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Journal articles on the topic 'Relationship executive-legislature'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Omara, Andy. "The Indonesian Constitutional Court and the Democratic Institutions in Judicial Review." Constitutional Review 3, no. 2 (2018): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/consrev323.

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This paper focuses on the relationship between the Indonesian Constitutional Court, the legislature, and the executive in judicial review. It aims to explain the Court strategies in deciding judicial review cases related to the right to work in relation with the executive and the legislature. It appears that while constitutionally the Court is granted with a strong form of judicial review (as reflected in the finality of its decisions), it also employed other approaches in deciding cases related to the right to work. These approaches include the declaration of incompatibility, conditional deci

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Makoji Egwu, Emmanuel. "Managing Legislature-Executive Relationship and Conflict in the Nigerian Presidential Democracy." International Journal of Asian Social Science 10, no. 7 (2020): 339–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.1.2020.107.339.349.

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Ejumudo, Kelly Bryan Ovie, and Francis Ayegbunam Ikenga. "The Problematic of Legislative Oversight in Nigeria: A Study of Delta State." Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education 3, no. 2 (2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijicle.v3i2.45572.

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This study examines the problem of legislative oversight in Nigeria using Delta State as a case study. Four research questions were raised to guide the study and four null hypotheses were formulated for the study. The design of the study was a descriptive survey. The population of the study comprised 600 staff in the Delta State House of Assembly. The sample of the study consisted of 245 staff drawn from nine (9) departments using stratified and simple random techniques. The instrument used for data collection was the legislative oversight questionnaire and the collated data were analyzed usin

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Warbrick, Colin. "Current Developments: Public International Law." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 4 (2000): 944–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064769.

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The process of constitutional reform in the United Kingdom instituted by the present Labour government has been considerable but it has proceeded on a piecemeal basis. Its aim is to reinforce accountability for the exercise of public power but, in the absence of a comprehensive scheme of reform, the achievement of this ambition has the same lack of coherence as the reform programme itself. Some matters remain untouched by the process, centrally and crucially the domination of the House of Commons and therefore effectively the legislature, by the Executive, a condition exaggerated by the massiv

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Karia, Pooja M., and Ally Possi. "South Africa’s Withdrawal from The Rome Statute: A Note on Democratic Alliance v. Minister of International Relations and Cooperation and Others." African Journal of Legal Studies 10, no. 2-3 (2017): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340023.

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Abstract Africa and the International Criminal Court (ICC) are having a turbulent relationship, since the implication of the Sudanese President Omar A-Bashir by the Court with the atrocities committed in the Darfur region. The attitude of African countries against the Court has led to some rampaging voices, calling for an African solidarity to exit the ICC. Few African countries, including South Africa, have stepped to the plate responding to the call. However, the process has been coated with uncertainties, mostly leading to constitutional power wrangle among the constitutional branches of go

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Adagbabiri, Moses M. "POLITICS, POWER AND AUTHORITY IN CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY: THE NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE FROM 2015 TO DATE." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 5, no. 1 (2019): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3209.

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Politics, power, and authority are concepts in political science that have to elude precise description or apt definition because of the divergent views of the layman, scholar and the political analysts on the issue of politics, what power connotes and how authority is consti-tutionally recognized as legitimate or rightful by individuals or group. The obvious thing among these terms is the striking and often shared relationship that exist between and among them. While politics exist to pursue power, power is sought to exercise authority and pursue an interest which can either be narrowly or br

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Mattei, Paola. "Legislative Delegation to the Executive in the ‘Second’ Italian Republic." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (2007): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134874.

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Considering the increasing quantitative usage and expanding qualitative scope of instruments of delegated legislations as the predominant means of enacting welfare reforms, this article investigates the consolidation throughout the Second Italian Republic of a new interpretation of executive prerogatives in the exercise of legislative functions. This is not only a problem in relation to the constitutional balance defining the relationship between the executive and legislature, but also an issue for executive policy leadership and capacity to steer the legislative process. It is argued that sin

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Coby, John Patrick. "America's Machiavellian: Gouverneur Morris at the Constitutional Convention." Review of Politics 79, no. 4 (2017): 621–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670517000614.

