Academic literature on the topic 'Relationship between art and politics'

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Journal articles on the topic "Relationship between art and politics"

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Demirel, Irfan Nihan, and Osman Altintas. "Relationship Between Art and Politics." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 51 (2012): 444–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.08.186.

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LEWIS, WILLIAM S. "Art or Propaganda? Dewey and Adorno on the Relationship between Politics and Art." Journal of Speculative Philosophy 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25670548.

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Lewis, William S. "Art or Propaganda? Dewey and Adorno on the Relationship between Politics and Art." Journal of Speculative Philosophy 19, no. 1 (2005): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsp.2005.0005.

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Terezis, Christos, and G. Markea. "Aspects of the Relationship Between Politics, Education and Art in Plato's Laws." Philosophical Inquiry 28, no. 3 (2006): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philinquiry2006283/46.

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Errouane, Camelia. "Introduction to the Special Issue on Art and Politics." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.509.

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Art and politics are entwined in complex ways. Artworks gain political significance in dynamic networks and social processes that include the artists, the commissioners, their audiences and, not to forget, the historians who study them. This article traces some of the aspects that have defined the relationship between art and politics in Europe since the Enlightenment.
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Regaldo, Fernanda, Renata Marquez, Roberto Andrés, and Wellington Cançado. "Neither a Hoax nor Art: Politics." Journal of Public Space, Vol. 4 n. 3 (November 30, 2019): 185–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32891/jps.v4i3.1217.

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On a Saturday morning in May 2013, a sign indicating a public work was installed on Padre Belchior Street, in central Belo Horizonte. According to the sign, in just a couple of days the busy street would become a construction site in which the main goal would be to undo four asphalted lanes and bring back instead the late Leitão stream – an urban stream which four decades ago was channeled and covered with concrete, giving place to a roadway. Three days later, the sign was no longer in place and the Federal Police had began to investigate the authors of the "fictitious project" for improper use of government logos. This article recovers this story in order to discuss the relationship between the proccesses that mark how cities are constructed, public participation and urban interventions.
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Enright, Máiréad. "Four Pieces on Repeal: Notes on Art, Aesthetics and the Struggle Against Ireland’s Abortion Law." Feminist Review 124, no. 1 (March 2020): 104–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778919897583.

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The Repeal campaign articulated new and transformative relationships between law, reproduction and the political in Ireland. During the campaign, ordinary people took ownership of and participated in mutual teaching and critique of law on a wide scale. Art, along these lines, was often used to document and archive the injustices worked by the 8th Amendment. However, art also became a means of imagining law otherwise. In this piece, I use Jacques Rancière’s work on the relationship between aesthetics and politics to analyse artistic contributions to feminist legal discourses associated with Repeal.
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Kremer-Cabral, Lisiê, and José Henrique Carlucio-Cordeiro. "Escolas padrão Art Déco no Rio Grande do Sul: relação entre arquitetura, educação e política." Arquitecturas del Sur 40, no. 62 (July 31, 2022): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22320/07196466.2022.40.062.02.

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The project of schools built following the Art Deco architectural style, which were built between the 1930s and 1940s in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, intended, starting from the characteristics of the built environment, to transmit the ideals of the authoritarian government of Getúlio Vargas, during the New State (Estado Novo) period. Given architectural, political, and educational requirements, the formal and functional aspects of these establishments focused on controlling student behavior and exalting State power, as a symbol of progress and order. The purpose of this work is to identify how the schools built following the Art Deco style acted as an ideological instrument of the State, through bibliographical and document analysis, and an observation of the built environment, together with a case study made at the Assis State Education Institute, Brazil, located in the south of the country in the city of Pelotas/RS. Through this analysis, it was seen that the integrated school construction, political practices, and teaching methods, grouped and guided students towards a State-proposed ideal model.
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Mayer, Michael. "The Flow of Art as the Flow of Social Energy. A Contribute to the Relationship between Art and Social and Political Areas." Journal of International Culture & Arts 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46506/jica.2020.1.1.079.

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Oelsner, Gertrud. "The Democracy of Nature." Romantik: Journal for the Study of Romanticisms 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rom.v1i1.15851.

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The close connections between Danish art and politics in the 19<sup>th</sup> century were not limited to the period of the adoption of Denmark’s first democratic constitution and the story years that followed, up to the country’s defeat in the Second Schleswig War in 1864. From around 1800, landscape art became in many ways a mirror of the political situation in the country. The first half of the 19th century offers a wide range of artistic testimonies to the political inclinations and preferences in relation to landscape art. In the words of Jens Juel (1745–1802), C. W. Eckersberg (1783–1853), J. Th. Lundbye (1818-1848), P. C. Skovgaard (1817–1875) and Vilhelm Kyhn (1819-1903), we can make out the emerging contours of a new political and artistic agenda. This article focuses on a number of case studies from the Danish Golden Age that will be used to discuss the relationship between art and politics in this period.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Relationship between art and politics"

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Laoye, Oluwagbemiso. "The Relationship between Judicial Independence and Ethnic Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984193/.

