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Journal articles on the topic 'Relationship between the religious and the political'
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Tkach, Oleg. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DEMOCRATIZATION AND RELIGIOUS SECURITY." Sophia. Human and Religious Studies Bulletin 17, no. 1 (2021): 21–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/sophia.2021.17.4.
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The article examines the problems of the component s of the concept of threats to religious security, for example, which are transformed into concepts. Religion as a relatively independent socio-cultural reality needs protection from internal and external threats. Religious security is a system of conditions that ensures the preservation of the traditional religious system within the established norm that has historically developed. The problem of religious security was identified when the cases of anti-state, anti-social activities of religious associations became more frequent. Methodology: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of soft power strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges for international relations and global development. Results. As societies develop from agrarian to industrial to knowledge-based, growing existential security tends to reduce the importance of religion in people's lives and people become less obedient to traditional religious leaders and institutions. Research of the problem by scientists. Religion is characterized by the historical predominance of Catholic Christianity (40 % of the world's Catholics in the region). Conclusions. Although some religious conservatives warn that the retreat from faith will lead to a collapse of social cohesion and public morality, the evidence doesn't support this claim. Surprising as it may seem, countries that are less religious actually tend to be less corrupt and have lower murder rates than religious ones.
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Breault, Kevin D. "A Reexamination of the Relationship Between Religious Diversity and Religious Adherents." American Sociological Review 54, no. 6 (December 1989): 1056. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2095725.
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Djuric-Milovanovic, Aleksandra. "Serbs in Romania relationship between ethnic and religious identity." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243117d.
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The paper looks at the role of religion in the ethnic identity of the Serbs in Romania, based on the fieldwork conducted in August 2010 among the Serbian communities in the Danube Gorge (Rom. Clisura Dun?rii; loc. Ser. Banatska klisura), western Romania. A historical perspective being necessary in studying and understanding the complexities of identity structures, the paper offers a brief historical overview of the Serbian community in Romania. Serbs have been living in the Banat since medieval times, their oldest settlements dating back to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Today, they mostly live in western Romania (Timi?, Arad, Cara?-Severin and Mehedin?i counties), Timi?oara being their cultural, political and religious centre. Over the last decades, the community has been numerically declining due to strong assimilation processes and demographic trends, as evidenced by successive census data (34,037 in 1977; 29,408 in 1992; 22,518 in 2002). The majority belong to the Serbian Orthodox Church (Diocese of Timi?oara), but a number of neo-Protestant churches have appeared in the last decades. The research focuses on the role of the Orthodox religion among the Serbian minority in Romania and the role of new religious communities in relation to national identity. The role of the dominant Serbian Orthodox Church in preserving and strengthening ethnic identity is looked at, but also influences of other religious traditions which do not overlap with any particular ethnic group, such as neo-Protestantism. With regard to the supranational nature of neo-Protestantism, the aim of the study is to analyze the impact of these new religions on assimilation processes among the Serbs in Romania and to examine in what ways different religious communities influence either the strengthening or the weakening of Serbian ethnic identity.
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Miller, Ivor L. "Religious Symbolism in Cuban Political Performance." TDR/The Drama Review 44, no. 2 (June 2000): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/10542040051058690.
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When a white dove alights on his shoulder, is Fidel Castro being crowned by Obatalá, a Santería god? What is the relationship between Santería, Cuba's vibrant Afro-Caribbean religion, and Cuba's head of state?
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McDaniel, Eric L., Maraam A. Dwidar, and Hadill Calderon. "The Faith of Black Politics: The Relationship Between Black Religious and Political Beliefs." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 3 (January 18, 2018): 256–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717753730.
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Scholars argue that the Black church produces religious messages that foster racial cohesion; however, recent examinations of Black religion note the heterogeneity of the messages and beliefs advanced by Black churches. Several argue that this heterogeneity in Black religious beliefs is reflected in Black political beliefs. This study examines the linkage between heterogeneity in Black religious beliefs and heterogeneity in Black political attitudes. Offering measures of the social gospel, prosperity gospel, and Black theology, we demonstrate that each religious belief system is related to different aspects of Black public opinion. The social gospel is linked to continuing the legacy of the civil rights movement, while the prosperity gospel is associated with a departure from its legacy. Meanwhile, Black theology is linked to racial empowerment and extending the boundaries of Black politics.
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Abdul-Latif, Emad. "Interdiscursivity between political and religious discourses in a speech by Sadat." Journal of Language and Politics 10, no. 1 (June 28, 2011): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.1.03abd.
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Religion and politics have a complicated relationship in the Arab world. Interdiscursivity within political speeches between religious and political discourses is a manifestation of this complexity. This article argues that this sort of interdiscursivity imposes hard restrictions on the responses of Muslim addressees. Muslims’ responses to Islamic sacred texts are inherently restricted because disagreement with divine texts amounts to heresy. Accordingly, their responses to political speeches that present themselves as semi-religious texts are highly restricted as well. I will analyze a speech by the late Egyptian president Sadat to show how potential and actual responses could be controlled by creating intertextual links with the Qur’an and adopting the genre of Islamic religious sermons. I combine analytical tools from critical discourse analysis and what I refer to as “addressee rhetoric” to investigate the relationship between interdiscursivity and addressee response.
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Murphy, Andrew R. "The Uneasy Relationship between Social Contract Theory and Religious Toleration." Journal of Politics 59, no. 2 (May 1997): 368–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381600053494.
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Shahabi, Rouhollah, and Alireza Mashoori. "Ideological Relationship between Neo-Conservative Government of George W. Bush and Israeli Government." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 1 (December 29, 2016): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n1p50.