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AbstractWhile generally a steady ally of James Madison and the nationalists, Gouverneur Morris, delegate from Pennsylvania, worked from a different conception of republican politics. Morris's republicanism was more old than new, relying on the divided sovereignty of a mixed regime to protect the rights of citizens and minorities. This conception, it is argued here, bears the stamp of Machiavelli, especially regarding the relationship of the classes and the role of the executive. Like Machiavelli—but unlike Madison—Morris wanted to underscore society's class divisions, organizing the representa

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Doronila, Amando. "The Transformation of Patron-Client Relations and its Political Consequences in Postwar Philippines." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16, no. 1 (1985): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400012789.

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The declaration of martial law in the Philippines by President Ferdinand Marcos on 21 September 1972 marked the overthrow of the open and competitive Filipino political system that had operated on the principle of institutional checks and balances adapted from the American model of liberal democracy. The Marcos power seizure represented a breakthrough by a coalition of the central Executive and new social forces that had emerged from the Philippines' transition to modernity against the constitutional restraints on presidential power. The new coalition, in which the military, the technocracy, a

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Purnamasari, Dwi, and Isnaini Rodiyah. "Analisis Kemandirian Keuangan Daerah Kabupaten Sidoarjo Tahun Anggaran 2010 – 2014." JKMP (Jurnal Kebijakan dan Manajemen Publik) 5, no. 1 (2019): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21070/jkmp.v5i1.814.

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This study aims to determine the level of development of local financial independence Sidoarjo district in order to support the implementation of regional development for the implementation of a decentralized system (Local Government), the contribution of PAD to Sidoarjo district budget in fiscal year 2010-2014 and the commitment of local governments to increase revenue Sidoarjo regency. This type of research is quantitative qualitative (mixed method). The results showed that the ratio of local financial independence Sidoarjoregency status is low or that are in consultative relationship patter

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Carnevale, David G. "Florida's Senior Management System: Performance in a Decentralized Administrative Context." Public Personnel Management 18, no. 1 (1989): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102608901800106.

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This article examines Florida's Senior Management System (SMS) and outlines substantial shortcomings in its operations. Several of the system's problems resulted in the complete demise of the SMS. Recent efforts to reform the SMS have been initiated by the Florida legislature. However, the author argues that insufficient attention has been paid to the possible relationship between the SMS's deficiencies and the decentralized administrative context within which it must operate. The author recommends the development of bridging mechanisms between Florida's central personnel agency and the execut

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Suripatty, Petrus Izaach. "Analysing Factors Affecting the Nabire Regent's Accountability Report (LKPJ) Nabire Regency." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 8 (2021): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.88.10648.

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This study applied qualitative approach through the process of finding, understanding, explaining and obtaining an overview of social phenomena and public phenomena regarding the Synergy of Relations between the Legislative and Executive arms of regency government carrying out the authority of the Accountability Statement Report (LKPJ) of the Regent of Nabire Regency. Data collection techniques applied were; observation, interviews and questionnaires. The data analysis technique applied were qualitative data analysis technique to describe the facts obtained from the results of field studies an

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Borońska-Hryniewiecka, Karolina. "Differential Europeanization? Explaining the impact of the early warning system on subnational parliaments in Europe." European Political Science Review 9, no. 2 (2015): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773915000375.

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The inclusion of subnational parliaments into the early warning system (EWS) for subsidiarity control generates transforming dynamics in parliamentary modus operandi in European Union (EU) decentralized states. Empirical findings reveal considerable variations in the pace and scope of subnational parliamentary activity in EU policy control challenging the existing theories of territorial mobilization. Drawing from a comparative institutional analysis, this article offers a theoretical framework that permits accounting for cross-country variations in subnational parliamentary mobilization in EU

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Nurhasanah, Nurhasanah, and Nenie Adriati Lambung. "Analisis Hubungan DPRD Dan Pemerintah Kota Palangka Raya Pada Penyusunan Dan Penetapan Peraturan Tentang APBD." Pencerah Publik 5, no. 1 (2018): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33084/pencerah.v5i1.1003.

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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze the relationship between the DPRD and the City Government of Palangka Raya in the preparation and determination of the Regional Budget and to describe and analyze the factors that influence the relationship between the DPRD and the City Government of Palangka Raya in the preparation and stipulation of APBD regulations. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods. The types and sources of data chosen by researchers are primary data and secondary data. Data collection techniques used to obtain information are interviews and docume

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FIKFAK, Veronika. "International Law Before English and Asian Courts: Finding the Judicial Role in the Separation of Powers." Asian Journal of International Law 3, no. 2 (2013): 271–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251313000180.

