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Academic literature on the topic 'Relative pronouns'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 11 June 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Relative pronouns"

1

Lander, Yury, and Michael Daniel. "West Caucasian relative pronouns as resumptives." Linguistics 57, no. 6 (2019): 1239–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0030.

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Abstract In polysynthetic West Caucasian languages, the morphological verbal complex amounts to a clause with all kinds of participants cross-referenced by affixes. Relativization is performed by introducing a relative affix in the cross-reference slot that corresponds to the relativized participant. However, these languages display several crosslinguistically rare features of relativization. Firstly, while under the view of the verbal complex as a clause this affix appears to be a relative pronoun, it is an unusual relative pronoun because it remains in situ. Secondly, relative affixes may appear several times in the same clause. Thirdly, relative pronouns are not expected to occur in languages with prenominal relative clauses. Fourthly, in the Circassian branch, relative pronouns are identical to reflexive pronouns. These features are explained by considering relative prefixes to be resumptive pronouns. This interpretation finds a parallel in the neighboring East Caucasian languages, where reflexive pronouns also show resumptive usages. Finally, since in some West Caucasian languages the relative affix is a morpheme with a dedicated relative function but still shows properties of a resumptive pronoun, our data suggest that the distinction between relative pronouns and resumptive pronouns may not be as clear as is usually assumed.
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2

Loss, Sara S., and Mark Wicklund. "Is English resumption different in appositive relative clauses?" Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 65, no. 1 (2019): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2019.19.

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AbstractResumptive pronouns are produced in English in unguarded speech in restrictive relative clauses and appositive relative clauses. However, numerous studies have found that resumptive pronouns in restrictive relative clauses are not acceptable. To our knowledge, no studies have examined the acceptability of resumptive pronouns in appositive relative clauses, despite hints in the literature that they may be more acceptable in appositive than in restrictive relative clauses. This article fills that gap. We found that resumptive pronouns were rated as more natural in appositive relative clauses than in restrictive relative clauses. These findings may be due to which currently undergoing a reanalysis from a relative pronoun to a solely connective word, as has been suggested in the literature. A small-scale corpus search also reveals that appositive relative clauses with resumptive pronouns are increasing in American English.
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3

Slater, B. H. "E-type Pronouns and ε-terms". Canadian Journal of Philosophy 16, № 1 (1986): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1986.10717105.

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Speaking of Professor Geach's belief that pronouns in natural language function like the bound variables in quantification theory, Gareth Evans, in ‘Pronouns, Quantifiers, and Relative Clauses - I’ (Canadian Journal of Philosophy 7 [1977] 467-536) says (470):I want to try to show that there are pronouns with quantifier antecedents that function in a quite different way. Such pronouns typically stand in a different grammatical relation to their antecedents, and; in contrast with bound pronouns, must be assigned a reference, so that their most immediate sentential contexts can always be assigned a truth value. The relevant grammatical relation appears to be Klima's relation of ‘in construction with’. When the pronoun is in construction with its antecedent, as in (4) [‘Some man loves his mother’] and (5) [‘No man is happy when he is in love’] the result is a bound pronoun.
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4

HAENDLER, Yair, and Flavia ADANI. "Testing the effect of an arbitrary subject pronoun on relative clause comprehension: a study with Hebrew-speaking children." Journal of Child Language 45, no. 4 (2018): 959–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000917000599.

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AbstractPrevious studies have found that Hebrew-speaking children accurately comprehend object relatives (OR) with an embedded non-referential arbitrary subject pronoun (ASP). The facilitation of ORs with embedded pronouns is expected both from a discourse-pragmatics perspective and within a syntax-based locality approach. However, the specific effect of ASP might also be driven by a mismatch in grammatical features between the head noun and the pronoun, or by its relatively undemanding referential properties. We tested these possibilities by comparing ORs whose embedded subject is either ASP, a referential pronoun, or a lexical noun phrase. In all conditions, grammatical features were controlled. In a referent-identification task, the matching features made ORs with embedded pronouns difficult for five-year-olds. Accuracy was particularly low when the embedded pronoun was referential. These results indicate that embedded pronouns do not facilitate ORs across the board, and that the referential properties of pronouns affect OR processing.
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5

Afros, Elena. "Gothic Relative Clauses Introduced by and Revisited." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 66, no. 1 (2010): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-066001002.

