanate and Russia was discussed, as well as the measures taken by the Russian government to free the slaves. Political and economic relations between the Khanate and Russia were also analyzed, based on the study of documents from the State Historical Archive of the Orenburg Region.

In late 1874, the Colonial Government of the Gold Coast passed an abolition measure which was designed to end slavery, all other forms of compulsory labour, and slave trading in the colony. The measure took the form of two laws: the Gold Coast Slave-Dealing Abolition Ordinance (1874) and the Gold Coast Emancipation Ordinance (1874). The Gold Coast Legislative Council passed the laws on 17 December 1874 and they received the assent of the Governor on 28 December. On 30 December 1874, the measure was proclaimed. The first of the ordinances absolutely and immediately outlawed the importation of slaves into the Gold Coast, and abolished slave dealing and pawning. The other ordinance provided for the emancipation of slaves by abolishing the legal status of slavery and empowering slaves to leave their owners at will.

At least for Jewish audiences, the meaning of the parable of the undeserving servant (Luke 17.7–10) is clear enough: slaves can claim no credit for doing what they have been ‘commanded’ (the redoubled τα διαταχθεντα of vv. 9–10). Both the passive voice and parallels from Jewish literature indicate that ‘Master’ and ‘slave’ are ciphers for God and the pious. Mishnah 'Abot 1.3, for example, is widely cited: ‘Do not be like slaves who serve the Master for the sake of reward, but be as slaves who serve the Master other than for reward, and let the fear of Heaven be upon you.’ J. D. M. Derrett has adduced a wealth of material documenting master–slave relations in Judaism as they relate to the circumstances depicted in the text.

On transatlantic slave ships the Africans were predominantly there as cargo, while Europeans worked the deadly job of sailing and securing the vessel. On the plantations the roles changed, and the slaves were transformed into a workforce. European sailors and African slaves in the Atlantic world mostly encountered each other aboard slave ships as captive and captor. Once the enslaved arrived on the plantations new hierarchies and divisions of labour between slave and free suited to the particular working environment were introduced. Hierarchies of status, rank and colour were fundamental to the harsh and isolated working environments of the ship and the plantation. The directors of Surinamese plantations shielded themselves from the wrath of their enslaved by hiring sailors, soldiers or other white ruffians to act as blankofficier (white officer). These men formed a flexible workforce that could be laid off in case tensions on plantations rose. Below the white officers there were non-white slave officers, basjas, managing the daily operations on the plantations. The bomba on board slave ships played a similar role.

Abstract Drawing on merchant letters and account books of military entrepreneurs, whose role in slave markets is still poorly understood, this article explores the Mediterranean activities of the Genoese contractors who emerged as major slave traffickers while operating galleys for the Spanish Monarchy. By examining their operations as slave buyers rather than as slave makers, this study analyzes how and why early modern military entrepreneurs mobilized forced labor beyond national borders. The article shows that in the specific context of the early 17th century, Genoese galley managers obtained most slaves by buying them in distant Mediterranean ports, and the reasons for this are explained. The study of how slaves were located, evaluated, negotiated over, paid for, and transported from a distance reveals that buying slaves internationally involved connecting the distant ports of a fragmented market characterized by a volatile local supply, localized information, unpredictable prices, and ubiquitous brokers. It is argued that, in such an imperfect market, the asentistas de galeras had no choice but to empower their galley captains and local agents. Purchasing slaves overseas increased market opportunities but involved high risks, unpredictable legal procedures, and myriad logistical issues.

Abstract Women probably made up the majority of the slave population in the medieval Islamic world, most of them used for domestic service. As men were legally permitted to have sexual relations with their female slaves, enslaved women could be used for sexual service. Erotic compendia and sex manuals were popular literature in the premodern Islamic world, and are potentially rich sources for the history of sex slavery, especially when juxtaposed with legal writings. This article uses Arabic sex manuals and slave purchase manuals from the tenth to the twelfth century to investigate the attitudes toward sexual slavery during this period, as well as the changing ethnicities and origins of slaves, and the use of legal manipulations.

Abstract This article examines postmortem inventories and notarial records from Brazilian slaveholders in southern Brazil in the nineteenth century. By discussing selected cases in detail, it investigates the relationship between “precarious masters” (especially the poor and/or disabled, widows without family, and single elderly slaveholding women and men) and their slaves and former slaves to whom they bequeathed, in their testaments and final wills, manumission and property. The article reads these documents as intergenerational contractual arrangements that connected the masters’ expectations for care in illness and old age with the slaves’ and former slaves’ expectations for compensation for their work and dedication. Following these uneven relationships of interdependence and exploitation as they developed over time, the article suggests a reassessment of the role of paternalism in Brazil during the country’s final century of slavery. More than a tool to enforce relations of domination, paternalism articulated with the dynamics of vulnerability and interdependency as they changed over the life courses of both enslaved people and slave owners. This article shows how human aging became a terrain of negotiation and struggle as Brazilian slave society transformed throughout the nineteenth century.

Abstract This article focuses on the period between 1812 and 1834, when the British Empire introduced protection measures to mitigate the suffering of slaves from planter brutality, but also to protect planters from slave rebellion. By examining the impact and influences wielded by Edmund Burke’s Sketch of a Negro Code (1780), this article studies protection as an alliance between the abolitionists and planters who, despite contestations, found in Burke’s Code a means to attain their separate ends. Through the workings of the Office of the Protector, instituted by the imperial authorities in the slave colony of Trinidad, this study examines how it granted slaves the humanity of ‘rights’ against their masters, while also protecting the right to property (in slaves) of the planters. I argue that the paternalistic practice of protection was, as is in the present, at the center of the exploitation of subjugated groups.

Abstract This article focuses on the contentious process that characterized the slow, gradual abolition of slavery in Colombia and New Granada between 1821 and 1852. I investigate how in this period slaveowners in the southwest advocated for their right to export their slaves as a form of punishment. In the foundation of the antislavery Colombian Republic, the 1821 manumission law had prohibited Colombians from participating in slave trading. Yet the slave-owning elite justified their appeal for exporting their enslaved property by claiming that selling the slaves outside of Colombian territory (New Granadan after Colombia was dissolved in 1830) was a strategy to get rid of the Afro-descendant populations, whom they considered to be dangerous to the social order. I also study how the position of the enslaved in the southwestern region was politicized both by the military dynamics and legal changes underway after independence. Justifying slave exports as a punishment of the “unruly slaves” was not only a strategy of the slaveowners to regain their capital. It was, mainly, a form of empowerment in response to the challenges they faced as a class in the context of gradual abolition, including the state’s courting of slaves through antislavery legislation.