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The relationship between judicial independence and the levels of ethnic conflicts in developing countries has remained a significant research area due to increased cases of the conflicts with lack of judicial independence in the countries. Judicial independence is seen as an essential element of democracy in that an independent judiciary can act as an arbiter between different groups and institutions. The main aim of this study was to examine the relationship between judicial independence and ethnic conflicts empirically. Greater judicial independence should be associated with less ethnic conflict, because an independent court can serve as an arbiter for disputants, and thus lessen the likelihood of conflict. The study involved 128 developing countries over a 30-year period from 1981 to 2010 using secondary data sources and employing statistical methods to test the relationship between judicial independence and the levels of ethnic conflicts. Findings indicate that judicial independence has a statistically significant negative association with the levels of ethnic conflict. Therefore, this study recommends that the governments of developing countries should promote judicial independence as part of solutions for ethnic conflicts .
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Siani, Alberto L. "Il destino della modernità : arte e politica in Hegel." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86121.

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Steyn, Pieter Andrew. "The relationship between the concept 'art' and its institutionalisation during the period 1850-1871 in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005626.

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This research evolved as part of a personal struggle to understand my role as 'art' student. As such the essay is concerned with both the theory and practice of 'art', and the relationship between the two. It is, however, my experience of the lack of an analysis of the concept 'art' as a social and historical phenomenon, and the suppression of the politics of culture in most fine art courses, that has led me to concentrate on theoretical and political issues, rather than the formal aspects of painting. This essay is therefore not concerned with individual 'works of art', but with the general category 'art' as an organisational form. Despite its limitations, the essay goes beyond the personal by exploring some of the social, political, economic and cultural processes that form the broader social context in which the examination of 'art' should take place.
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Lewis, Mitzi. "A Hierarchical Regression Analysis of the Relationship Between Blog Reading, Online Political Activity, and Voting During the 2008 Presidential Campaign." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc33182/.

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The advent of the Internet has increased access to information and impacted many aspects of life, including politics. The present study utilized Pew Internet & American Life survey data from the November 2008 presidential election time period to investigate the degree to which political blog reading predicted online political discussion, online political participation, whether or not a person voted, and voting choice, over and above the predication that could be explained by demographic measures of age, education level, gender, income, marital status, race/ethnicity, and region. Ordinary least squares hierarchical regression revealed that political blog reading was positively and statistically significantly related to online political discussion and online political participation. Hierarchical logistic regression analysis indicated that the odds of a political blog reader voting were 1.98 the odds of a nonreader voting, but vote choice was not predicted by reading political blogs. These results are interpreted within the uses and gratifications framework and the understanding that blogs add an interpersonal communication aspect to a mass medium. As more people use blogs and the nature of the blog-reading audience shifts, continuing to track and describe the blog audience with valid measures will be important for researchers and practitioners alike. Subsequent potential effects of political blog reading on engagement, discussion, and participation will be important to understand as these effects could impact the political landscape of this country and, therefore, the world.
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Glennon, Colin. "Bucking the Trend: Why Lyndon Johnson’s Supreme Court Appointments are Outliers in the Ideological Relationship Between Modern Presidents and the Justices they Nominate." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/531.

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Bainvel, Serge. "Sport and Politics: A study of the relationship between International Politics." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4453.

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The aim of this thesis is to understand and demonstrate the narrow ties between sport and International Relations. My purpose is to examine how Football especially is mixed with International Relations in many levels. The theoretical framework deals with the

nationalism theories. Nationalism theories have been relevant only for the last two decades. Nationalism has been developed in the two last centuries with the industrialisation. It can be considered as a political doctrine or ideology. The definition of Nationalism is not obvious because there are no founding theorist or text on it. This

process of nationalism induced nations to existence or self-determination. But extreme nationalism can be a danger. Nationals symbols have been created like language, food and drink, clothing, commemorative holidays, military heroes, flags, colours, and anthems.

Sport should not be forgotten in this Nationalism ideology. A qualitative study of all the books have been studied carefully. The thesis is based on a long historical approach that permitted to demonstrate the links between sport and International Relations. Pierre de Coubertin wanted Olympics to bring peace and without political means, but the situation changed rapidly everything and government policies were really influenced by sports. Not only totalitarian states but also democratic ones have been using sport for their propaganda to promote national strength. It has been like a trigger mechanism, everyone has understood how to use sport for diplomatic relations and it is a safer and harmless way than a war. Then a study of national identity construction will be the second goal.

Governments are now involved in sport to promote the prestige of a group. The other reason is to encourage a sense of identity, belonging and unity. Sport as a diplomatic tool can be considered like a public diplomacy to influence opinion. Football passion is shared by every citizen and helps us to understand the complexity of the world with its conflicting nations. In all this complicated situation, the Nordic nationalism is a fascinating new direction of peace and tolerance. For example, the Danes showed a festive way to support national teams that we can call a ‘sporting nationalism’.

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Stark, Trevor. "The supersession and realization of art: Guy Debord between art and politics." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32372.