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United States and Israel despite all the alliances and relationships among governments, has a special relationship. Various factors are United States of America support and help Israel and its special status of the country for America in particular was in Bush period. Political, economic and geographical factors..., which resulted Israel had special and unique place in the foreign policy of the United States. However, the role of religion and ideology in this relationship and its impact on support for Israel not ignored. George Bush is a Christian believes in his speeches frequently uses religious concepts. He argues that had a regular communication with God and takes over on a divine mission. This Bush’s religious beliefs is where express the support for Israel in the form of religious Evangelical and word concepts. Bush knows support for Israel as God intention and had a religious and apocalyptic view to Israel. The Bush administration formed the neoconservatives who tend much more support Israel. Ideological affinity George W. The Bush government with Israel is the factor that America political security supports from Israel increased.
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Laustsen, Carsten Bagge. "Studying Politics and Religion: How to Distinguish Religious Politics, Civil Religion, Political Religion, and Political Theology." Journal of Religion in Europe 6, no. 4 (2013): 428–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00604002.
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The study of politics and religion is today fragmented to a degree that you can hardly refer to it as one academic field anymore. This article lists four fundamentally different approaches to the study of politics and religion: political religion; religious politics; civil religion; and finally, political theology. The article compares the four approaches on a number of significant parameters: their understanding of what religion is; their critical ambition; to which degree a preliminary distinction between politics and religion is presupposed; and most importantly, how to approach the relationship between religion and politics in an analytical, strategic sense. The ambition with this survey is to support a discussion between the four approaches with a view to reach a more complete understanding of the relationship between politics and religion in all its complexity.
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Spickard, James V. "Globalization and Religious Organizations: Rethinking the Relationship Between Church, Culture, and Market." International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 18, no. 1/2 (2004): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:ijps.0000048107.79380.dd.
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Darma, Surya Hadi, Dadang Kahmad, Afif Muhammad, and Yusuf Wibisono. "Relationship of Religion and Culture." International Journal of Nusantara Islam 9, no. 1 (December 5, 2021): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijni.v9i1.12233.
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This research focuses on issues of religious, cultural and political conflicts and the integration of Ulama and Umara in Purwakarta which intersect with the political dimensions ahead of the Regional Head Election. The specific focus is on the evaluation of religion over culture and turns into a strategic issue played by interest groups. This research is a type of field research research using a qualitative dialectical phenomenological approach as the method. The collection of data and information was carried out by means of observation techniques. The findings of this study include the first, the religious and cultural relations in Purwakarta due to the perspective of the FPI, KUI and FUI mass organizations in assessing that the preservation of Sundanese culture in Purwakarta is contrary to Islamic teachings. second, the form of conflict between Ulama and Umara begins with the case of "the flute and the Koran, the making of puppet figures, the Hideung Bodas (Black and White) Festival of the Tumpeng Parade, the Bebegig Parade, to the confrontation of Sampurasun vs campurracun, and is closely related to political issues. and religious doctrine and understanding of Sundanese culture. But then it is processed into a religious issue and utilized by interest groups.Third, efforts to integrate ulama and Umara are carried out by holding a Cultural and Religious Workshop, establishing communication and compromising on the conflicts that occur.
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Mchedlova, M. M., and M. S. Kudryashova. "Russian Political Accents of Contemporary Religious and Secular Relations." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 3 (December 15, 2015): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2015-3-47-56.
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The article deals with contemporary political trends related to new forms of relationship between the secular and religious spheres of society. The focus is on the specifics of the Russian manifestation of the religious factor in politics, as well as the attitude of Russians to the inclusion of the religious component in the socio-political space.
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Al Momani, Hazim I. "Relationship between the Value Matrix and Attitudes toward Globalization among Irbid University College Students." Journal of Educational and Psychological Studies [JEPS] 9, no. 2 (March 1, 2015): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jeps.vol9iss2pp295-311.
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This study aims at identifying the value matrix and its relationship with attitudes toward globalization among Irbid University college students. To achieve this aim, the researcher designed a scale for value matrix that consisted of 60 items distributed to six value domains; religious, social, economic, theoretical, aesthetic and political. A scale for the attitude toward globalization that consisted of 48 items was also designed. Both instruments were administered to a sample of 217 female students who were randomly chosen.The findings of the study indicated that the degree of the adoption of Irbid university college students of value matrix was medium. The religious values ranked first in the pyramid of value matrix: then came in sequence the social, followed by theoretical, economic, aesthetic and finally political. The findings showed that Irbid University college students’ attitude toward globalization was medium. There was significantly positive correlation between the value matrix and students attitudes toward globalization. Also, the correlations between the attitude toward globalization and each of economic, theoretical, aesthetic and political values were positive. However, there were negative correlations between the attitude toward globalization and each of religious and social value domains.
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O’Brien, John, and Eman Abdelhadi. "Re-examining Restructuring: Racialization, Religious Conservatism, and Political Leanings in Contemporary American Life." Social Forces 99, no. 2 (April 23, 2020): 474–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaa029.
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Abstract This paper assesses the continued relevance of Robert Wuthnow’s seminal theory of “religious restructuring” for explaining the relationship between religious conservatism and political allegiances in the contemporary United States. Employing a comparative approach, we evaluate the link between doctrinal conservatism (or liberalism) and political conservatism across the seven largest US religious traditions, including Islam. We find that for most Christians and Jews, doctrinal conservatism continues to be tightly linked with conservative political attitudes, even after adjusting for demographic differences and religiosity. For Muslims, Black Protestants, and Latinx Catholics however, doctrinal conservatism is unlikely to be associated with political conservatism. In short, Wuthnow’s theory still holds, but only for religious traditions that are majority white. We speculate that being “racialized religious traditions” explains the lack of restructuring we observe among Muslims, Black Protestants, and Latinx Catholics. External social and political pressures have kept unifying racialized religious identities salient for each of these traditions, preventing the internal bifurcation still characteristic of other major American religions. Our findings and approaches contribute to the two growing trends within the sociological study of religion—the analytical integration of considerations of race and racial politics into scholarship on religious life (called “complex religion”) and a recognition of the importance of cultural “styles” of religion in shaping political and social behaviors.