The article analyses the struggle of Anglo-American relations connected to slaves and maritime rights on the sea from 1831 to 1842. The study is based on monographs, reports, treaties and correspondences between the two countries from the explosion of the Comet case in 1831 to the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty in 1842. This study focuses on three fundamental issues: the appearance of Comet, Encomium, Enterprise, Hermosa and Creole as international incidents with regards to British-American relations; the view of both countries on the abolition of slavery, maritime rights as well as the dispute over issues to resolve arising from these incidents; the results of British-American diplomacy to release slaves and maritime rights after the signing of the Webster–Ashburton treaty. The study found that the American slave ships were special cases in comparison with the previous controversies in bilateral relations. The American slave vessels sailed to the British colonies due to bad weather conditions and a slave rebellion on board. In fact, Great Britain and the United States had never dealt with a similar case, so both sides failed to find a unified view regarding the differences in the laws and policies of the two countries on slavery. The history of British-American relations demonstrated that under the pressures of the border dispute in Maine and New Brunswick, the affairs were not resolved. In addition, it could have had more of an impact on the relationship between the two countries, eventually p the two countries into a war. In that situation, the diplomatic and economic solutions given to the abolition of slavery and maritime rights were only temporary. However, the international affairs related to the American slave vessels paved the way for the settlement of maritime rights for British-American relations in the second half of 19th century.

The social and material lives of African Americans on antebellum plantations in the southern United States were heavily influenced by power relations inherent to the institution of slavery. Although planters exerted immense control over slaves, plantation slavery involved constant negotiation between master and slave. This give-and-take was part of the lived experience of enslaved African Americans, and one way to approach the study of this experience is by adopting a dialectical view of power. I illustrate how such a theoretical approach can be employed by examining the archaeology of slavery at the Hermitage plantation, located near Nashville, Tennessee. By examining material culture from former slave cabins located on different parts of the plantation, I explore how various categories of material culture reflected and participated in planters’ efforts to control slaves, as well as how those efforts were contested.

In the early 17th century, male servant eunuchs were common, notably at the Persianised Acehnese court of Iskandar Muda. By mid-century, the castration of male slaves mysteriously disappeared. Concubinage, however, lasted much longer. While there were sporadic attempts to stamp out abuses, for example sexual relations with pre-pubescent slave girls, and possibly, clitoridectomy, a reasoned rejection of the institution of concubinage on religious grounds failed to emerge. This paper discusses the sexual treatment of slaves across Islamic Southeast Asia, a subject which sheds important light on historical specificities pertaining to both Islam and sexuality in the region, yet which continues to be treated with silence, embarrassment or even scholarly condemnation.

Abstract This essay argues that the “slave community” paradigm obfuscates alternative lived experiences for enslaved men and women, especially those living in the urban areas of the early modern Atlantic world, and uses eighteenth-century Boston as a case study. A bustling Atlantic port city where slaves comprised between ten and fifteen percent of the population, Boston provides an important counterpoint. Slaves were a minority of residents, lived in households with few other people of African descent, worked with laborers from across the socio-economic spectrum, and had near constant interaction with their masters. Moreover, slavery in Boston reached its zenith before the American Revolution, meaning older, pre-revolutionary and early modern notions of social order—hierarchy, deference, and dependence—structured their society and everyday lives. These factors imbricated enslaved Bostonians in the broader society. Boston’s slaves inhabited multiple “social worlds” where they fostered a rich tapestry of relations and forms of resistance.

Abstract Despite growing attention to the history of slavery in the Indian Ocean and Indonesian Archipelago worlds, the debate on the nature or characteristics of slavery in these regions has been left largely unsettled. Whereas some scholars emphasize the existence of harsh forms of hereditary slavery similar to those found in the Americas, others argue that the nature of slavery in Asia was urban, status-based, and milder than in the Atlantic world. This article explores case studies of slaves escaping in and around the Dutch East India Company (VOC) city of Cochin. Studying court records that bring to light the strategies and social networks of enslaved runaways provides new insights into the characteristics of slavery and the conditions of slaves in and around VOC-Cochin. The findings indicate that the social and everyday conditions under which slaves lived were highly diverse and shaped by the direct relations between slave and master, influenced by elements of trust, skill, and control. Relations of slavery nevertheless remained engrained by the recurrence of physical punishments and verbal threats, despite sometimes relatively open situations. This reminds us that easy dichotomies of “benign,” “Asian,” “household,” or “urban” versus “European,” “Atlantic,” or “plantation” slavery obscure as much as they reveal.

Abstract This study establishes that women slave-owners were specifically inscribed into South Carolina’s laws on slave management from the first decades of English colonization. Mistresses were explicitly named alongside masters or incorporated into the gender-neutral rubric of owner in a common understanding that absolute ownership and authority over enslaved people was as much rooted in female mastery as male. Remarkably, neither the scholarship on women slave-owners nor the far more voluminous scholarship on American slave laws and slave management have explored, or even acknowledged, how gender influenced the formulation of American slave laws, and how mistresses, in particular, featured in the roles and duties assigned to slave-owners in the management of slaves. This study seeks to redress this by examining how South Carolina’s lawmakers incorporated women slave-owners into the colony’s slave laws, culminating with an assessment of the 1740 slave code, which marked a key turning point both in the colony’s laws governing the management of slaves and in an evolving ideology of female mastery.

This article was published on the basis of theoretical and comparative analysis of data recorded in scientifically based literature, archival documents and written sources on the trade relations between Khiva Khanate and the state of Iran and the issues of slavery in Khiva Khanate. Also, the status of Iranian slaves in Khiva Khanate and the price of slaves in the markets were covered based on scientifically based literature.

Religious discourse has recently attracted attention of anthropologists in Tanzania looking at Christian-Muslim relations and Islamic revivalism within specific social and political contexts. This paper contributes to the existing knowledge of religious discourse in Tanzania by looking at the discourses of slave emancipation and conversion at Ndala within the historical context, that is, from 1896 to 1913. The paper relies on the missionary reports in the diary of Ndala Catholic Mission, secondary sources, and interviews collected at Ndala with descendants of former slaves. The paper employs Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a framework to examine vocabularies, expressions, the social contexts and effects of the discourses of men and women about slavery, emancipation, and conversion at Ndala. The paper also relies on Ruth Wodak’s discourse historical method to analyse the social processes, in historical context, of slave emancipation and conversion reported in the diary of Ndala, written sources, and the interviews of descendants of former slaves.