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This article questions the idea that the role of domestic courts in relation to international law is triggered only when international law is incorporated into domestic law by the other branches of government. It argues that domestic courts have extensive powers in defining their role vis-à-vis international law and influencing the relationship between domestic and international law. By going beyond the typical monist-dualist discussions, the first part of the article presents how English and American courts, by giving different meanings to the term “part”, reveal how they perceive their relat

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Heckman, Gerald P. "Canada's Refugee Status Determination System and the International Norm of Independence." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 25, no. 2 (2008): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.26033.

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Refugee protection decisions engage migrants’ fundamental life, liberty, and security of the person interests. As a result, refugee protection claimants enjoy institutional and procedural rights under conventional international law. These include the right to a fair adjudication of their protection claims by an independent tribunal. To be independent, a tribunal must meet the formal guarantees of security of tenure, financial security, and administrative independence and must actually be independent, in appearance and practice, from the executive and legislature, particularly in the appointmen

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BRUSZT, LASZLO. "Heterarchies and Developmental Traps." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 21, no. 1 (2001): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572001-1245.

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ABSTRACT State capacity to resist powerful predatory economic groups is highly dependent on the way social diversity is represented within the polity. Such state capacity is weak when a single branch of government can usurp the representation of public good between two elections. ln some democracies that I call heterarchies, coalition partners, parties in different houses of the legislature, different levels and branches of government, autonomous state agencies compel executives to take into account diverse modes of representation while making their programs and policies. Such constraints on e

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Appleby, Gabrielle, and Eddie Synot. "A First Nations Voice: Institutionalising Political Listening." Federal Law Review 48, no. 4 (2020): 529–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20955068.

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The Uluru Statement from the Heart offers an opportunity to reorder the Australian constitutional hierarchy as it relates to First Nations. The proposal for a First Nations Voice provides a tailored, structural response to the experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people under the Australian state. For the First Nations Voice to meet this potential, it will require more than careful design of the Voice as a new constitutional institution; it will require existing constitutional institutions within the legislature and executive to learn to ‘listen’. This article draws on the poli

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Kariyoto, Kariyoto. "PersepSi Akuntansi Sektor Publik versus Akuntansi Pemerintahan." Jurnal Ilmiah Bisnis dan Ekonomi Asia 11, no. 2 (2018): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32812/jibeka.v11i2.56.

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Perceptions that are disseminated in Indonesian government accounting teaching are government accounting substitutes for public sector accounting. The logic of teaching spread always begins from the discussion of clean government and the clean individual. The definition of money in clean government in Indonesia involves the relationship between the executive and the legislature, the consolidated funds and the national loan funds in preparing the appropriate budget plan (RAPBN / RAPBD). The problem is, in general, the public sector is described as a government institution or with a clearer sent

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Lertchoosakul, Kanokrat. "The Paradox of the Thai Middle Class in Democratisation." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 9, no. 1 (2021): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2020.16.

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AbstractThe relationship of the bourgeoisie and democratisation has been inconsistent across the history of democracy. This work offers an alternative explanation taking the example of the Thai middle class, which had promoted democracy, turned against it. From the democratic transition of 1973 until the present day, the Thai middle class has played contradictory roles in the democratisation of the country. This work investigates the effects of democratic institution-building after regime change and the efforts to consolidate democracy in the middle class. This work proposes two major observat

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Lindvall, Johannes, Hanna Bäck, Carl Dahlström, Elin Naurin, and Jan Teorell. "Sweden’s Parliamentary Democracy at 100." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 3 (2019): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz005.

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Abstract This article assesses how Swedish parliamentary democracy works today, almost one hundred years into its history. Our main research question is whether the transformation of the Swedish party system since the 1980s—and especially since 2010, when the populist-radical-right Sweden Democrats entered parliament—has altered the way parliamentary democracy works. We provide new evidence on Sweden’s changing party system, the formation and duration of cabinets, decision-making in parliament and the relationship between what parties say in election campaigns and what they do in government. O

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Sandberg, Haim. "What Happens when the Judiciary Switches Roles with the Legislator? An Innovative Israeli Version of a Mixed Jurisdiction." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 15, no. 3 (2017): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2012/v15i3a2502.