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Dana, Karam, Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta, and Matt Barreto. "The Political Incorporation of Muslims in the United States: The Mobilizing Role of Religiosity in Islam." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 2, no. 2 (August 14, 2017): 170–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.4.
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AbstractDespite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary, popular perceptions in the United States, especially among political elites, continue to believe that religious Muslims oppose American democratic traditions and values. While many studies find positive relationships between mosque attendance and civic participation among U.S. Muslims, an empirical and theoretical puzzle continues to exist. What is missing is research that examines the relationships between the multi-dimensional concept of religiosity and how this is associated with public opinion and attitudes towards the American political system among Muslim Americans. Using a unique national survey of Muslim Americans, we find a positive relationship between religious beliefs, behavior, and belonging and perceptions of compatibility with American democratic traditions. Quite simply, the most religious are the most likely to believe in political integration in the United States.
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Steinbach, Anja, and Merril Silverstein. "The Relationship Between Religion and Intergenerational Solidarity in Eastern and Western Germany." Journal of Family Issues 41, no. 1 (August 16, 2019): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x19868750.
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This article investigated the relationship between religiosity and intergenerational solidarity in Germany, with a focus on differences between eastern and western regions that have maintained unique religious profiles that trace back to before unification. Based on data from Wave 6 (2013-2014) of the German Family Panel ( pairfam), 8,637 reports from 4,622 adult children about their relationships with mothers and fathers were analyzed. Using an index comprising four dimensions of the intergenerational solidarity model (distance, contact, closeness, and support), hierarchical linear regression demonstrated general support for the hypothesis that having a religious denomination is positively associated with the strength of intergenerational relations in Germany. However, this positive association is stronger in the more religious western part of Germany than in the highly secularized eastern part. These results emphasize the importance of taking social context and political history into account when studying core institutions of religion and families.
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Moked, Oran. "The Relationship between Religion and State in Hegel's Thought." Hegel Bulletin 25, no. 1-2 (2004): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200002032.
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To say that Hegel's position on the relationship between religion and state is not easy to categorise would be a vast understatement. Eluding comfortable labels, his ideas on the subject diverge from historically prevalent conceptions, which together are often thought to be exhaustive. On the one hand, Hegel's position contrasts sharply with theocratic doctrines that propose a simple identity of political and religious institutions, or subjugate the former to the latter. Almost equally distant from Hegel's position, however, are liberal and Enlightenment views that urge the complete separation of religion from secular authority and mundane politics.This tension is characteristic of many of Hegel's writings on the subject, from the earliest to die most mature. On numerous occasions, Hegel voices his vehement opposition to the notion of a radical split between religion and the ‘ethical’ (sittlich) institutions of political power. In an early fragment from 1798 he writes, ‘if the principle of the state is a complete totality, then church and state cannot possibly be unrelated’, and similar sentiments are voiced in many other writings, including Hegel's very last lectures on the Philosophy of Religion from 1831. Yet, at other junctures he contends, rather, that only ‘in despotism church and state are one’. Of all Hegel's extended discussions of the subject, one — in the Remark and Addition to §270 of thePhilosophy of Right— lays emphasis on the cleft between church and state; others — in §552 of theEncyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences(Third Edition), the aforementioned 1831Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion, and the final sections of thePhilosophy of History— seem, on the contrary, to stress the essential and eventual unity of religious and political life. To reconcile such seemingly contradictory views within a coherent position (even adialecticallycoherent one) and salvage Hegel's position from the muddle of apparent contradictions and oblique formulations is therefore a challenge.
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So-Young, Ahn and SONG EEH EUN. "The Relationship between Religious Tolerance and Government Trust - Mediating Effects through Social and Political Factors -." Studies in Religion(The Journal of the Korean Association for the History of Religions) 76, no. 2 (June 2016): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21457/kars.76.2.201606.117.
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Date, Kiyonobu. "“Religious Revival” in the Political World in Contemporary Japan with Special Reference to Religious Groups and Political Parties." Journal of Religion in Japan 5, no. 2-3 (2016): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00502008.
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In the 1960s, the basic structure of linked religious organisations and political parties was formed, as can be seen from the rise of Kōmeitō, a political party founded by Sōka Gakkai, and the creation of the Shintō Political Association (SPA). In the 1970s, when Japan was undergoing high economic growth, the social status of Sōka Gakkai members was elevated, although the expansion of the group came to a halt. After Kōmeitō formed a coalition government with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the 1990s, the supporters for each party came to play complementary roles. Seeing the active involvement of these religious organisations in politics—though with a varying degree of media exposure—it is possible to say that public religion has reappeared in Japanese society. However, I would like to argue that this is not a sign of post-secular “religious revival.” It is rather the “depoliticisation” among Japanese people that makes the presence of religious organisations seem more conspicuous. This paper aims to redraw the configuration of religion and politics in postwar Japan chiefly by examining the relationship between the SPA and the LDP, and that between Sōka Gakkai and Kōmeitō.
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Ben-Nun Bloom, Pazit. "State-Level Restriction of Religious Freedom and Women’s Rights: A Global Analysis." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (June 15, 2015): 832–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12212.
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The literature is divided on the nature of the relationship between state-level restriction of religious freedom and women’s rights, as religious freedom can empower members of marginalized groups or advance gender-discriminatory practices. Employing a time-series cross-sectional analysis of data for two decades from 153 nations, this study shows that the relationship between religious regulation and women’s rights depends on the type of regulation, with regulation of the majority religion improving state-level women’s rights and discriminatory regulation specifically targeting minority religions impairing them. Furthermore, the effect of regulation is moderated by the context. Even relatively small regulatory steps promote women’s rights in patriarchal and non-democratic regimes by weakening the religion-state fusion and patriarchal values. However, in liberal democracies, the beneficial effects of regulation wane or even backfire, as religious institutions may rally around the religion. Consequently, this article advocates a multidimensional view of religious freedom, and warns against viewing secularization as inherently promoting gender equality.