Catarina de San Juan was a slave woman who was brought to the Philippines in the 1610s on her way to Mexico, where she became a beata of great renown. Her experiences in the slave markets of Cochin and Manila suggest that Portuguese traders played a key role as the primary suppliers of Asian slaves to the Philippines. This paper argues that Portuguese slavers made a significant contribution to the Manila economy by providing an important labour force that helped build and maintain the colony from 1580 to 1640, the years of Iberian Union or, from the Portuguese perspective, the “Spanish Captivity”. One-crown rule gave Portuguese traders free trade access to Manila, allowing them to meet the city's demand for this important commodity. The slave trade's volume and profits testify to its social and economic significance and suggests that the Portuguese helped sustain the Philippines, even as they faced the logistical difficulties and legal barriers evident in Catarina's story. This paper shows that the forced migration of individuals like Catarina was a notable outcome of “Spain's Asian presence”—less significant in economic terms than the transfer of silver and textiles, but no less important in human terms.

On 16 March 1792, King Christian VII of Denmark, his own incompetent hand guided by that of the young Crown Prince Frederik (VI), signed decree banning both the importation of slaves into the Danish West Indies (now the United States Virgin Islands) and their export from the Danish establishments on the Guinea Coast, in what is now Ghana. To soften the blow to the planters of the Danish West Indies and to secure the continued production of sugar, the law was not to take effect for ten years. In the meantime, imports of slaves, and of women especially, would actually encouraged by state loans and favourable tariffs, so as, it was hoped, render the slave population capable of reproducing itself naturally thereafter.

AbstractDespite the anthropological identification of slavery as an anti-kinship structure, some New Testament scholars have attempted to "kin-ify" the relations between slaveholders and slaves, that is, to interpret slavery as a fictive kinship structure. Commentators on Acts of the Apostles, for example, are likely to accept the patriarchal or matriarchal right of householders to enforce decisions concerning the cultic practices of household slaves. By suggesting that the Spirit responds to the invitations of slaveholders, household by patriarchal household, Acts treats enslaved members of households as dependent bodies subjected to the intellectual and spiritual authority of slaveholders. By accepting uncritically Luke's portrait of the growth of the church, household by patriarchal household, commentators unwittingly buy into a family plot that legitimates the slaveholder's preferred vision of the household. Drawing on sources as disparate as Egyptian papyri of the Roman era and personal family history, this article challenges attempts to subsume relationships of slavery within the warm circle of the family. At the same time, the article warns against sentimental depictions of maternal and other family ties. In the first century as in the twenty-first century, the family could be a locus of exploitation and alienation. The natal alienation at the heart of the ancient slave experience is ultimately intertwined with the forms of alienation inherent within families themselves. It is not that relations of slavery are warmer than we might expect, but rather that relations between even the closest of kin can be more exploitative than we want to admit.

This article analyzes the archival documents on the issue of slavery in the Khiva khanate (in the Manuscripts Fund of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of Uzbekistan, the National State Archives of the Republic of Uzbekistan, and the Khiva Ichon-Kala Museum-Reserve, as well as the Orenburg Region State Archives of the Russian Federation). The question of the relationship that has been studied. The documents mainly covered the sale of slaves and the release of slaves. The customs of gifting slaves and maids in the Khiva khanate and the documents on the gift of slaves were also studied, on the basis of which the issue of the role of Islam in the social and spiritual life of the Khiva khanate was analyzed. One of the measures to free slaves and maids from slavery in the Khiva khanate was to get free for money, and this issue is also reflected in some archival documents. Based on the study of documents from the Orenburg Regional State Historical Archive on the liberation of Russian slaves, the level of political relations between the Khiva Khanate and Russia, as well as the measures taken by the Russian government to free slaves were also discussed. In general, this article tries to reveal the existing documents on slavery kept in the archives, not only the role of slavery in the social life of the Khiva khanate but also the political and economic relations of the khanate with Russia.

Abstract This contribution looks at Babylonian slaves and servants as they appear in 322 Old Babylonian letters. This corpus has not been used for this purpose before, and now reveals that the primary economic functions of slaves had to do with information and credit in an economic environment of mercantilism, rather than with labor in the agricultural sector. Cuneiform letters, rarely mentioning work, instead emphasized the independent movement of slaves, their delegation as proxies to their masters to conduct business, and their capacity to serve as collateral for loans. The analysis of this evidence permits a deeper look at the ethics of care and control that conditioned the relations of masters and slaves, and what we can now say about the personhood of slaves and servants.

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

Se presenta un análisis de las inscripciones lusitanas que mencionan los esclavos, limitado necesariamente a personas identificadas de manera explícita como servi o similares. Una proporción bastante más alta de esclavos masculinos refleja tanto un énfasis en el labor físico como una posible exposición de vernae femeninas. Según las edades atestiguadas, muchos esclavos habrían muerto como jóvenes, pero esta documentación no incluye esclavos manumitidos. Además, las inscripciones proporcionan informes interesantes sobre las relaciones de esclavos con sus padres, sus dueños y sus cónyuges.

Abstract Along the East African coast, marronage increased in the 19th century as a consequence of the intensification of the slave trade and the development of a plantation economy based on slave labor. Research on the fugitive slaves on the Swahili coast has been conducted since the 1980s and has mainly highlighted the ambivalent relationship (between rejection and belonging) of maroons with the dominant coastal culture—that of the slave owners, shaped in particular by Islam and urbanity. This article goes beyond the existing interpretations by showing that the aftermath of slavery often consisted of a range of options, less static than those described so far and less focused on opting either into or out of coastal culture. Relying on a case study in present-day Kenya and drawing from European written sources and interviews, I examine what happened to escaped slaves in the Witu region, where a Swahili city-state was founded in 1862. Their history is examined through a spatial analysis and the modalities of their economic and social participation in regional dynamics, showing that no single cultural influence was hegemonic in this region.

During slavery in the Americas, whether plantation, mining or urban, captives, Creoles, freedpersons and Africans invented various forms of socialization, in part through family arrangements. The slave family is one of the most prominent themes in recent studies of Brazilian slavery. Until the 1970s, several authors claimed that such families did not exist; however, contemporary studies have revised many of the arguments about slaves' experiences and daily lives. Based on statistical sources (post-mortem inventories, lists of names, population censuses, and parish records) historians have demonstrated that, despite their living conditions, workdays, specific demographics, illness, mortality, etc., a considerable part of die slave population was able to establish families and compadrio relations by employing various strategies.

The U.S. military was the principal agent of American state development in the seven decades between 1791 and 1861. It fought wars, removed Native Americans, built internal improvements, expedited frontier settlement, deterred slave revolts, returned fugitive slaves, and protected existing property relations. These activities promoted state development along multiple axes, increasing the administrative capacities, institutional autonomy, political legitimacy, governing authority, and coercive powers of the American state. Unfortunately, the American political development literature has largely ignored the varied ways in which the presence of slavery influenced military deployments and, in turn, state development during the pre–Civil War period.