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Civil Law codices are analytic, abstract and removed from the specific influence of particular cases. When rules are codified In Common Law systems they reflect a collection of rulings and not a collection of analytic principles. These differences stem from the nature and the motivations of the legislative enterprise. Civil-continental legislation originates in a legislative initiative “from above”. It is driven by the aspiration for legal harmony and completeness, and was originally formulated by academics. Legislation in the common-law countries results from a "bottom up" effect in which rea

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Lohmann, Georg. "Normative und rechtsstaatliche Kapitalismuskritiken und ihre Verdrängung bei Marx." Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 66, no. 4 (2018): 429–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dzph-2018-0033.

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Abstract The essay is a critical revision of various of Marx’s approaches in his analysis of capitalism in “Das Kapital”. One can distinguish immanent, normative critiques from transcendental and objectivistic ones. The review of the normative standards used in each case leads to the questions of how Marx determined and used the relationships of justice and law and the capitalist mode of production. Orthodox Marxist views (most recently C. Menke) claim that Marx did not criticise capital as unjust and understood the law of capital only as private law that stabilised domination. Against this, i

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Salihu, Mustapha. "Holy or Unholy Alliance? Political Coalition, Interest Articulation and Governance in New Democracies." African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 4, no. 2 (2021): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-wfnvujzb.

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Employing qualitative content analysis and building on the submissions of coalition data theories, the study ascertains the governability and extent to which Nigeria’s ruling coalition, the All Progressives Congress (APC) is able to effectively aggregate various political interests and deliver on its campaign promises. Within mainstream studies, there is a consensus on the uphill task of labelling political parties as office, or policy seeking, exclusively. Nonetheless, the study argues, despite running on key programs of fighting corruption, countering Boko Haram and diversifying the economy,

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Kuryava, V. V. "Strategic directions and prospects for improving the activities of the Supreme Court on intellectual property." Legal horizons, no. 25 (2020): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i25.p39.

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The evolution of intellectual property has led to a steady increase in their importance to the modern world economy. Intellectual property has become the highest indicator of the competitiveness of the modern state. Today, the objects of intellectual property rights are the driving force of state policy in all its spheres - economy, health care, security, food, labor, trade, environment, etc. In recent decades, in modern political conditions, the relationship between the executive and the legislature has changed, which has had an impact on the place and role of the judiciary in this system. Th

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Kanapyanov, Timur, and Naubat Kaliyev. "INTERACTION OF PARLIAMENTS WITH EXECUTIVE BRANCHES IN POST-SOCIALIST ROMANIA AND KAZAKHSTAN: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." CBU International Conference Proceedings 3 (September 19, 2015): 383–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v3.655.

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Studies on legislature-executive relations have gained a crucial place in the field of comparative politics. However, the most intriguing challenge for comparative political studies has been investigating the collapse of socialist regimes and development of new institutions in post-communist and post-Soviet countries. Accordingly, this article compares legislative-executive relations in Kazakhstan and Romania, in a longitudinal perspective, from the time of communism’s collapse. These relationships have evolved somewhat differently in Romania compared to Kazakhstan, despite both countries havi

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Suryati, Tri Frida, and William Indra S. Mooduto. "The Role of Neuroaccounting (the Science of Neural-based Accounting) in Decision Making." BRAIN. BROAD RESEARCH IN ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND NEUROSCIENCE 12, no. 1 (2021): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/brain/12.1/169.

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The present study aims to determine the role of neuroaccounting in decision making. The data collection method is conducted by using interviews, moreover, the data analysis is analyzed by administering the interpretation of subjective understanding of informants which then followed by researchers' reflexivity. The results suggest that principal-agent relationships can occur when the legislature and the executive establish agency relationships in the policy-making process. In the perception of neuroscience; the interest of interest, the limited time of office, the inclination and limitation of

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Deluque Júnior, Romano. "Uma Análise sobre a Expansão do Poder Judicial no Brasil: Construindo Sentidos sobre Democracia e Ativismo Judicial." Revista de Ciências Jurídicas e Empresariais 21, no. 1 (2020): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17921/2448-2129.2020v21n1p21-30.