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This study takes as its subject the body of theory and criticism developed by Guy Debord during his years as the founder and only permanent member of the Situationist International (1957-1972), an artistic and political avant-garde based in Paris. Though scholarship about Debord and the SI has steadily grown in size and quality since the late 1980s, much of it until recently has been governed by a reductive opposition between the group's putative early "artistic" phase and later "revolutionary" orientation, that does little justice to both the historical development of the group and to the complexity of Debord's cultural criticism. This study will therefore focus on the trope of the "end of art" as resuscitated in Debord's work as a means of engaging with the dialectical relationship staged between the Western Marxist tradition and that of the European historical avant-gardes, especially Dadaism.
Cette étude porte sur l'ensemble des théories et des critiques développées par Guy Debord comme fondateur et unique membre permanent de l'Internationale Situationniste (1957-1972), un groupe d'avant-garde artistique et politique basé à Paris. Bien que les recherches sur Debord et l'IS ont augmenté régulièrement en quantité et qualité depuis la fin des années 1980, la majorité de ces études ont été gouvernées par une opposition réductrice et putative entre la phase "artistique" originelle du groupe et son orientation "révolutionnaire" subséquente, qui ne fait justice ni au développement historique du groupe, ni à la complexité de la critique culturelle de Debord. Ce mémoire se concentre sur la problématique de la "fin de l'art" ressuscitée par l'œuvre de Debord afin d'engager une relation dialectique entre la tradition marxiste occidentale et celle des avant-gardes européennes, surtout le dadaïsme.
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Rasmussen, Goloubeva Irina. "Between colonialism and nationalism : art, history, and politics in James Joyce's Ulysses /." Uppsala : Department of English, Uppsala University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8273.

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Williams, Louis. "The relationship between the creation and perception of art." Thesis, University of Reading, 2017. http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/75873/.

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It is suggested that similar cognitive processes are involved with both the creation and perception of art. However, a lack of research examines this relationship, whether this is just from the perspective of the artist, or in relation to the artist and perceiver of the final product. To do so, we examined the experience of artists and non‐artists investigating initial stages of art‐making by examining relationships between aesthetic and drawing preferences of geometric stimuli (Experiments 1 & 2). To further understand this experience, we allowed artists and non‐artists to be involved in actual drawing activity (stippling and stroking) whilst making drawing preferences. We also examined how being involved in drawing influenced aesthetic preferences (Experiment 3), this led to conducting studies considering perceivers (artists/non‐artists) of artworks. Here, we investigated how congruent actions (simultaneously produced or learnt during pre‐training) with the artists behind the artwork influenced aesthetic responses (Experiments 4 & 5). Examination of gaze behaviour throughout these studies provides further insight into the aesthetic experience by revealing the processes behind formations of judgements. Overall, we conclude that there are similarities between experiences (gaze and judgments) involved in the creation and perception of art. We find similarities between aesthetic and drawing preferences and find gaze to be impacted in a similar manner when observing images in comparison to making a drawing choice. We do not provide support that these drawing choices are influenced by being involved with drawing but do show that the more experience a perceiver receives with these actions of the artist the more their aesthetic judgements are influenced by these, supporting the relationship between artist and perceiver depicted in the mirror model of art. We provide a foundation for future research to empirically analyse connections between the creation and perception of art and the relationships between the artist and perceiver.
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Stiers, Abigail. "The Relationship between Value Systems in Art and Trends in Art and Technology." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2011. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/StiersA2011.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Relationship between art and politics"

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Kwŏllyŏk kwa misul: Taehan Minʼguk che 1-Konghwaguk ŭi kwŏllyŏk kwa misul = The power and art : a study on the relationship between power under the first regime of Korea and art. Sŏul: Akʻanet, 2009.

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Kwŏllyŏk kwa misul: Taehan Minʼguk che 1-Konghwaguk ŭi kwŏllyŏk kwa misul = The power and art : a study on the relationship between power under the first regime of Korea and art. Sŏul: Akʻanet, 2009.

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Kwŏllyŏk kwa misul: Taehan Minʼguk che 1-Konghwaguk ŭi kwŏllyŏk kwa misul = The power and art : a study on the relationship between power under the first regime of Korea and art. Sŏul: Akʻanet, 2009.

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Pāknam, Nō̜ Na. The relationship between the art and history of the Thai people. Bangkok: Office of the National Cultural Commission, 1985.

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Schwarz, Daniel R. Reconfiguring modernism: Explorations in the relationship between modern art and modern literature. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997.

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Schwarz, Daniel R. Reconfiguring modernism: Explorations in the relationship between modern art and modern literature. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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Gittins, Karen. A DISCUSSION OF THE CONCEPTS OF SPORT AND ART AND THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THEM. Cardiff: S.G.I.H.E., 1986.

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Khrushcheva, Nina L. Imagining Nabokov: Russia between art and politics. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007.

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Singaram, I. DMK, relationship between leaders and members. New Delhi: Intellectual Pub. House, 1996.

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O'Doherty, Brian. Studio and cube: On the relationship between where art is made and where art is displayed. New York: Columbia University, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Relationship between art and politics"

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Castellin, Luca G. "The Art of Living Together: The Relationship Between Individual and Society in Reinhold Niebuhr’s Political Thought." In Religion and the Liberal State in Niebuhr's Christian Realism, 35–56. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-34464-1_2.

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Kaczmarski, Marcin. "Domestic Politics: A Forgotten Factor in the Russian-Chinese Relationship." In Russia-China Relations, 59–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_4.