Evolutionary approaches to agency offer some of the most promising frameworks for identifying individual agents and their archaeological correlates. Agency theory calls attention to the individual as the fundamental feature of human relations, and evolutionary theory provides historically situated models that allow archaeologists to precisely investigate the complex behavioral strategies that underlie artifact patterns. The following paper offers one such model. Using data from 41 slave-site occupations from eighteenth-century Virginia, I explore how and why enslaved African Americans actively participated in the burgeoning "consumer revolution" that swept across the early modern Atlantic World. Artifact patterning suggests that the acquisition and display of costly imported goods functioned as a form of communication for slaves in both public and private venues. The data show that enslaved women and men used several different consumption strategies to solidify social and economic relationships within precarious and rapidly changing environments. Signaling theory, derived from evolutionary theory, illuminates the contextual factors that structured slaves’ consumer choices and provides a model for understanding their choices as the result of dynamic and mutually beneficial behaviors.

Slave law in early Louisiana is of great interest because it was shaped by three major European legal traditions under the rule of France (1699 to 1769), Spain (1769 to 1803), and the United States (after 1803). In this article, the types and origins of slave laws in early Louisiana and their application in the slave society of New Orleans is examined. Several different imperial, local, and mixed codes were ordained in the colony to govern relations between masters and slaves, and these laws reveal either the political strategies of imperial policymakers or the social tactics of slaveowners, but very little about actual slave treatment. The administration of justice in New Orleans was mostly determined by the planters: local needs and ideals prevailed when they conflicted with those represented by the crown's laws, and the courts rarely interfered with the authority of indivdual slaveowners over their chattels.

‘Morality and slavery’ argues that, as much as detachment and dispassion govern standard historical practice, historians cannot escape making moral judgments. Precisely because slavery is a morally charged subject, its history has been especially prone to changing points of view, traceable, for example, in recent histories of the slave trade and the controversy over Olaudah Equiano's birthplace. Various polar extremes – the structural coerciveness of slavery versus the agency of slaves; the persistence of African ethnicities versus rapid creolization; the spread of slavery versus the rapid growth of anti-slavery in the early republic – are evident in historical interpretations, which necessarily involve complicated value judgments and serious moral ramifications. The essay concludes by suggesting that a measure of balance and fairness has been possible in the study of slavery. Through empathy, historians have been able to recover, in part at least, the hopes and fears, dreams and nightmares, notions of right and wrong among both slaves and masters in previous epochs.

The article discusses the issue of manpower in the classical book Economic Formation of Brazil of Celso Furtado. The goal is to demonstrate that despite the importance of the classical text to understanding the process of building of country´s economy, the content and sequencing of Furtado's arguments to explain the process of Brazilian underdevelopment in the first half of 1900s should be reviewed conceptually, analytically and theoretically due some tensions and contradictions observed on his own text, specifically, when he argues the reasons for the exclusion of the former slave – and their descendants – in the development of the Brazilian economy over in that period. Our main argument in this paper is that based in a formulation with an apparent neutral economic logic, the analytical construction of Furtado disregarded the importance of racial prejudice process that had undergone the former slaves to be included in the labor market at the time of transition from the slave labor to paid labor. Thus, he articulated the incorrect understanding that such exclusion was due, mainly per the lack of proper economic rationality of former slaves in front of the new relations established in the labor market in the coffee´s new company after the slavery and not because of the deep complexity that overwhelmed the whole Brazilian economy and particularly the paradigmatic changes in the labor market in the country since that time.

Abstract Indrani Chatterjee’s ground-breaking research has shown the centrality of obligation and provision to historical forms of slavery in South Asia, deepening our understanding of slave-using societies beyond the plantation systems that have dominated historiography, as well as historical memory. In this interview, Chatterjee explains why the crucial question in the context of South Asian slavery was: who do you serve and for what purpose? Enslavers were obliged to materially provide for their slaves, in return for the enslaved person’s service, labor and loyalty, creating varied relationships of dependence. By foregrounding the complex set of relationships and obligations in which slaves were enmeshed, Chatterjee seeks to “make people out of laborers.” This has led her to rethink the ways that resistance and agency have been conceptualized in slavery studies and Subaltern Studies, emphasizing the relationships within which a person became an agent. Her research has also deepened our understanding of colonialism and slavery. British colonizers generally ignored slaves’ entitlements to certain labor or taxation exemptions from the state, and colonial revenue-collection made the already-burdened doubly burdened. But in a hetero-temporal colonial context, older ways of identifying and forms of relationships endured. Chatterjee argues that this history of the provision of survival in contexts of enslavement is not “romanticizing,” but rather historicizes multiple forms of violence and shows a fuller, more varied picture of slavery.

After failing to wrest Brazil from the Portuguese in the sixteenth century, the French turned their attention to the region north of the Amazon and south of the Orinoco River. The Guiana ventures the French launched during the middle decades of the seventeenth century met with numerous disasters, many of them self-inflicted, including bankruptcies, mutinies, murder, and costly rivalries between companies based in Paris and Rouen. Despite their many setbacks during the seventeenth century, however, the French were determined to establish plantations on the island of Cayenne in modern French Guiana. By the eighteenth century, French planters were cultivating sugar and tobacco in and around Cayenne using primarily the labour of African slaves. The nucleus, thus, of the future colony of French Guiana had been laid, in a territory sandwiched between the English colony of Guyana and the Dutch colony of Suriname, to the northwest, and Portuguese-controlled territory to the south and east. Prospering in Guiana was never easy, for the French or their African slaves, as the 1762–4 disaster of Kourou attests. But by then, the indigenous Galibí inhabitants of Cayenne (members of the Carib language group) seem to have been largely “written out” of the history of Guiana, except when they appear as a minority of slaves among a sea of Africans on a plantation.

Where social relations are concerned, the servile condition was the joker in the pack: the true slave could be given a different value or significance according to prevailing principles of social organization. The slave was an outsider without a past or a future, without separate interests or compromising associations. In principle the slave was a creature of his or her owner. If necessary, the slave could act as a surrogate. The slave condition cancelled out all prior belonging or autonomy and enabled the slaveowners to claim the slave's reproductive powers, productive energy, administrative or military capacity and personal initiative.Blackburn (1996), 161Boiled down to its essentials, domestic comedy is about the business of getting and begetting, about economics and reproduction. True, it might be more fair to say that it is about the sense individuals have about their own roles and actions in these enterprises—about love and fear and regret, for example—but the twin concerns of household wealth and the status of future generations provide the structure within which these emotions take on meaning. To be more precise, these concerns are not just twinned, but are part of a single process which we might call ‘familial reproduction’, i.e. the process of using material, cultural and biological resources to stabilise the family's identity and status in the present and to extend the family's identity and status into the future. One important resource that Roman families drew on was the rich and manifold resource of the slave members of the familia.