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ResumoDa descrença de um povo junto aos seus representantes eleitos ascende o protagonismo do Poder Judiciário. Nunca antes na história nacional, os olhares populares, agora dotados de uma aguçado poder de corte, se voltaram às decisões proferidas pelos Tribunais e Cortes superiores. Desse modo, decisões de questões políticas, sociais e morais de grande relevância, que outrora seriam resolvidas por instâncias políticas tradicionais como o Executivo e o Legislativo, agora são prostradas a serem apreciadas pelo Poder Judiciário. Com a fragilização das instituições politicas, judicializa-se a vid

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Hadfield, Brigid. "The Nature of Devolution in Scotland and Northern Ireland: Key Issues of Responsibility and Control." Edinburgh Law Review 3, no. 1 (1999): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.1999.3.1.3.

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Under three broad headings, namely, the internal dimension, the Westminster dimension and the intergovernmental dimension, this article seeks to analyse and explore the nature of devolution and to consider factors pertinent to its development. The article, thus, first compares the provisions of the Scotland Act 1998 and of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 on the electoral system, the size of the devolved legislature, the power of dissolution and the formation and the scrutiny of the devolved executive. The prime purpose of this section is to identify the principles enshrined in the legislation wh

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De Croo, Herman. "De relatie parlement-regering in België." Res Publica 31, no. 2 (1989): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i2.18873.

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This article analyses the complex relationships between the elected parliament and the government.Firstly, effective political participation of the constituency in the election of its parliamentary representatives is limited because of the pre-selection of the candidates by the parties themselves. Secondly, the freedom of the parliament is restricted by the complex network of pressures and counterpressures between legislature and executive. Parliament has recently tried to regain some of its influence by organising special parliamentary inquiry committees and by resorting to professional help

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Bregant, Janez. "CRITICAL THINKING IN EDUCATION: WHY TO AVOID LOGICAL FALLACIES?" Problems of Education in the 21st Century 61, no. 1 (2014): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/pec/14.61.18.

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The study argues for the claim that a correct argumentation, i.e. a non-fallacious or good reasoning, should be the essential part of the education process, which is not always the case. The bad argumentation makes human standards and interpersonal relationships worse, and leads to the growth of social conflicts and an instable society. If the legislature, executive and judiciary branches of power did not listen to good arguments, our lives would not be as good as they are since the state might pass bad, dangerous and unjust laws. A person trained in critical thinking starting in their youth w

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Sinizibe, Okoko, Frank Ogbomah, and Kakatei Juanita. "EXECUTIVE/LEGISLATIVE RELATIONSHIP IN BAYELSA STATE UNDER GOVERNOR HENRY SERIAKE DICKSON’S ADMINISTRATION: ISSUES AND CHALLENGES." International Journal of Advanced Academic Research, 2015, 318–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46654/ij.24889849.s61012.

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The administration of any democratic state revolves around the three constitutionally recognized arms of government; the legislature, executive and the judiciary. Their relationship is very important for the actualization of the goals of the state. However, this relationship is more pronounced between the executive and the legislature as both appear to belong to political parties and are elected by the electorates. Executive/legislative relationship most times appears conflictual and in some cases cooperative. The study examines the executive/legislative relationship in Bayelsa State to determ

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Suherman, Ansar. "KOMUNIKASI POLITIK DAN KONFLIK DALAM KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH (Studi Kasus Konflik Kebijakan Antara Legislatif Dan Eksekutif Di Kabupaten Buton Selatan, Sulawesi Tenggara)." SOURCE : Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 2, no. 2 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.35308/source.v2i2.382.

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Executive policy-related polemics often leads to war of opinion that led to a conflict with the legislature, one of which is the formulation of the Draft Regulation (Ranperda) on Spatial Planning (Spatial) Buton Selatan Regency. This study aims to determine the pattern of the relationship between the executive and legislative communications along with constraints and problems encountered in the implementation of the authority and form of the conflict between the executive and the legislature in lawmaking Spatial Buton Selatan. The method used is qualitative approach. Data obtained directly by

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Schleiter, Petra, and Georgina Evans. "The Changing Confidence Relationship Between the UK Executive and Parliament in Comparative Context." Parliamentary Affairs, August 23, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz033.

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Abstract Executive–legislative relations in the UK are undergoing a process of transformation, and the confidence relationship is part of that change. The confidence relationship not only ensures that the executive is responsible to the legislature, but it also structures bargaining between government and the legislature via the parliament-initiated vote of no confidence and the executive-invoked vote of confidence. The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 changes this relationship by removing from the prime minister the power to call an early election should confidence be lost, and by introducing

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Murdiono, Mukhamad. "Pemberantasan korupsi anggota DPRD di era otonomi daerah." Jurnal Civics: Media Kajian Kewarganegaraan 1, no. 2 (2004). http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/civics.v1i2.5716.