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AbstractThis chapter argues that domestic politics plays a significant role in shaping Sino-Russian relations. Domestic political factors strengthen certain trends in the relationship and, more occasionally, generate obstacles. In structural terms, the growing similarity of political systems, characterized by a high degree of centralization of power in leaders’ hands and the rising crackdown on dissent, shapes the threat assessment. The Russian ruling regime is not challenged by Beijing, hence an increase in China’s power and influence. While disadvantageous geopolitically, it does not pose a threat to regime security and regime survival in the Kremlin. Domestic actors have contributed to Russia’s policy towards China in two ways: by influencing the leadership’s threat assessment and by implementing particular policies. In some areas, such as energy cooperation, a privileged position on behalf of certain actors enables them to promote closer cooperation with China. There is no openly anti-Chinese lobby within the ruling elite and its supporters. More often than not, domestic politics act as a facilitating factor, which mitigates systemic pressures related to China’s rise and growing asymmetry between Russia and China and creates a conducive environment for bilateral cooperation with China in certain sectors.
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Tomini, Luca, and Seda Gürkan. "Contesting the EU, Contesting Democracy and Rule of Law in Europe. Conceptual Suggestions for Future Research." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 285–300. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_12.

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Abstract In ECE countries, democratisation and Europeanisation seemed to exist in a mutually reinforcing relationship and both concepts provided the main analytical lenses for studying these states. In the light of recent illiberal and anti-EU politics, two different concepts have started to receive increasing scholarly attention, namely the concepts of de-Europeanisation and autocratisation. Their exact meaning, however, remains unclear and the causal link between these specific processes and the rule of law has largely remained understudied. Against this backdrop, this chapter first summarises the state-of-the-art research on autocratisation and de-Europeanisation, and then examines the interaction and causal link between these two phenomena in times of declining democracies in Europe and rule of law problems.
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Magazzini, Tina. "In the Eye of the Beholder? Minority Representation and the Politics of Culture." In IMISCOE Research Series, 275–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67608-7_15.

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AbstractThe debate(s) on the relationship between art, activism and academia is as old as knowledge-production itself. In keeping with this volume’s focus on reflexivity and representation, this contribution asks what role filmmakers, curators and artists play as knowledge producers and as knowledge-brokers when working on politicized issues such migration and/or ethnicity. This chapter looks at three European experiences that sit on the seam of curatorial practice, testimony and activism and address the (visual) narratives of minority groups. Exploring the emergence of these initiatives and drawing upon interviews with the curators and artists behind them, this chapter takes stock of ongoing debates on the complex relationship between political and artistic representation on minority groups. Adopting Mitchell’s (1995) approach to representation that sees it as always being ‘of someone, by someone, to someone’, particular attention is given to the implications of what kind of stories are told, for whom they are told, and of who does the storytelling.
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Henderson, Joan. "Politics and tourism within South-East Asia." In Tourism in development: reflective essays, 120–27. Wallingford: CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789242812.0010.

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Abstract This chapter examines the interactions between politics and international tourism which are shown to be inextricably linked in assorted ways. The focus of the discussion is on members of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). After some general observations with regards to the tourism-politics relationship, the chapter looks back to the 1970s when political uncertainties and upheavals characterized parts of the region and impeded tourism. Such circumstances are then contrasted with those of the current era which tend to be more settled, reflecting the political shifts occurring in the intervening years, and which are more favourable for tourism.
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Morin, Jean-Frédéric, Amandine Orsini, and Sikina Jinnah. "1. Interconnections between science and politics." In Global Environmental Politics, 27–53. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198826088.003.0001.

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This chapter discusses the complex and multifaceted relationship between science and politics. Although science and politics each follow a distinct logic and pursue distinct objectives, they are inextricably connected to one another. On the one hand, science influences political debates, by drawing attention to certain problems and providing necessary justifications for political action. On the other hand, political dynamics, including political values and power relations, structure the conduct of science. The chapter highlights the different aspects of the co-production of science and politics, in the framework of international environmental debates. An increasing number of studies on global environmental governance suggest that science and politics are co-produced. As they shape each other, it is impossible to understand one without considering the other. Political interactions are partly based on available knowledge, and scientific production is a social practice that is conditioned by its political context.
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Miller, Lisa L. "American Exceptionalism or Exceptionalism of the Americas? The Politics of Lethal Violence, Punishment, and Inequality." In Tracing the Relationship between Inequality, Crime and Punishment, 133–62. British Academy, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266922.003.0006.