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Westfall, Aubrey, Özge Çelik Russell, Bozena Welborne, and Sarah Tobin. "Islamic Headcovering and Political Engagement: The Power of Social Networks." Politics and Religion 10, no. 1 (February 3, 2017): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000754.
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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between headcovering and women's political participation through an original online survey of 1,917 Muslim-American women. As a visible marker of religious group identity, wearing the headscarf can orient the integration of Muslim women into the American political system via its impact on the openness of their associational life. Our survey respondents who cover are more likely to form insular, strong ties with predominantly Muslim friend networks, which decreased their likelihood of voting and affiliating with a political party. Interestingly, frequency of mosque attendance across both covered and uncovered respondents is associated with a higher probability of political participation, an effect noted in other religious institutions in the United States. Yet, mosque attendance can simultaneously decrease the political engagement of congregants if they are steered into exclusively religious friend groups. This discovery reveals a tension within American Muslim religious life and elaborates on the role of religious institutions vs. social networks in politically mobilizing Muslim-Americans.
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Barker, Renae. "Pluralism versus Separation: Tension in the Australian Church-State Relationship." Religion & Human Rights 16, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10015.
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Abstract The relationship between the state and religion in Australia exists in a state of tension. On the one hand the “non-establishment” clause in section 116 of the Australian Constitution points to the separation of religion and state. On the other hand there is a high level of cooperation between the state and religion in the public sphere, most visible in the funding of religious schools by the federal government. These two visions of the Australian state-religion relationship are in tension. One requiring the removal of religion from the public sphere while the other calls for a plurality of religions to be accommodated in public spaces. This article seeks to resolve this tension by proposing a new way to understand the Australian state-religion relationship as non-establishment pluralism. Non-establishment in the sense that the Australian Constitution prohibits the establishment of any religion—be that a single state church, multiple state religions, or religion generally. Pluralism in that the state via ordinary legislation, public policy, and government action cooperates with religion in numerous areas of state and religious interest in the public sphere.
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Barabanov, Yevgeni. "The relationship between Judaism and Christianity∗." Religion, State and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499508431674.
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Schleifer, Cyrus, and Mark Chaves. "Family Formation and Religious Service Attendance." Sociological Methods & Research 46, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049124114526376.
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The positive relationship between family formation and regular weekly religious service attendance is well established, but cross-sectional data make it difficult to be confident that this relationship is causal. Moreover, if the relationship is causal, cross-sectional data make it difficult to disentangle the effects of three distinct family-formation events: marrying, having a child, and having a child who reaches school age. We use three waves of the new General Social Survey panel data to disentangle these separate potential effects. Using random-, fixed-, and hybrid-effect models, we show that, although in cross-section marriage and children predict attendance across individuals, neither leads to increased attendance when looking at individuals who change over time. Having a child who becomes school aged is the only family-formation event that remains associated with increased attendance among individuals who change over time. This suggests that the relationships between marriage and attending and between having a first child (or, for that matter, having several children) and attending are spurious, causal in the other direction, or indirect (since marrying and having a first child make it more likely that one will eventually have a school-age child). Adding a school-age child in the household is the only family-formation event that directly leads to increased attendance.
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Khamdan, Moh, and W. Wiharyani. "Islam Nusantara in Political Contestation Identity Religion in Indonesia." ADDIN 12, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 491. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/addin.v12i2.4774.
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<p>The relationship between the religion represented by Islam and the State that is represented by the democratic political system continues remain to be a problem. Ideological debates that Islamic law should be implemented and escorted through Islamic countries experiencing resistance against groups who argued that Islam is a substance that is in compliance with democracy. Religious ideology has often been a motivation to justify the struggle through the violence that has been done. Strengthening of violence in the name of religion is regarded as a form of struggle for bottomic beliefs and religious form in kaffah. Nationalism of Islamic religion Leaders by receiving Pancasila as the Indonesian ideology its been a moderate wisdom that has taken to maintain the unity of Indonesia, while keeping the existence of religions living. The relationship of religion and the State by Islamic religion Leaders of Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) considered as a mutual-connection with maintaining Indonesian nationalism without discriminating treatment of religions, tribes, and inter-group relations is face Islam Nusantara in Indonesia. Politics as the source of radicalism muted by NU leaders with a fatwa that receiving of Pancasila both as the nations foundation and as a spirit of Islam Nusantara. This research uses psychology politics theory and the theory of social identity’s approach that analyzing potential radicalism in society.</p>
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Gennerich, Carsten, and Stefan Huber. "On the Relationship of Value Priorities with the Centrality of Religiosity and a Variety of Religious Orientations and Emotions." Religions 12, no. 3 (February 27, 2021): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030157.
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In this study, the relationship between religiosity and value priorities is differentiated, based on a multidimensional model of religiosity (Structure-of-Religiosity-Test). The structure of values is conceptualized using Shalom H. Schwartz’s two orthogonal dimensions of self-transcendence vs. self-enhancement and openness to change vs. conservation. The relationship between these two dimensions and the centrality of religiosity, seven religious orientations, seven emotions toward God, and three political orientations were tested with a correlational analysis in a sample of members of Abrahamic religions, the non-denominational, and organized secularists in Switzerland (n = 1093). The results show, that different values are preferred (self-direction, universalism, benevolence, tradition, security, and power values) depending on the content of the religious orientations and emotions toward God. The results indicate the importance of the content of religious orientations and emotions for predicting value-loaded behaviors.