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Since the implementation of decentralization, the drastic changes of politic and governmental system has been occurred in Indonesia. One of those changes is the growing significant of legislature role. In autonomy of district era, legislature was growing to be powerful marked by the function of its role, as aspiration channel and executive controller. The empowerment of legislature role in autonomy era brings some problems, not only connected with legislature themselves but also with executive. The problem connected with legislature can be cited such as bad behaviors (manipulation of graduatio

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Serema, Batlang Comma. "Information and Institutions: The Relationship Between the Executive and Legislature in Botswana." Proceedings of the Annual Conference of CAIS / Actes du congrès annuel de l'ACSI, October 15, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cais25.

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Researchers who study legislatures contend that groups rather than institutions shape policy. This argument forms from perceptions that institutions are unimportant because power has been transferred away from Parliament toward policy communities of actors. Accordingly, it is thought that the institutional framework bears no significance because formal institutions for scrutinising decisions do not have a great impact on policy outputs and outcomes. The thesis of this paper is that differences in access and quality of information accords the Executive an advantage on policy formulation and ana

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Inya, Onwu. "‘The legislature is the engine room of democracy’: Constructing ideological worldviews through proximisation strategies in Nigerian Senate debates." Discourse & Society, November 6, 2020, 095792652097038. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926520970386.

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This study investigates how legislators utilise proximisation strategies to construct ideological worldviews in Nigerian Senate debates about democratic consolidation and the legitimacy of the legislature. For data, samples were purposively drawn from a 1.9 million-word corpus of Nigerian Senate debates constructed for a broader research and subjected to qualitative discourse analysis. The analysis reveals that legislators’ discursive acts prompt the conceptual organisation of the discourse space such that the activities of the executive are construed to be inimical to democratic consolidation

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"International Institutions and Janus Faces: The Influence of International Institutions on Central Negotiators within Two-Level Games." International Negotiation 6, no. 1 (2001): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718060120848946.

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AbstractThis study addresses two interrelated questions. First, how can we expand the utility of the two-level model by developing the international level of the game, and second, how can this new conceptualization of the two-level game improve our understanding of how chief negotiators create a negotiation strategy? To address these questions, it will be explained how a state formulates its international strategy by taking into account that states participate in international institutions and are bound by their own domestic politics. Specifically, the relationship between chief executive, tha

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Hasani, S. S. "JUDICIAL ACTIVISM – AN ASSET TO JUDICIARY BY INDIAN CONSTITUTION." Towards Excellence, July 30, 2018, 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37867/te100205.

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Constitution means the structure of a body, organism or organization i.e. what constitutes it or of what it consists of. Constitution of a country spells out the basic fundamental principles or established precedents on which the state is organized. It lays down the structure of the political system under which its people are to be governed. It establishes the main organs of the State-the legislature, the executive and the judiciary, demarcates their responsibilities and regulates their relationships with each other and with the people. All authority in the hands of any organs, institutions or

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Tusalem, Rollin F. "Bringing the Legislature Back In: Examining the Structural Effects of National Legislatures on Effective Democratic Governance." Government and Opposition, September 16, 2021, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2021.32.

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Abstract Extant research in comparative politics has examined the role of institutional frameworks such as constitutional design, the nature of the electoral systems, parliamentarism and federalism on the quality of governance. Understanding variations on effective democratic governance has assumed a state-centric approach that has largely neglected how strong legislatures can drastically affect political outcomes. This study finds empirical evidence that the strength of national legislatures (in terms of its influence over the executive, institutional autonomy, its specified powers and instit

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Murphy, Jack. "Elected Judges Lead to Less Partial Judges." Federalism-E 19, no. 1 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v19i1.10746.

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Canada’s government structure has long used the idea of Peace, Order, and Good government to justify the selection and subsequent terms of long political majorities and appointed justices. This paper will be addressing the research question: should the justices of the Supreme Court of Canada be elected to increase Canadian democratic values or should they remain appointed? Currently the Supreme Court of Canada is selected by the Governor General on the advice of the Prime Minister. In answering this research question this paper will weigh to the pros and cons of both the current judiciary syst

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