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‘American exceptionalism in imprisonment’ has become a useful heuristic for analyzing the extremely high rates of imprisonment in the United States that emerged in the late 20th century. This perspective, however, has largely marginalized violent crime as an important and distinguishing feature of the United States in contrast to most of the (largely western) countries to which it is usually compared. But violent crime in the United States – particularly murder – is extraordinarily high, making violence almost as exceptional as imprisonment. In fact, American exceptionalism may be better understood as exceptionalism of the Americas. By linking crime, punishment, and inequality, the relevant comparisons for the United States look less like Europe and more like Latin America. This chapter develops a conceptual framework for understanding state-building in the Americas, which the author refers to as racialized state-building. This framework proposes that the roots of high violence in the Americas (from both fellow citizens and from the state) lie in the fragmented state capacity and accountability that characterize the vast majority of countries in the Americas, including the United States. These state features are a function of extractive, settler, and slave colonialism which created incentives – to varying degrees – for elites to avoid institutional configurations that would result in power-sharing across populations. The resultant states are institutionally disjointed and excessively complex with high levels of mistrust and inequality, conditions which are ripe for violence in many forms.
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Özekmekçi, Mehmet. "His Majesty’s Painter Zonaro: A Professional Career Bound to Politics." In The Relationship Between Art and Politics in the 19th Century Ottoman Empire: Institutionalization, Change And Continuity, 19–49. Istanbul University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26650/b/aa09.2021.007.02.

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Celebi, Zeynep Guney. "Contemporary Art Museums' Marketing Strategies." In Advances in Media, Entertainment, and the Arts, 371–88. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6190-5.ch021.

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Contemporary art museums are significant actors in the entertainment industry, which is recreated by new forms of leisure time activities every day. Entertainment that is used as an important and effective marketing tool in contemporary art museums is also a significant formative of the new relationship between contemporary art museums and their visitors. Therefore, the aim of this chapter is to explore the relationship between art, entertainment, leisure, and museum marketing with a literature review in order to find answers to questions like, What is the relationship between art and entertainment? and Which marketing techniques are used by contemporary art organizations? In this context, the relationship between leisure, entertainment, and contemporary art museums is explained; afterwards, contemporary art museums' marketing strategies are described in detail as the main scope of the study. Finally, as a case study, Istanbul Modern Art Museum's political-economical environment and marketing strategies are analyzed.
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Ó Donghaile, Deaglán. "The Politics of Art and The Picture of Dorian Gray." In Oscar Wilde and the Radical Politics of the Fin de Siécle, 150–73. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459433.003.0006.

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Wilde’s novel, The Picture of Dorian Gray, serves as a manifesto in which art, politics and subjectivity are discussed in unusual detail. If all art was, as Wilde argued, simply “surface and symbol”, then what could possibly lie underneath? The answer is provided as this dangerous territory is explored through the text’s complex fusion of literary and political ideas. These subversive notions are presented at an early stage, during self-reflexive discussions of the nature of the relationship between art, politics and subjectivity, all of which are represented as resting just beyond the surface of the novel’s ostensible purpose as a work of gothic romance.
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Conference papers on the topic "Relationship between art and politics"

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Marola, Victor. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ETHICS AND POLITICS IN ARISTOTLE�S POLITICS AND THE NICOMACHEAN ETHICS." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. STEF92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/22/s09.084.

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Slavić, Agneš, Maja Strugar Jelača, Nemanja Berber, and Radmila Bjekić. "The Relationship between Managers’ Emotional Competencies and Organizations’ Financial Performances." In Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2021.59.

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The topic of emotional intelligence has attracted considerable in­terest from both academics and practitioners. Emotionally intelligent lead­ers have the ability to express, understand and regulate their own as well as others’ emotions. Previous evidence suggests that emotionally intelligent leaders play a crucial role in encouraging employees to perform at their best at work, which in turn can improve the financial performance of the organi­zation. Still, there is little empirical evidence to support these claims from de­veloping countries. Therefore, the research question of this paper is: Which of the leaders’ emotional competencies are required for outstanding financial performance of the organization? In this study, emotional competencies are analyzed through the self-awareness and self-management clusters. This study proposed and tested the relationship between managers’ emotional competencies and an organization’s financial performances, such as growth in profits, profitability, return on assets (ROA) and return on equity (ROE). Em­pirical data were obtained via a questionnaire survey involving 300 employ­ees from 80 organizations in the Republic of Serbia. The methodology used in the study is a well-known ESCI questionnaire. The findings revealed a weak positive correlation among emotional self-awareness, aspiration for success and adaptability as emotional intelligence competencies and financial per­formances, whereas emotional self-control and optimism did not have any statistically significant relationship with financial performances. The results provide implications regarding the development of emotionally intelligent leaders, supporting emotional competence at the organizations.
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Pizzolitto, Elia. "Are Musicians Entrepreneurs? A Preliminary Analysis." In Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2021.231.

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In this narrative literature review, we employed the grounded theory for studying the scientific debate, the contradictions, and the ten­sions between entrepreneurship and music activity. In particular, this work represents a preliminary study for a more in-depth future analysis of this relationship. The analysis let emerge two superordinate structures, five themes, and eight subthemes. The two superordinate structures represent the most relevant tensions we found in the analyzed articles. The first ten­sion highlights the complicated relationship between musicians’ identity and the entrepreneurial nature of their job. The second tension studies the needed compromises that musicians have to consider between the individ­ualistic nature of their art and the needed conformism imposed by the cap­italistic environment of the music market. Finally, in the discussion section, we consider this preliminary study’s limitations and propose several further research opportunities.
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Lin, Lin. "Research on the Relationship Between the Costume Etiquette System and the Development of Social Politics and Economics." In The 6th International Conference on Arts, Design and Contemporary Education (ICADCE 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210106.075.