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Bulatov, Aider. "Political analysis of state-confessional and inter-confessional relations in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 51 (September 15, 2009): 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.51.2078.
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For many centuries and until now, the relationship between the Church (as an institution) and the state has always been controversial, but always relevant. There are vivid examples when in a particular country certain religions had (and still have) the status of even state ones. At the same time, we know from the example of the former Soviet Union that for religious beliefs, the state subjected its citizens to severe repression.
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Connaughton, Brian F. "Conjuring the Body Politic From the Corpus Mysticum: The Post-Independent Pursuit of Public Opinion in Mexico, 1821-1854." Americas 55, no. 3 (January 1999): 459–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007650.
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Political theory, consensus and participation have often had deeply religious motivations and inspirations driving them. And however peculiar to theology the concept of corpus mysticum may seem to us today, it has often been used in association with politics. In the late Middle Ages, the notions of political office as against personalism, continuity of sovereignty in spite of the unexpected and politically perilous deaths of monarchs, unity over factionalism, the relationship between authority and the law, and that between authority and the people, were persuasively addressed through this religious metaphor.
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Akbar, Ali. "Muslim reformist scholars’ arguments for democracy independent of religious justification." Critical Research on Religion 8, no. 3 (September 14, 2020): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303220952849.
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This article examines the ideas of three contemporary Muslim reformists, namely Abdolkarim Soroush, Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, and Muhammad Mujtahed Shabestari, concerning the relationship between democracy and the Islamic principle of shura (consultation). The article aims to demonstrate how the theological-philosophical approaches of these scholars—particularly with respect to their methods of interpreting the Qurʾan and the distinctions they draw between the pre-modern and modern worldview—have contributed to the rise of a political discourse which seeks to understand concepts such as shura and democracy within their own specific epistemological and cultural contexts. This political discourse, as the article argues, supports democracy without any narrow religious justification and promotes a form of government whose legitimacy is not based on religious sources or authority, and thus is neutral towards different religions and their followers.
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Golovin, Dmitry A. "The relationship between the categories of “political culture” and “electoral behavior” in european political thought." Social And Political Researches 2, no. 11 (2021): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-428x-2021-2-11-18-32.
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This article is devoted to identifying the interrelationship and interdependence of political culture and electoral behavior in the concepts of European political researchers. The methodology of the study is based on the assumption that electoral behavior is a comprehensive political and legal indicator of the level and nature of political culture. The following methods of research are used: systemic analysis, chronological analysis of scientific concepts on the topic of research, analysis of factors that affect the dynamics of political consciousness and electoral behavior. As a result of the study of scientific approaches on the topic of the article, it was revealed that the methodology for studying the dynamics of political processes is now in the active development stage and is constantly replenished with new research hypotheses. It is shown that in chronologically early concepts, moral and ethical ideas, traditions, customs and religion come first in the structure of political consciousness. This circumstance is associated with the high role of traditional and religious factors in the consciousness and life of all societies until the beginning of the 20th century. It is argued that at the present stage of post-industrial development, the model of electoral behavior preferred for Western European researchers is the model of a targeted voter, which involves the sustainability and clarity of political values and preferences, normative oriented political behavior, as well as the "habit" of critically analyzing the programs and speeches of public leaders and parties for their usefulness for the voter. At the same time, this model still remains quite abstract and difficult to implement in electoral practices, since its implementation is hindered by irrational political archetypes, symbols, myths - components of the political consciousness of modern man.
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Leak, Gary K. "An Assessment of the Relationship Between Identity Development, Faith Development, and Religious Commitment." Identity 9, no. 3 (November 27, 2009): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15283480903344521.
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Robin, Cynthia, Laura Kosakowsky, Angela Keller, and James Meierhoff. "LEADERS, FARMERS, AND CRAFTERS: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LEADING HOUSEHOLDS AND HOUSEHOLDS ACROSS THE CHAN COMMUNITY." Ancient Mesoamerica 25, no. 2 (2014): 371–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536114000315.
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AbstractHouseholds, communities, and society exist in a mutually constituting relationship, shaping and being shaped by one another. Daily life within households can have political dimensions and affect societal organization. Research at the Maya farming community of Chan in Belize demonstrates how households shaped their lives, history, and politics for 2,000 years (800b.c.–a.d.1200). We examine the households of Chan's leaders and the social, economic, political, and religious relationships between leading households and other households across the community to show how novel forms of political practice arose through household interaction. Community leaders and households across the community developed community-focused ritual practices and group-oriented social, economic, ideological, and political strategies that were critical in the development of their community, were distinctive from normative individual-focused political practices of the Classic Maya kings, and may have influenced the later development of more diverse political strategies in the Maya area in the Postclassic period.
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Handoko, Tito, Mega Hidayati, Muhammad Azhar, Abdul Munir Mulkan, M. Rafi, Deni Setiawan, and Fajar Rahmanto. "COMMODIFICATION OF RELIGION IN THE REALM OF LOCAL POLITICS: A STUDY OF THE TAREKAT NAQSABANDIYAH IN ROKAN HULU REGENCY." Jurnal Dakwah Risalah 31, no. 2 (January 5, 2021): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/jdr.v31i2.11319.
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This article aims to analyze the relationship between the teacher and the congregation of the Naqsabandiyah in local political action and their relationship with local political elites. This study uses a qualitative approach that aims to interpret a case that will be carefully examined and analyzed using periodic descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that the pattern of relations between teachers and congregation of the Naqsabandiyah groups in local political action in Rokan Hulu Regency tends to be more accommodating to the authorities, where the political orientation of this group has undergone a transition from traditional to rational action with its own political choices. Then, the relationship between the group and local political elites in socio-religious practices has confirmed the existence of a very strong religious and political relationship, where the Naqsabandiyah sees Achmad (local political elite) as a group representation traced from the existence of kinship ties.