The sexual practices of European colonists, Native Americans, and African-American slaves of the American colonies and early republic reflected economic and religious disparities, providing specific cultural phenomena in which power relations are established and reaffirmed. These hierarchies not only prescribed the role of sex in quotidian American life; they created lasting traditions in sexual practices that continue to the present day. For this thesis, I rely on contemporary and classic historiography, religious studies, and gender scholarship to make claims about the role of women in colonial society and the treatment and fantasy-construction of marginalized peoples: namely, African-American slaves and Native Americans. Specifically, I will show how colonial women leveraged their scarcity and sexual desirability to secure their gender’s procreative role and social utility in Puritan and Southern colonies. I will show how the formation and subjugation of the Black slave class acquired distinct and lasting sexual fault lines, how political pressures and economic incentives to justify and nurture slavery shaped whites’ sexual attitudes and behavior, and finally how national myths of manifest destiny and the fecundity of the land came dominate whites experience of native American sexuality.

(francuski) Le but du pr?sent ouvrage est de pr?senter la structure ethnique de la Mac?doine de l'Est dans la p?riode entre 1300 et 1341, et cela en se basant sur les donn?es anthroponymiques. Cette limitation dans le temps et l'espace a ?t? impos?e par les sources elles-m?me, qui sont les praktika (une sorte de registre des cadastres) des monast?res d'Athos, car ils sont les seuls ? avoir ?t? conserv?s. Les monast?res en question avaient eu des propri?t?s dans cette r?gion-l? et c'est uniquement pour cette p?riode qu'ils permettent de suivre continuellement la population dans certains villages. Il faudrait prendre en consid?ration le fait que dans les praktika ?taient recens?s uniquement les par?ques (paysans d?pendants) des monast?res d'Athos dans 65 villages, et non pas la population enti?re de cette r?gion. Parfois un monast?re dans un certain village n'avait qu'un ou deux m?nages de par?ques. Cela signifie que les r?sultats que nous avons obtenus ?taient relatifs. Deuxi?mement, toutes les agglom?rations ne sont pas couvertes par les sources pour toute la p?riode mentionn?e. Rares sont les cas o? pour un village il existe 3-4 praktika ce qui nous permet de suivre sa population dans 2-3 g?n?rations. Le cas le plus fr?quent est lorsqu'il n'existe qu'un seul praktika ce qui nous permet uniquement de constater dans quelle circonstance avait apparu le praktika, mais pas de suivre les changements ?ventuels dans la structure de la population. ?galement, il faudrait tenir compte du fait que c'est uniquement la population paysanne qui a ?t? recens?e. Dans la majorit? des praktika, les m?nages de par?ques sont d?crit en d?tail, quant aux par?ques eux-m?me, ils sont identifi?s de mani?re diff?rente, le plus souvent d'apr?s leur nom individuel ou d'apr?s une autre caract?ristique comme par exemple un surnom, une profession compl?mentaire une origine ethnique, lieu d'o? la personne ?tait venue, relation familiale par rapport ? une autre personne. Ces moyens d'identification nous pr?sentent des donn?es pr?cieuses sur la soci?t? rurale et sur les professions compl?mentaires exerc?es par les paysans (il s'agit le plus souvent de m?tiers et plus exactement le m?tier de cordonnier, de forgeron et de potelier), sur les rapports entre les gens, les conditions mat?rielles, les migrations, la langue utilis?e par la population... Afin d'?tudier la structure ethnique d'apr?s l'anthroponymie, il fallait avant tout classifier les pr?noms. En effectuant cela, nous nous sommes confront?s ? plusieurs probl?mes. Il arrive parfois que dans la litt?rature scientifique que nous avons consult?e, on donne des interpr?tations compl?tement diff?rentes des pr?noms que nous avons rencontr?s, c'est pourquoi, nous avons d? juger de nous-m?me assez souvent. Tout en nous basant avant tout sur l'?tymologie mais ?galement sur l'observation de la situation sur le terrain. Par exemple si pour un pr?nom ou un mot on suppose qu'il est d'origine slave, nous nous sommes efforc?s de d?finir si ce nom apparaissait plus souvent dans un milieu o? il y a des Slaves. Les listes des noms et surnoms sont aussi donn?es afin que nos conclusions puissent ?tre contr?l?es. Certains des probl?mes sont originaires des recenseurs eux-m?mes. Ils ?taient Grecs et certains d'entre-eux ne savaient pas transcrire correctement les pr?noms et les surnoms non-grecs. Cela est particuli?rement valable pour les sons qui n'existent pas dans la langue grecque. Parfois ils hell?nisent les pr?noms non-grecs et leur donnent un sens qu'ils n'avaient pas. Par exemple: le surnom slave Stur (St?nr?z) est transcris d'une mani?re incorrecte en tant que surnom grec Zgur (Sgsyr?z). Derri?re ces formes aussi modifi?es il est impossible de reconna?tre la forme v?ritable sauf s'il existe des s?ries praktika qui permettent que les donn?es soient compar?es. Pourtant, la classification m?me des pr?noms ne suffit pas pour aboutir ? des conclusions fiables sur l'appartenance ethnique de leur porteurs. N?anmoins, le plus grand nombre repr?sentent les pr?noms du calendrier qui n'indiquent rien sur l'appartenance ethnique, ? moins que des variations populaires de ces pr?noms ne soient utilis?es (par ex. Joanakis ou Joanikije au lieu de Jovan chez les Grecs ou Ivan, Ivanko Janko chez les Slaves) et ceci est extr?mement rare. Les plus pr?cieux sont les pr?noms populaires. Mais, l? aussi il faut ?tre tr?s vigilant. En g?n?ral, si quelqu'un porte un pr?nom slave, il est Slave. Cependant, il arrivait souvent que ce pr?nom devienne un nom patronymique et soit ainsi transmis ? travers les g?n?rations, quant ? la famille, elle s'hell?nisait entre-temps. Nous sommes arriv?s ? la conclusion que l? o? les noms individuels apparaissent au moins dans deux g?n?rations, il s'agissait s?rement des Slaves pop-hell?nis?s (qui parlent le slave). Au cas o? les descendants des Slaves portent des noms individuels grecs, nous avons de bonnes raisons ? douter qu'il s'agisse d'une hell?nisation (qui est du moins entam?e, ce qui ne veut pas dire qu'elle ait aboutit ? une fin). Les surnoms sont nombreux et vari?s. Ils peuvent nous ?tre d'une grande utilit? dans la d?termination de l'appartenance ethnique de quelqu'un. Vu que la majorit? de par?ques porte des pr?noms eccl?siastiques c'est-?