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Acar, Tuğçe, and Ebru Çağlayan Akay. "The Relationship Democracy with Health and Governance Indicators: Panel Probit Approach." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02503.

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The relationship of politics with health has been documented in Greece and Rome in ancient times and has been the center of attention from past to present. The difficulty of interpreting the causal relationships between politics and democracy and outcome measures as the macro-social determinants of population health has limited the studies in the field. On the other hand, in the state-society relationship, governance and indicators representing the traditions and institutions in which authority is applied in a country are used as a tool to evaluate the tendencies of countries in the field of democracy over time. Accordingly, the study aims to address the issue in the relationship between democracy and health, together with governance indicators, within the framework of broader structural factors. For this aim, panel probit analysis was carried out for 144 countries between 2010 and 2018, examining the effect of explanatory variables on the probability of occurrence of the dependent variable. The limited number of studies dealing with the impact of democracy studies on the international level and over time makes the method used advantageous. According to the findings, the variables of freedom of expression and accountability, political stability and regulatory quality, which are among the indicators of governance, were found to be statistically significant on the democracy index, along with the variables of domestic general government health expenditures, infant mortality rate, GDP per capita, and the reasons for the results obtained were discussed.
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Mika, Hardi. "The role of history in future studies." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp184-194.

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"The role of history in future studies History is one of the fields of human research and has a strong relationship with politics, political studies and future studies. Future studies are considered a new field in effective and developed scientific research and have an essential role in politics since they influence each other. Future research fields are enhanced by taking advantage of other human and scientific research fields or using interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods. One of the fields that future researchers cannot disregard is historical research. This research focused on the two different directions: the fields of future research and history, i.e., past events, on the one hand, their future and scenarios on the other. The research seeks to answer some main questions: What is the common ground and relationship between history as a field of human research with future research? What is the function and purpose of both fields? What are their common keywords? Where will history assist the science of future research? The importance of the research is that working on the relationship between history and future science will keep history away from the past. It also makes future studies more realistic in identifying and cooperating with politics, political reform, management, and other aspects of society and choosing a better future among futures ahead of any society and individual. Moreover, historical research and academic centers in Kurdistan have been less likely to apply history as a science to understand the future. The research aims to find common ground and the effective relationships between the two fields of futures and history and link them by analyzing their content, tasks and methods. The research methodology is descriptive-analysis and has benefited from historical and comparative methods to explain the definitions, emergence, and common grounds for both research's variables."
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Cedroni, Anna Rita. "Building the global democracy from urban planning policy to populism in architecture." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8153.

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It is possible to claim that there is an analogy, in terms of management and programming, between the modality of execution in political contents and the formalities of the application of architectural models, or more precisely in the methods of carrying out such proposals. The choice and the management of planning strategies go along with the choice of political strategies. The changes occurring in the politics and democracy can be also found in urban planning politics and involve mainly the public space and the design for the related public buildings. The emptying of social content in most constitutional democracies, together with the spreading of populist “politics” are phenomena that emerge in the architecture of public buildings and in the way in which the architecture relates to the urban form of their surroundings. Deprived of their contents, (which are related to their functions), public spaces and public building become non-ruled yet “objectified” spaces targeted for a collective use. The first analysis, which comes out of my background, led me to look at urban planning in Europe, starting from Italy and keeping the focus on the politics of public spaces and on the ways in which their conception, design and relationship to the city, shape the collective social values, attitudes and demands. These cases provide some opportunities for a reflection about governance and planning, focussing on the relationship between Democracy and Architecture.
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Kim, Dongsei. "Politics of Space and its Shadows." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.19.

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This paper examines what the public, architects, urban designers, and city officials can learn about significant public spaces from emergent technologies and data generated from growing social media. Interrogating this analytical method aids us to recognize social media’s potentials, such as gaining a deeper understanding of the relationship between how public spaces are “represented” and how they are “physically experienced” through the means of technology. This investigation combines emerging image recognizing algorithms— Semantic Segmentation—with location-tagged images from Instagram to investigate the newly opened Seoullo 7017 walkway in Seoul. It argues that we should recognize these newly generated “big data” as a form of “collective intelligence” that can stimulate proactive engagement with our everyday interactions with public space. Equally, the findings of this investigation reveal to our society how to cautiously engage these “collective intelligence” with counterbalancing values.
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Haydaroğlu, Ceyhun. "Political Economy of Russia’s Voting Power on Eurasian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00635.

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The relationship between economy and politics shows itself explicitly while governments are determining and implementing national and international economic policies. In democratic societies voting power, which means that economical and political units uses against one another in decision making mechanisms, shapes stability and/or unstability. It can be explained that a government, which is structured by the sovereignty of a single party in a parlament, has a monopoly power. Putin, has an important voting power in both The Council of The Federation and State Duma. The confidence through this voting power, while national economic and political equlibrium is provided, in international context, stable and strong policies are followed. Russia, increases the pressure and makes its economical and political power apperant on the eurasian countries, especially which were under its’ authority before. In this context Russia’s voting power calculated seperately for all election periods by Normalized Banzhaf Index. According to this, the effect of today’s Russia’s dominance on the Eurasian countries has been analyzed within the boundaries of political economics dicipline. In consequence of the analysis; it is indicated that, there is a linear relationship between the Russia’s voting power and economical stability, and Russia’s efficieny on the eurasian countries gradually increases. The most important feature of this study, which makes it differentiated form others, is making political economy of Russia’s efficiency on the eurasian countries within the context of political economics literatüre by the voting power perspective, besides cultural, historical and social factors.
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Pop, Anamaria-Mirabela, and Monica-Ariana Sim. "The Importance of Ethical Language in Business Communication." In Seventh International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2021.279.