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Rosen, Mark D. "Two Ways of Conceptualizing the Relationship between Equality and Religious Freedom." Journal of Law, Religion and State 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00402001.
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There are two possible ways to conceptualize the relationship between equality and religious freedom. The first is that both equality and religious freedom are derivative of some single, conceptually prior Master Value, such as dignity or self-determination: Monism. The second is that equality and religious freedom are independent, irreducibly distinct values: Pluralism. According to Monism, the Master Value’s conceptual unity means its derivative values cannot conflict. Pluralism understands rights to be susceptible of intractable conflict because they are incommensurable. Though Monism may sound more attractive than Pluralism, the Essay identifies two difficult-to-satisfy prerequisites of Monism. First, each derivative value must be Fully Translatable to the Master Value. For if Full Translatability is not satisfied – that is to say, if a derivative value encompasses normative considerations not captured by the Master Value – then the Master Value alone cannot reliably determine how the derivative values should be reconciled or integrated, because exclusive reliance on the Master Value would omit normatively relevant considerations. Second, Monism is normatively attractive only if the Master Value also encompasses all normatively relevant political values not contained within the derivative constitutional values: the Exhaustiveness Requirement. It might be thought that the Exhaustiveness Requirement is a null set – that only considerations of constitutional status properly play a role in resolving conflicts among constitutional interests. But there are strong reasons to think otherwise: because constitutional jurisprudence in all liberal democracies allows sub-constitutional considerations of sufficient importance to restrict constitutional rights, some sub-constitutional considerations also appropriately play a role in sorting out conflicts among constitutional rights. The difficulty of satisfying the Full Translatability and Exhaustiveness requirements is evidence in favor of Pluralism. The Essay then argues that Pluralism’s world of intractable conflict among rights is not as problematic as it may sound at first. Although resolving such conflicts is not a matter of cold logic, conceptual intractability does not rule out the possibility of principled, consistent resolutions. The Essay then provides substantial guidance as to how rights-conflicts are best approached. Building on the work of Robert Alexy, the Essay argues there is no a priori ordinal or cardinal ranking of constitutional rights; religious freedom will not always trump equality, nor will equality always trump religious freedom. Rather, the strength of each right will be a function of facts – context matters. But the Essay also identifies an important deficiency of Alexy’s metaphor that rights-conflicts are resolved through a process of balancing, and proposes an alternative conceptualization for resolving rights-conflicts that it calls orchestration. Orchestration captures the subjective, identity-reflecting and identify-informing process of resolving rights-conflicts better than does the metaphor of balancing. Determining how the array of rights is to be orchestrated is best understood as being continuous with, rather than subsequent to, the process of constitutional decisionmaking.
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Amelin, Vladimir N., and Arusyak Levonovna Hovhannisyan. "Religion in the Social and Political Life of Modern Russia: a Review of the Monography “Religion in Modern Russia: Contexts and Discussions”." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 664–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-664-677.
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The review reveals the main topics described in the monograph "Religion in modern Russia: contexts and discussions", published in 2019. The review examines the role of religion in the modern social and political life of Russia, the development of relations between the religious organizations and Russian state and society, the special features of the inter-religious dialogue in Russia, as well as the theoretical framework for studying the relationship between religion and the public sphere in the modern world. Modern political science pays mounting attention to the socio-cultural dimension and cultural and civilizational aspects of politics, overcoming the paradigm of modernity and the idea of linearity of political processes. Religion begins to act as one of the most important factors influencing the sphere of politics. In the current situation, when political processes are inherently post-secular, while the methods of describing them are still secular, it becomes necessary to develop new theoretical and methodological tools for studying the relationship between religion and politics. The review touches upon a possible theoretical framework for describing the role of religion in contemporary politics. The authors also pay attention to the role of religion in the formation of group identity, the socially significant functions of religious organizations, the role of religion in transmitting the most important values to wide sections of society. The review pays special attention to the problems of interreligious relations, as well as the relationship between religion and politics in Russia, emphasizes the important role of religion in resolving a number of problems in Russian society, where, in the context of the historically established coexistence of various religions and confessions, building interreligious and interconfessional dialogue is particularly important.
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Yi, Chengzhi, Geping Qiu, and Tao Liang. "RELIGION AND PARTICIPATION IN PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN CHINA: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 25, SI (September 1, 2020): 729–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-25-5-729.
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This article examines the relationship between religion and protest movements. Based on the data from China World Values Survey (2010–2014), we analyze the role of religious beliefs and religious practice on protest participation. We find that holding religious beliefs has a significantly positive effect on respondents’ reported inclination or willingness to participate in protest movements—their propensity to protest—but no influence on their actual participation. In contrast, taking part in religious activities—actual religious practice—has a significantly positive effect not only on one’s propensity for participation in protest movements but also on the actual protest participation. These findings seem to help explain the regime’s wariness on organized religions in China in general, and the tight control of unauthorized religious groups in particular.
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Vargas, Nicholas, and Matthew T. Loveland. "Befriending the “Other”: Patterns of Social Ties between the Religious and Non-Religious." Sociological Perspectives 54, no. 4 (December 2011): 713–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.4.713.
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Aside from the literature on inter-racial and cross-sex relationships, few studies have examined the determinants of relationships that cross social boundaries. The authors contribute to this literature by considering the social boundary between the religious and the non-religious. Surveys of U.S. adults provide evidence of popular aversion toward the non-religious, but this analysis of the Baylor Religion Survey (2005) shows that the majority of religious Americans report a friendship with someone who is not religious at all. The authors find that such boundary-crossing relationships are largely structured by homophily, opportunities for intergroup contact, and religious barriers to intergroup contact. These findings reveal that some religiously themed conflicts that are common among cultural elites may not be particularly salient in the realm of daily social life.