-dire neutres, comme nous les avons nomm?s pour les besoins de notre ouvrage, les surnoms sont particuli?rement pr?cieux lorsque nous rencontrons ce genre de situations. N?anmoins, l'existence de surnoms slaves nous montre que dans le milieu o? ils apparaissent, la langue slave est comprise et parl?e, alors que le grec nous indique que le grec est compris et parl?. En principe, celui qui porte un surnom slave est le plus souvent Slave. Cependant, l'existence de ce genre de surnom n'exclut pas Fhell?nisation. Il existe une autre difficult? qui est que les membres d'un groupe ethnique peuvent avoir un surnom dans la langue de l'autre peuple avec lequel le plus souvent ils cohabitent. Il existe plusieurs cas o? les Slaves pour lesquels nous sommes certains qu'ils sont Slaves, car les membres de leur famille portent des noms individuels slaves ont un surnom grec. L'analyse a montr? que ce genre de cas se rencontrent dans les r?gions bilingues o? ce surnom avait ?t? compr?hensible aux membres des deux ethnies. C'est pourquoi, les surnoms, en tant qu'indices de l'appartenance ethnique ne peuvent en aucun cas ?tre utilis?s individuellement, mais uniquement en combinaison avec d'autres donn?es. Les r?sultats auquels nous sommes parvenus sont les suivants. La Mac?doine de l'est ?tait au XIVe si?cle une r?gion encore ethniquement h?t?rog?ne ce qui ne fait que confirmer les r?sultats des autres chercheurs. Pourtant, la question de la structure ethnique est r?duite ? la question des relations entre Grecs et Slaves. Les autres peuples qui se rencontrent, et qui sont les Latins, les Valaches, divers peuples turcs, les Albanais, les Arm?niens les Rom et m?me un Juif et une famille hongroise, ils forment tous une minorit? g?n?ralement d?j? assimil?e. Dans la moyenne, les pr?noms et surnoms slaves se manifestent dans un peu plus d'un quart de familles recens?es. Cela ne veut pas dire que les Slaves pop-hell?nis?s repr?sentaient r?ellement une partie si importante de la population de l'est de la Mac?doine, car leur pr?noms et surnoms se transformaient parfois en nom de famille et ?taient ainsi conserv?s m?me apr?s que la famille se soit hell?nis?e. D'autre part il faut prendre en consid?ration qu'un certain nombre de Slaves se dissimulait derri?re des pr?noms eccl?siastiques et c'est pourquoi il est rest? pour nous imperceptible. Donc, les donn?es statistiques pr?sentent uniquement une image relative de la r?alit?, mais elles sont donn?es dans l'ouvrage car il a ?t? n?cessaire de donner un certain rapport num?rique de la pr?sence des Grecs et des Slaves. La pr?sence de la population slave dans la Mac?doine de l'Est n'est pas proportionn?e. On observe plusieurs r?gions qui se distinguent par la pr?sence des Slaves ? leur sein, c'est pourquoi nous les avons analys?s individuellement. La Chalcidique est une r?gion o? le nombre de Slaves, dans la p?riode depuis le d?but du XIVe si?cle jusqu'en 1341 ?tait consid?rable. En moyenne, leurs pr?noms et surnoms se manifestent dans environ 25% de m?nages ce qui, statistiquement parlant, nous indique que les Slaves repr?sentait un quart de la Chalcidique, qu'il s'agisse des Slaves qui avait encore gard? leurs caract?ristiques ethniques, ou qu'il s'agisse de ceux qui se sont hell?nis?s mais qui ont gard? leur noms individuels ou leurs surnoms slaves en tant que noms de famille. Lorsque l'on effectue une coupe dans le temps de la pr?sence des pr?noms et surnoms slaves, il est ?vident que le nombre de Slaves en Chalcidiques diminue sans cesse. De 35,98% combien il y en avait au d?but du XIVe si?cle, leur nombre jusqu'aux ann?es vingt avait diminu? et repr?sentait 20,81% et le d?croissement continuait jusqu'? 1341 lorsqu'ils apparaissent dans uniquement 13,69% de m?nages. Dans cette m?me p?riode, on distingue une hausse du nombre de m?nages portant des pr?noms grecs, ainsi qu'une baisse de m?nages portant des pr?noms mixtes c'est-?-dire avec des pr?noms populaires d'au moins deux peuples, dans ce cas-l?, le plus souvent grec et slave. Nous pensons que dans ce ph?nom?ne se cache l'explication de la diminution du nombre de familles portant des pr?noms slaves. N?anmoins, comme les mariages mixtes ?tait une chose fr?quente, avec le temps, dans ces couples dominait l'influence grecque ce qui est tout ? fait compr?hensible, ?tant donn? que les Grecs, comme on peut le remarquer sur le tableau 3, d?j? au d?but du si?cle ?taient dominants. En plus du fait que l'on remarque que le nombre de Slaves est en baisse continue, on remarque que leur pr?sence n'?tait pas partout la m?me. En relation avec cela, il existe de nombreuses diff?rences entre la Chalcidique de l'Ouest et de l'Est. En g?n?ral, pour la Chalcidique de l'Ouest on pourrait dire que le nombre de Slaves, plus exactement, les familles portant des pr?noms et surnoms slaves est petit. Statistiquement observant, ce nombre s'?l?ve ? environ 13% et reste stable pour toute la p?riode de 1301 jusqu'? 1341. Cependant, dans certains endroits comme par exemple Epan?-Bolbos Skyloch?rion, N?akitou ainsi que d'autres endroits, ils n'apparaissent pas du tout. M?me dans les endroits o? il y en avait dans un nombre consid?rablement plus grand que la moyenne, comme c'est le cas avec Sainte-Euph?mie, nous sommes les t?moins de leur disparition ? la suite de l'hell?nisation compl?t?e. Deux autres faits t?moignent de la fin du processus d'hell?nisation des Slaves dans la Chalcidique de l'Ouest. Le premier fait est que dans la majorit? des cas o? nous rencontrons des pr?noms ou surnoms slaves, ils apparaissent en fonction de noms fig?s et sont port?s par des personnes aux pr?noms eccl?siastiques voire m?me grecs alors qu'il y a tr?s peu de noms individuels slaves. Deuxi?mement, l? o? les pr?noms slaves apparaissent comme noms individuels, ils sont le plus souvent port?s par des immigrants, dont certains d'entre eux sont devenus les gendres dans certaines familles grecques autochtones. En Chalcidique de l'Est il y avait consid?rablemet plus de Slaves que dans la partie ouest de la