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Language is culturally transmitted. It means that the language people use is the result of influences different factors had upon them: par­ents, educators, colleagues, and media. When conveying a message, it is im­portant to think not only about the words that help with clarity but, also, it is crucial to consider the meanings of different words. In the business world, for companies operating in foreign countries, the language used plays a central role in how these companies are perceived, thus the language and the culture of that country coexist. In today’s world, effective communi­cation is critical to a company’s success since it strengthens relationships, improves decision-making, and improves problem-solving abilities. Yet, successful business communication means that the communication must include the application of ethical standards during communication. Thus, this paper aims at presenting the relationship between communication and business, with emphasis on ethical language.
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Reports on the topic "Relationship between art and politics"

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Aruguete, Natalia, Ernesto Calvo, Carlos Scartascini, and Tiago Ventura. Trustful Voters, Trustworthy Politicians: A Survey Experiment on the Influence of Social Media in Politics. Inter-American Development Bank, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003389.

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Recent increases in political polarization in social media raise questions about the relationship between negative online messages and the decline in political trust around the world. To evaluate this claim causally, we implement a variant of the well-known trust game in a survey experiment with 4,800 respondents in Brazil and Mexico. Our design allows to test the effect of social media on trust and trustworthiness. Survey respondents alternate as agents (politicians) and principals (voters). Players can cast votes, trust others with their votes, and cast entrusted votes. The players rewards are contingent on their preferred “candidate” winning the election. We measure the extent to which voters place their trust in others and are themselves trustworthy, that is, willing to honor requests that may not benefit them. Treated respondents are exposed to messages from in-group or out-group politicians, and with positive or negative tone. Results provide robust support for a negative effect of uncivil partisan discourse on trust behavior and null results on trustworthiness. The negative effect on trust is considerably greater among randomly treated respondents who engage with social media messages. These results show that engaging with messages on social media can have a deleterious effect on trust, even when those messages are not relevant to the task at hand or not representative of the actions of the individuals involved in the game.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Raja M. Ali Saleem. Military and Populism: A Global Tour with a Special Emphasis on the Case of Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0010.

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Although populism has become a focus of research in the last decade, there hasn’t been much academic work on how militaries around the world have reacted/acted to the rise of populist leaders. There is some timeworn research on the relationship of militaries in Latin America with various left-wing populist governments and leaders from the 1930s to 1970s. Given that populism was largely understood in the context of left-wing politics, with the rise of right-wing populism, the literature on the military and populism needs to be advanced by studying the relationship between right-wing populism and the military. This article aims to address this gap by looking at the right-wing populism case study of Pakistan, where the military has actively participated in the rise of a religious populist leader. To situate the case study within the larger literature of the military and populism, the dynamics and history of military associations with populism and populist leaders are revisited in the article’s first part.
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Newell, Peter, and Mohamed Adow. Cutting the Supply of Climate Injustice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/1968-2021.129.

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This article considers the role of activism and politics to restrict the supply of fossil fuels as a key means to prevent further climate injustices. We firstly explore the historical production of climate injustice through extractive economies of colonial control, the accumulation of climate debts, and ongoing patterns of uneven exchange. We develop an account which highlights the relationship between the production, exchange, and consumption of fossil fuels and historical and contemporary inequalities around race, class, and gender which need to be addressed if a meaningful account of climate justice is to take root. We then explore the role of resistance to the expansion of fossil-fuel frontiers and campaigns to leave fossil fuels in the ground with which we are involved. We reflect on their potential role in enabling the power shifts necessary to rebalance energy economies and disrupt incumbent actors as a prerequisite to the achievement of climate justice
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Bergsen, Pepijn, Leah Downey, Max Krahé, Hans Kundnani, Manuela Moschella, and Quinn Slobodian. The economic basis of democracy in Europe: structural economic change, inequality and the depoliticization of economic policymaking. Royal Institute of International Affairs, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135362.