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Suárez, Hugo José. "New Forms of the Relationship between Politics and Religion." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 3 (February 19, 2016): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16629643.
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Beginning in the 1960s, new forms of living the faith emerged in Latin America that linked it with a political dimension. The Catholic Church changed its pastoral orientation, and ecclesiastical base communities were established as part of an “option for the poor.” The reflection that accompanied this process was known as liberation theology. By the end of the 1970s these communities were organizing conferences, publications, and theological reflections with strong international links and included hundreds of believers both in the countryside and in the city. During the following two decades, they were active participants in the construction of leftist political alternatives. While a minority pastoral practice today, they continue to hold national gatherings and maintain their international contacts. In-depth interviews with three members of ecclesiastical base communities in a working-class neighborhood in Mexico City show how these individuals have built their socio-religious practice and their religious beliefs. Their experience is part of a global reconstitution of belief systems in Mexico that affects all of the salvation enterprises in their various expressions. A partir de la década de los sesenta, nuevas formas de vivir la fe surgieron en América Latina que las asociaron con una dimensión política. La Iglesia Católica Romana cambió su orientación pastoral, y las comunidades eclesiales de base nacieron como parte de una “opción por los pobres”. Se conocía la reflexión que acompañó a este proceso como teología de liberación. Para finales de los setenta estas comunidades estaban organizando congresos, publicaciones, y reflexiones teológicas con fuertes lazos internacionales, comprendiendo centenares de creyentes tanto en la campiña como en la ciudad. Durante las siguientes dos décadas, fueron participantes activas en la construcción de alternativas políticas de izquierda. Si bien es una práctica pastoral minoritaria hoy en día, continúan convocando reuniones nacionales y mantienen sus contactos internacionales. Entrevistas a fondo con tres miembros de comunidades eclesiales de base en un barrio obrero en la ciudad de México demuestran cómo estos individuos han construido su práctica socio-religiosa y sus creencias religiosas, que implican una comprensión de Dios no como juez sino como aliado. Su experiencia forma parte de una reconstrucción de sistemas de creencias en México que afecta a todas las entidades salvíficas en sus varias expresiones.
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Aburaya, Issam, Issam Aburaya, and Hisham Abu-Raiya. "On the Connection between Islamic Sacred Texts and Muslims’ Political Conduct: The Israeli Dominant Elites’ Conception." Middle East Journal Of Culture And Communication 5, no. 2 (2012): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398612x641860.
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This essay provides an empirically grounded and theoretically informed examination of Israeli elites’ discourse on Islam, in general, and its conceptualization of the relationship between Islamic sacred texts and the political conduct of Muslims, in particular. It argues that the Israeli elites’ discourse, for the most part, is not only unhistorical and lacking in a sociological basis, but, most importantly, emphasizes Islamic religious texts while reducing their Muslim readers into uniquely choiceless beings. This conceptualization, we contend, leads to unnecessary and unjustifiable theoretical inconsistencies concerning the broader topic of the relationship between human agency and religious texts. We conclude by suggesting that the above mentioned Israeli discourse teaches us less about what Islam and Muslims ‘really are’ than it does about the Israeli self-idealized image as members of a secular western society and the desires and anxieties this image expresses and represses.
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Bohman, Andrea, and Mikael Hjerm. "How the religious context affects the relationship between religiosity and attitudes towards immigration." Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no. 6 (May 24, 2013): 937–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2012.748210.
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Schliesser, Christine. "Religion and Peace—Anatomy of a Love–Hate Relationship." Religions 11, no. 5 (April 29, 2020): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050219.
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Human history is filled with numerous examples—both past and present—that make religion and violence appear to be best friends. Ever since the events surrounding 9/11, religiously inspired violence has been considered one of the most pressing issues of our times (cf. Juergensmeyer 2017; Kimball 2008). While the conflictive dimensions of religion are still indisputably at the forefront of public and political attention, religion’s significant resources for peace and reconciliation gain increasing attention as well. This contribution will provide an analysis of the love–hate relationship between religion and peace in three consecutive steps. The first part focuses on the role(s) of religion in conflict. Frazer and Owen’s six different ways of thinking about religion provide a model for better understanding religion’s conflictive sides (Frazer and Owen 2018; cf. Frazer and Friedli 2015). In a second step, this article discusses religion’s potent, yet often neglected constructive resources for sustainable peace. While taking into account the vast diversity of religious actors, certain content-based and formal characteristics emerge that help to shed light on the otherwise vague “religious factor” in peacebuilding. Finally, an example taken from post-genocide Rwanda will serve to illustrate the discussions in parts I and II.
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Cercel, Cristian. "The relationship between religious and national identity in the case of Transylvanian Saxons (1933–1944)." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549470.
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Hitler's coming to power in Germany had its key consequences upon the fate of the German minorities in Central and Eastern Europe. The German community in Romania constituted no exception. After 1933, a process of radicalization can be noticed in the case of the Transylvanian Saxons, one of the several German-speaking groups in Romania. The phenomenon has already been analyzed in its political and economic dimensions, yet not so much in its social ones. This article looks at the latter aspect, its argument being that the Nazification of the Transylvanian Saxon community can be best comprehended by using a conceptual framework developed by political scientist Donald Horowitz in the early 1970s. The analysis uses a series of contemporary sources (diaries, issues of the official periodical of the Lutheran Church in Transylvania, Kirchliche Blätter), but also a wide range of secondary sources, academic and literary. Consequently, the article shows that especially after 1933, the Lutheran affiliation, highly relevant for the production and reproduction of the traditional model of Transylvanian Saxon identity, shifted from the status of a criterion of identity to a mere identification indicium. At the same time, the attraction of a (Pan-) German identity, with its Nazi anchors, became stronger and the center of gravity for Transylvanian Saxon identity radically moved towards German ethnicity, in its National-Socialist understanding.