p?ninsule. En moyenne, les pr?noms slaves apparaissent dans un tiers de m?nages. Pourtant si nous observons chronologiquement les sources, nous nous apercevons que le nombre de Slaves est en baisse continue. De 38,29% combien ils ?taient au d?but du si?cle, leur nombre baisse ? environ 30% dans les ann?es vingt du XIVe si?cle pour ensuite baisser ? seulement 14,49% en 1338-1341. Ce dernier r?sultat est ? prendre avec r?serve. N?anmoins pour les ?tapes pr?c?dentes nous disposons de dix fois plus de donn?es que pour la derni?re ?tape. C'est pourquoi nous estimons que le r?sultat obtenu est, au moins partiellement, la cons?quence de la nature fragmentaire des sources, et qu'il y aurait pu ?tre beaucoup plus de Slaves. Ici, les Slaves ?taient encore rest?s en tant que groupe ethnique solide. L'hell?nisation ?tait ici aussi entam?e, mais elle n'a pas ?t? compl?t?e. Ce qui caract?rise en g?n?ral cette r?gion, c'est l'importante mixit? ethnique de la population, la coexistence et le bilinguisme. Cependant, la situation varie d'un village ? un autre. Il y en a de ceux o? les pr?noms et les surnoms slaves se manifestent uniquement en fonction de patronymes, alors qu'aucun membre de la communaut? ne porte un pr?nom slave en tant que nom individuel ce qui t?moigne du fait que les Slaves, autrefois, dans un pass? pas si lointain, ?taient pr?sents, l?, mais qu'une hell?nisation a ?t? effectu?e comme c'est le cas avec Hi?rissos et Gomatou. Il y en a aussi o? le nombre de Slaves est important mais qui dimunue avec le temps ce qui indique que l'hell?nisation est en cours comme ? Kozla. Certains villages indiquent un haut pourcentage de population slave comme Gradista, Simeon et S?lada, mais on y rencontre pourtant des traces d'hell?nisation. Dans d'autre, n?anmoins le nombre de Slaves augmente: ? Kontogrikon et ? M?tallin.Ce qui peut aussi ?tre observ? c'est qu'une si grande pr?sence de Slaves pourrait ?tre expliqu?e non seulement par leur r?sistance vis-?-vis de l'hell?nisation mais aussi par leur migrations r?centes dans ces r?gions-l?, ce qui signifie qu'ici nous ne rencontrons pas uniquement les descendants des Anciens Slaves, c'est-?-dire ceux qui ?taient venus dans ces r?gions d?j? au septi?me si?cle, mais aussi que la communaut? ethnique slave ?tait renforc?e avec l'arriv?e des nouveaux Slaves. Dans la r?gion de Strymon, on distingue plusieurs r?gions caract?ristiques. La premi?re r?gion est la vall?e de Strimona pour laquelle on pourrait dire la m?me chose que pour la Chalcidique de l'Ouest, c'est pour cela que nous ne r?p?terons pas les r?sultats ? cet endroit-l?. La deuxi?me est la r?gion montagneuse de Kerdylion et Bolb?. Malheureusement, pour cette r?gion nous disposons uniquement de donn?es pour les dix premi?res ann?es du XIVe si?cle. En g?n?ral, on pourrait dire pour elle que le nombre de Slaves est ?lev?. Leur pr?sence correspond ? celle de la Chalcidique de l'Est, elle est m?me quelque peu plus importante. Malgr? l'hell?nisation qui s'?coule en toute ?vidence, leur nombre est relativement stable. Le fait qu'en 1318-1321, les pr?noms populaires slaves se rencontrent seuls dans plus de 20% de m?nages nous indique qu'au moins un cinqui?me de la population devait ?tre slave et pop-hell?nis?e. Le nombre de mariages mixtes est important. On parle les deux langues, le slave et le grec. Cependant, ceci est valable uniquement pour une p?riode de vingt ans, de 1301 jusqu'? 1321. Malheureusement, les sources ne nous permettent pas de suivre ce qui se passait plus tard avec la population de ces villages-l?. La troisi?me province est la r?gion du mont de Pang?e qui est caract?ris?e par une forte pr?sence de Slaves. Ils repr?sentaient presque la moiti? de la population de cette r?gion. Dans certains villages il y en avait m?me beaucoup plus par exemple ? Boriskos en 1316, dans certains villages ils ?taient plus nombreux que les pr?noms purement grecs comme dans le m?toque de Saint-Pent?l??im?n et Ob?los. Les pr?noms slaves se rencontrent comme noms individuels, c'est-?-dire pr?noms vivants, et non pas comme des mots slaves fig?s en fonction des noms patronymiques. Sur l'existence de l'?l?ment slave nous parlent non seulement les nombreux cas que les descendants des Slaves portent des pr?noms slaves mais il y a aussi de nombreux cas o? les enfants issus de mariages mixtes gr?co-slave portent ?galement des pr?noms slaves. Ceci d?montre que dans ces mariages-l? il n'y avait pas la domination de l'?l?ment grec, ou du moins pas tout de suite. Nous sommes les t?moins que les enfants de parents aux pr?noms grecs portent parfois des pr?noms slaves. Ceci pourrait signifier que m?me l? o? l'on donnait des pr?noms grecs aux Slaves, ces derniers n'ont pas ?t? automatiquement hell?nis?s, mais vu qu'entour?s d'une importante population slave, ils r?ussissaient ? conserver encore leurs caract?ristiques ethniques ainsi que le fait qu'ils ?taient hell?nis?s tr?s difficilement et lentement. Ils s'?taient maintenus ici en tant qu'?l?ment ethnique extr?mement fort et ils n'ont pas ?t? hell?nis?s jusqu'? l'arriv?e des Turques. Les exemples de villages de Dobrobikeia et Ob?los le montrent tr?s bien, ces villages ?taient d?plac?s ? la suite d'attaques turques dans la p?riode entre 1316 jusqu'? 1341. En g?n?ral, on pourrait y ajouter encore que la population slave s'est beaucoup mieux maintenue dans les r?gions montagneuses que dans les r?gions maritimes et dans les plaines. On pourrait dire que la Mac?doine de l'Est ?tait une r?gion interm?diaire entre les provinces slaves du nord et les provinces grecques du sud. Il est imp?ratif d'ajouter que la mixit? de la population est grande et que tout partage en population purement grecque ou purement slave pourrait ?tre artificiel. On peut facilement remarquer dans les sources que les habitants de certaines r?gions et agglom?rations comprenaient les deux langues et que le nombre de mariages mixtes ?tait consid?rable. Il y avait des familles qui contenaient voire m?me trois ?l?ments ethniques. Le bilinguisme et la coexistence ?taient chose commune c'est pourquoi nous pensons qu'ils repr?sentent m?me le principal facteur d'hell?nisation ?tant donn? qu'avec le temps, il y a eu une domination de l'?l?ment ethnique grec m?me dans les milieux caract?ris?s par une forte pr?sence des Slaves.