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- To understand contemporary challenges to European democracy, it is crucial to look beyond the surface of politics and consider the deeper relationship between democracy and the economy. Instead of focusing exclusively on the rise of ‘populism’, it is necessary to acknowledge the multiplicity of threats to European democracy, in particular those arising from the structure of European economies and economic policymaking. - Understanding these weaknesses in the functioning of European democracies is crucial to an effective approach to future economic transformations, in particular the green transition, but also for dealing effectively and equitably with challenges such as higher inflation. It is important that the relevant policy changes and responses are democratically legitimate and do not foster the kind of political backlash that previous economic transformations did. - Over the past 40 years, economic inequality – ranging from income inequality to discrepancies in wealth and economic security – has widened throughout developed economies. In turn, these developments have generated increasing political inequality, as economic policymaking has served the interests of the well-off. - Democratic systems have also been made less responsive to electorates through the ‘depoliticization’ of policymaking, in particular economic policy, as a result of its insulation from national-level democratic scrutiny. The expansion of technocratic modes of governance – notably through independent central banks and EU-level institutions – has in many cases entrenched the policy preferences of specific groups in institutions removed from direct democratic control. - As this depoliticization has to a large extent made democratic contestation over economic policy redundant, politics has increasingly been polarized around ‘cultural’ questions. But such a focus on culture is unlikely to address the inequalities behind the dysfunction of democracies in Europe. - Strengthening European democracy requires a ‘repoliticization’ of economic policymaking, including both fiscal and monetary policymaking. In the specific context of the EU, this would mean opening up more policy space for national decision-makers and parliaments – in particular by giving them a more influential role in fiscal policy, and by making monetary policy more democratic.
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Lind, Jeremy, and Paul Harvey. The Politics of Social Assistance in Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.024.

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Social protection policies increasingly exist in crisis-affected settings. Their implementation is mediated by politics, resource constraints, and the attitudes and beliefs of those responsible for shaping policy. However, prevailing perspectives on the politics of social protection (incorporating social assistance) are largely limited to settings that are not characterised by protracted crises and conflict. This brief summarises the state of what is known and what gaps there are in the evidence regarding how politics shape social assistance policy and implementation. It informs a future research agenda for assessing the dynamics and processes affecting how social assistance is allocated and to whom, including the roles and relationships between global, national, and sub-national actors that influence patterns of allocation.
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Curry, Kevin. Politics in the Social Media Era: The Relationship Between Social Media Use and Political Participation During the 2016 United States Presidential Election. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6390.

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Papadopoulos, Yannis. Ethics Lost: The severance of the entrenched relationship between ethics and economics by contemporary neoclassical mainstream economics. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp1en.

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In this paper we examine the evolution of the relation between ethics and economics. Mainly after the financial crisis of 2008, many economists, scholars, and students felt the need to find answers that were not given by the dominant school of thought in economics. Some of these answers have been provided, since the birth of economics as an independent field, from ethics and moral philosophy. Nevertheless, since the mathematisation of economics and the departure from the field of political economy, which once held together economics, philosophy, history and political science, ethics and moral philosophy have lost their role in the economics’ discussions. Three are the main theories of morality: utilitarianism, rule-based ethics and virtue ethics. The neoclassical economic model has indeed chosen one of the three to justify itself, yet it has forgotten —deliberately or not— to involve the other two. Utilitarianism has been translated to a cost benefit analysis that fits the “homo economicus” and selfish portrait of humankind and while contemporary capitalism recognizes Adam Smith as its father it does not seem to recognize or remember not only the rest of the Scottish Enlightenment’s great minds, but also Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments. In conclusion, if ethics is to play a role in the formation of a postcapitalist economic theory and help it escape the hopeless quest for a Wertfreiheit, then the one-dimensional selection and interpretation of ethics and morality by economists cannot lead to justified conclusions about the decision-making process.
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Gallien, Max, and Vanessa van den Boogaard. Informal Workers and the State: The Politics of Connection and Disconnection During a Global Pandemic. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.066.

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In low- and middle-income countries, informal workers are particularly vulnerable to the health and economic effects of the Covid-19 pandemic and often neglected by policy responses. At the same time, the crisis is rapidly changing the ways that states engage with informal workers. We argue that the relationships between informal workers and states – and the politics of creating and accessing these linkages – are a critical and frequently overlooked part of the politics of the pandemic. Both pre-existing structural disconnection from the state—embodied, for example, through limited access to health infrastructure—and state attempts to build new connections, including through cash transfer programmes for informal workers, have a profound impact on the effectiveness and reach of state crisis responses. Without considering the varied and dynamic nature of the linkages between states and informal workers we cannot understand the heterogeneous health and economic impacts of the pandemic, state capacity to respond to the crisis, or institutional change in the context of crisis.
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Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.
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Price, Roz. Links Between Energy Prices, Fuel Subsidy Reform and Instability. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.023.

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Increasingly, the links between energy insecurity (including energy prices, availability, and fuel subsidy reform) and instability are being studied. These issues often become flashpoints for social mobilisation and protest. Previous research has started to explore different types of fuel-related conflict and its relationship with scarcity, abundance, and energy prices but the research is fragmented. Much of this existing research focuses on a possible link between oil and armed conflict and rebellion, rather than on fuel prices as a source of intra-state instability below the level of armed conflict. It is argued that this research gap is important as these protests often have the potential to escalate into broader political movements, and the pressures to reduce reliance on carbon-heavy fuels through increased taxation or the reduction of subsidies is increasing. This rapid review provides an overview of the evidence on the links between energy prices, subsidy reforms and the risk of instability. It first highlights these links and discusses the literature, and then provides some brief evidence on recommendations and lessons learned on managing the impact of subsidy reform processes. The review was unable to identify any indicators of risk or quantitative metrics for appraising energy-related instability, apart from the unique fuel riots database created by Natalini et al. (2020). This rapid review takes a wide view of “instability” and what that means.
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