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Jiang, Liang. "Does Religious Attendance Increase Immigrant Political Participation?: A Case Study in Australia." Politics and Religion 10, no. 2 (March 6, 2017): 440–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000049.
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AbstractThe relationship between religion and immigrant political participation has not been rigorously investigated in the literature set in Australia. In this study, I test whether religious attendance influences electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants. Drawing on data from the 2013 Australian Election Study, I demonstrate that the impact of religious attendance on political participation may be overstated. I find that religious attendance is not significantly related to electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants in Australia. This result may relate to three factors: the ability of religious attendance to affect immigrants’ key political resources; competition between religious and secular organizations; and the political salience of particular religious denominations within the Australian context. This study does not provide the much sought-after empirical confirmation to associational theories of political participation, but instead sounds a note of caution about the universal applicability of such theories.
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Khamlichi, Ahmed Al. "The relationship between religion and the state: the institution of ‘Commandment of the Faithful’ in Morocco†." Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 54–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2013.869991.
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The term ‘Amir al-Mou'mineen’ (Commander of the Faithful) and ‘caliph’ were first bestowed on Omar Bin al-Khattab who became the successor of the Prophet (Peace be upon him) two-and-a-half years after he passed away. By virtue of the political and religious connotations of the term, the title conveyed overarching political authority – a kind of absolute power. The notion of Commander of the Faithful facilitated oppression of those who held different views, directly or indirectly, through employing fatawa, that is religious interpretations and edicts, in addition to mobilizing religious followers and devotees. This excess of political power is based on the definition of Imarat al-Mu'mineen (Commandment of the Faithful) or the Caliphate common in religious jurisprudence. This definition was coined by Ibn Khaldoun, and may be translated as: ‘making people abide by the view of Shar (the Law of God in Islam) regarding their temporal and afterlife interests’. Morocco has been no different from the rest of the Islamic world over the centuries, and now two distinct phenomena are apparent. First, the emergence of different groups, each with its own ideology and claims to be defending religion and pursuing its implementation. Such groups consider all other ways of thinking as apostasy that must be eliminated; while juxtaposed to them, there exist intellectual currents calling for the continued separation of religion and the state and its laws. During the past two decades this phenomenon has led to tragic situations in a considerable number of Islamic states, whose prospects now seem very gloomy. Second, a tight regulation of state institutions, together with constitutional guarantees of individual rights and freedoms, can prevent the manipulation of the state in the name of religion, and its use for tyranny and the oppression of individuals and minorities, be it in the name of Commandment of the Faithful or any other term. It seems that Morocco is aware of the power of these two phenomena, especially after it faced social unrest in 1992 and 2001, which almost destroyed its stability.
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Froese, Paul, and Christopher Bader. "Unraveling Religious Worldviews: The Relationship between Images of God and Political Ideology in a Cross-Cultural Analysis." Sociological Quarterly 49, no. 4 (September 2008): 689–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.2008.00132.x.
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Li, Qiong, and Jie Yang. "Boundary between Religion and Social Conflict —Perspective from the Civil Rights Movement." Communication, Society and Media 1, no. 2 (September 25, 2018): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/csm.v1n2p135.
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<em>Based on the background of American civil rights movement in which religious factors participated, this study analyzes the function of religious factors in civil rights movement from the perspective of political participation and the principle of separation of politics and religion, in order to consider the research paradigm of the relationship between religion and social conflict. It is believed that religious participation is helpful to exert the positive force of social conflict, the right of religious freedom has, to a certain extent, become the “safety valve” of social stability, and the development of religion is the embodiment of social pluralism and symbiosis.</em>
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de Vreese, Claes H. "How changing conditions make us reconsider the relationship between immigration attitudes, religion, and EU attitudes." European Union Politics 18, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516680763.
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In a world where attitudes towards immigration and the European Union are at the forefront of political and economic agendas across the continent, this Special Issue is highly relevant and well timed. This Forum article reviews the Special Issue and summarizes lessons learned and identifies open, remaining and new, questions. As a future research agenda, it is advised to pay attention to (a) differentiation in EU attitudes, (b) the role of national political elites, (c) the changing communications environment, and (d) the role of religion and religious attitudes.
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al-SALIMI, ‘ABD al-RAHMAN. "Zakāt, Citizenship and the State: The Evolution of Islamic Religious and Political Authority." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 25, no. 1 (August 26, 2014): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186314000376.
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AbstractIn this essay I will demonstrate the way in which the relationship between political authority and religious authority evolved throughout the history of Islam; and point out where religious rule gave way to the creation of nation states. I will map corresponding changes inZakātcollections, among various nation states, to support my argument in favour of a continued separation of religious and political functions in contemporary nations with Muslim majority populations.
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Arnal, William. "Laboratory of Ancient Religions." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 39, no. 2 (May 11, 2010): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v39i2.008.
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Aroney, Nicholas. "The Rule of Law, Religious Authority, and Oaths of Office." Journal of Law, Religion and State 6, no. 2-3 (May 18, 2018): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00602003.
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The rule of law requires political office holders to exercise their powers in accordance with the law. Most societies, however, rely not only on the moral obligation to obey the law but also require office holders to take a religious oath or solemn affirmation. The divine witness to the oath of office stands in as a guarantor of the political order but also looms above it. As such, the oath represents a paradox. It guarantees the performance of official duties while also subjecting them to external judgement. The oath thus encompasses the large question of the relationship between religious conviction, personal fidelity, moral principle, and political power. It suggests that law and religion are as much intertwined as separated in today’s politics. By tracing the oath of office as a sacrament of power, much light can be shed on the relationship between law and religion in today’s liberal-democratic politics.