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The Gothic invariant relativizers and have been analyzed in different ways. Von der Gabelentz and Loebe (1836/1846), Harbert (1992), Klinghardt (1877), and Streitberg (1910) treated and as indeclinable relative particles. Musić (1929) and Wright (1954), on the other hand, regarded them as relative pronouns. The present study shows that in the attested Gothic, and do not form a symmetric system with the opposition of gender. In addition, and appear to lack the grammatical categories of number and case applicable to the pronominal relativizers in Gothic and therefore cannot be classified as pronouns. Significantly, the elements and are reserved for certain types of antecedents and constructions, which might indicate that diachronically, they might have been in complementary distribution with relative pronouns, as suggested by Delbrück (1909). Synchronically, however, it is impossible to account for overlapping distribution of the relativizers and , the relative pronoun based on the demonstrative, and the complementizers and .
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6

Poletto, Cecilia, and Emanuela Sanfelici. "On relative complementizers and relative pronouns." Linguistic Variation 18, no. 2 (2018): 265–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.16002.pol.

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Abstract This paper explores the syntactic status of che and (il) qual(e) relativizers, i.e. what are standardly referred to as relative complementizers and relative pronouns, in Old and Modern Italian and Italian varieties and proposes a unified analysis for both types of items. It takes into account the ongoing debate regarding the categorial status of relativizers (Kayne 1975, 2008, 2010; Lehmann 1984; Manzini & Savoia 2003, 2011, among many others) and aims at showing that what we call complementizers are not C0 heads, as commonly assumed. Instead, we propose that both relative “complementizers” and “pronouns” have the same categorial status, i.e. they are wh-items and are part of the relative clause-internal head.
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7

D'Arcy, Alexandra, and Sali A. Tagliamonte. "Prestige, accommodation, and the legacy of relative who." Language in Society 39, no. 3 (2010): 383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404510000205.

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AbstractThis article presents a quantitative variationist analysis of the English restrictive relative pronouns. However, where previous research has largely focused on language-internal explanations for variant choice, the focus here is the social meaning of this erstwhile syntactic variable. We uncover rich sociolinguistic embedding of the relative pronouns in standard, urban speech. The only productive wh- form is who, which continues to pattern as a prestige form centuries after its linguistic specialization as a human subject relative. This legacy of prestige is reflected not only in the social characteristics of those with whom it is associated, but also in the patterns of accommodation that are visible in its use. These findings simultaneously demonstrate the tenacious nature of social meaning and the enduring effects of grammatical ideology, both of which influence pronoun choice in the context of face-to-face interaction. (Restrictive relative pronouns, who, change from above, age-grading, prestige, accommodation)*
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8

Bouma, Gosse. "Agreement mismatches in Dutch relatives." Current trends in analyzing syntactic variation 31 (December 31, 2017): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.00006.bou.

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Abstract This paper investigates agreement mismatches in Dutch relatives. While the norm is that singular neuter nouns occur with the relative pronoun dat ‘that’, it is by now quite common to find neuter nouns combining with the relative pronoun die. A large Twitter corpus is used to study which linguistic variables make die ‘that’ in this context more likely. Lack of agreement between neuter noun and relative pronoun is very frequent in this corpus (37.5% of the cases, 46.8% if the preceding determiner is indefinite). Non-agreement is most common for nouns that are high in the animacy ranking, but it also occurs with other semantic classes, and there is quite a bit of lexical variation. Young, female users have a stronger tendency to use non-agreeing relative pronouns. Contrary to what previous work suggests, we do not find that users with a Moroccan or Turkish background have a stronger tendency towards non-agreement. A comparison of tweets with agreeing and non-agreeing pronouns and a comparison of the Twitter corpus with web data both suggest that non-agreement is characteristic of informal language use.
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9

McKee, Cecile, and Dana McDaniel. "Resumptive Pronouns in English Relative Clauses." Language Acquisition 9, no. 2 (2001): 113–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327817la0902_01.

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10

Friedmann, Naama. "Traceless relatives: Agrammatic comprehension of relative clauses with resumptive pronouns." Journal of Neurolinguistics 21, no. 2 (2008): 138–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jneuroling.2006.10.005.

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