Polyergus rufescens (Latr.), an obligate slave-maker, and Formica polyctena Först., an aggressive, territorial wood ant species, rarely co-occur in the field, and there are almost no data on their mutual relations under natural conditions. These interactions were studied in the Bialowieza Forest (NE Poland), based on two P. rufescens colonies (with Formica fusca L. slaves) nesting within the territories of F. polyctena. The wood ants routinely searched the immediate vicinity of P. rufescens nests, whereas P. rufescens ants raided F. fusca colonies very close to F. polyctena nests or their columns passed right next to them, they eventually crossed wood ants’ foraging and removal routes, and even directly attacked F. polyctena colonies and robbed their brood. Interspeciflc relations in these particular situations are described and discussed in the contexts of supposed chemical camouflage/mimicry of P. rufescens and interspecific competition hierarchy in ants.

This article examines direct appeals to Portuguese monarchs and how this extrajudicial option was invoked by slaves and free persons of African descent in colonial Brazil. It also addresses the production and content of appeals and what these reflect of the lives of Afro-Brazilians, relations between slave and owner, manumissions, judicial and individual abuse of women and popular perceptions and expectations of a monarch. The pros and cons of this appellate recourse are discussed in the context of colonial governance and of how royal acts of private justice reinforced the moral authority of monarchs, the sacred quality of monarchy and those personal qualities of magnanimity and compassion associated with the ideal of kingship.

AbstractBefore 1492, European feudal practices racialized subjects in order to dispossess, enslave and colonize them. Enslavement of different peoples was a centuries old custom authorized by the law of nations and fundamental to the economies of empire. Manumission, though exceptional, helped to sustain slavery because it created an expectation of freedom, despite the fact that the freed received punitive consequences. In the sixteenth century, as European empires searched for cheaper and more abundant sources of labour with which to exploit their colonies, the Atlantic slave trade grew exponentially as slaves became equated with racialized subjects.This article presents the case of Haiti as an example of continued imperial practices sustained by racial capitalism and the law of nations. In 1789, half a million slaves overthrew their French masters from the colony of Saint Domingue. After decades of defeating recolonization efforts and the loss of almost half their population and resources, Haitian leaders believed their declared independence of 1804 was insufficient, so in 1825 they reluctantly accepted recognition by France while being forced to pay an onerous indemnity debt. Though Haiti was manumitted through the promise of a debt payment, at the same time the new state was re-enslaved as France's commercial colony. The indemnity debt had consequences for Haiti well into the current century, as today Haiti is one of the poorest and most dependent nations in the world.

Abstract In June 1835, the Brazilian parliament promulgated a stringent law which punished enslaved persons convicted of assassinating their masters with capital punishment. Called the “law of necessity,” the regulation targeted the leaders of slave rebellions and established the death penalty as punishment against slave resistance. Research on the enforcement of the law demonstrated that while the regulation increased public hangings of the enslaved, overall fewer convict slaves were executed because of the law than had their sentences commuted to galé perpétua or a lifetime of penal servitude in public works. Analyzing slave petitions to commute death penalty sentences to penal servitude, this article intervenes in the debates on punishing the enslaved which connects labor history with the history of punishment. The research probes convicts’ understanding of the construction of Brazilian legal culture while analyzing the tensions between slave-owners and imperial authorities on punishing the enslaved.

AbstractThis article chronicles the construction of the first permanent foreign settlement on the West African island of Fernando Po (today called Bioko) as part of the British effort to suppress the slave trade in the 1820s. The settlement ended centuries of relative isolation by the indigenous Bubi who hitherto had successfully navigated between occasional trade with outsiders and repelling slave traders. Although British plans ultimately failed, the settlement remained, as did a large portion of the settlers. This article argues that the disruptive power of suppression created the conditions for a colonial shift toward integration of the island into the larger Euro–West African world. While the settlement's influence grew in the short term through its successful leveraging of economic and military resources, it was the landing of liberated slaves that would have the greatest long-term significance, and highlights the (often unintentional) connection between antislavery and imperialism.

ABSTRACTThe Shang kingdom was a patriarchal (zongfa) slave society; political and clan authority were fused into one. The Shang king was the supreme ruler of the state; he was also the grand clan head of all the nobles, large and small, within the state. Local feudal lords (zhu hou) were the supreme rulers and clan heads of the nobles within the territory under his command. Within the clan the clan head combined political and familial authority in his one person. The commoners and slaves were ruled.The Shang cemetery system reflected the relations of class, rank, and blood ties within the patriarchal slave society of the Shang kingdom.The Shang king, being the supreme ruler of the state, had his separate burial site in the Xibeigang area of the Yin Ruins, as well as his own particular style of tomb and of burial rites. There was a separate burial area for the king's consorts. All others within the area of direct control of the Shang king, regardless of rank, status, or wealth, were buried in their clan cemeteries. However nobles had their own family burial area within the clan cemetery; the style of their tombs, of grave goods, and of burial rites all differed from those of commoners and of other family members. Local feudal lords also had their own separate burial areas within their own territories, while all others were buried in their clan cemeteries. Slaves were buried in ash pits or layers of ash close to residential areas.

From Memory to Mastery explores the development of commercial numeracy and accounting in America and the English-speaking Atlantic world between 1750 and 1880. Most histories of accounting begin in the factories of England and New England, largely ignoring slave economies. I analyze both traditional sites of innovation, including textile mills and iron forges, and also southern and West Indian plantations. Along several dimensions, the calculative practices of slave owners advanced ahead of northern merchants and manufacturers, and many recorded and analyzed the productivity of their human capital with cruel precision. Following threads from Jamaica and Barbados to the American South, I show how plantation power relations stimulated the development of new accounting practices. The control of planters over their slaves made data easier to collect and more profitable to use. Commercial recordkeeping also expanded in free factories, but in different ways than on southern plantations. The mobility of labor made accounting necessary for keeping track of wages but relatively futile for detailed productivity analysis.