Journal articles: 'Relative pronouns'

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Lander, Yury, and Michael Daniel. "West Caucasian relative pronouns as resumptives." Linguistics 57, no. 6 (November 18, 2019): 1239–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0030.

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Abstract In polysynthetic West Caucasian languages, the morphological verbal complex amounts to a clause with all kinds of participants cross-referenced by affixes. Relativization is performed by introducing a relative affix in the cross-reference slot that corresponds to the relativized participant. However, these languages display several crosslinguistically rare features of relativization. Firstly, while under the view of the verbal complex as a clause this affix appears to be a relative pronoun, it is an unusual relative pronoun because it remains in situ. Secondly, relative affixes may appear several times in the same clause. Thirdly, relative pronouns are not expected to occur in languages with prenominal relative clauses. Fourthly, in the Circassian branch, relative pronouns are identical to reflexive pronouns. These features are explained by considering relative prefixes to be resumptive pronouns. This interpretation finds a parallel in the neighboring East Caucasian languages, where reflexive pronouns also show resumptive usages. Finally, since in some West Caucasian languages the relative affix is a morpheme with a dedicated relative function but still shows properties of a resumptive pronoun, our data suggest that the distinction between relative pronouns and resumptive pronouns may not be as clear as is usually assumed.

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Loss, Sara S., and Mark Wicklund. "Is English resumption different in appositive relative clauses?" Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 65, no. 1 (August 13, 2019): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2019.19.

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AbstractResumptive pronouns are produced in English in unguarded speech in restrictive relative clauses and appositive relative clauses. However, numerous studies have found that resumptive pronouns in restrictive relative clauses are not acceptable. To our knowledge, no studies have examined the acceptability of resumptive pronouns in appositive relative clauses, despite hints in the literature that they may be more acceptable in appositive than in restrictive relative clauses. This article fills that gap. We found that resumptive pronouns were rated as more natural in appositive relative clauses than in restrictive relative clauses. These findings may be due to which currently undergoing a reanalysis from a relative pronoun to a solely connective word, as has been suggested in the literature. A small-scale corpus search also reveals that appositive relative clauses with resumptive pronouns are increasing in American English.

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Slater, B. H. "E-type Pronouns and ε-terms." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 16, no. 1 (March 1986): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1986.10717105.

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Speaking of Professor Geach's belief that pronouns in natural language function like the bound variables in quantification theory, Gareth Evans, in ‘Pronouns, Quantifiers, and Relative Clauses - I’ (Canadian Journal of Philosophy 7 [1977] 467-536) says (470):I want to try to show that there are pronouns with quantifier antecedents that function in a quite different way. Such pronouns typically stand in a different grammatical relation to their antecedents, and; in contrast with bound pronouns, must be assigned a reference, so that their most immediate sentential contexts can always be assigned a truth value. The relevant grammatical relation appears to be Klima's relation of ‘in construction with’. When the pronoun is in construction with its antecedent, as in (4) [‘Some man loves his mother’] and (5) [‘No man is happy when he is in love’] the result is a bound pronoun.

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HAENDLER, Yair, and Flavia ADANI. "Testing the effect of an arbitrary subject pronoun on relative clause comprehension: a study with Hebrew-speaking children." Journal of Child Language 45, no. 4 (February 19, 2018): 959–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000917000599.

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AbstractPrevious studies have found that Hebrew-speaking children accurately comprehend object relatives (OR) with an embedded non-referential arbitrary subject pronoun (ASP). The facilitation of ORs with embedded pronouns is expected both from a discourse-pragmatics perspective and within a syntax-based locality approach. However, the specific effect of ASP might also be driven by a mismatch in grammatical features between the head noun and the pronoun, or by its relatively undemanding referential properties. We tested these possibilities by comparing ORs whose embedded subject is either ASP, a referential pronoun, or a lexical noun phrase. In all conditions, grammatical features were controlled. In a referent-identification task, the matching features made ORs with embedded pronouns difficult for five-year-olds. Accuracy was particularly low when the embedded pronoun was referential. These results indicate that embedded pronouns do not facilitate ORs across the board, and that the referential properties of pronouns affect OR processing.

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Afros, Elena. "Gothic Relative Clauses Introduced by and Revisited." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 66, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-066001002.

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The Gothic invariant relativizers and have been analyzed in different ways. Von der Gabelentz and Loebe (1836/1846), Harbert (1992), Klinghardt (1877), and Streitberg (1910) treated and as indeclinable relative particles. Musić (1929) and Wright (1954), on the other hand, regarded them as relative pronouns. The present study shows that in the attested Gothic, and do not form a symmetric system with the opposition of gender. In addition, and appear to lack the grammatical categories of number and case applicable to the pronominal relativizers in Gothic and therefore cannot be classified as pronouns. Significantly, the elements and are reserved for certain types of antecedents and constructions, which might indicate that diachronically, they might have been in complementary distribution with relative pronouns, as suggested by Delbrück (1909). Synchronically, however, it is impossible to account for overlapping distribution of the relativizers and , the relative pronoun based on the demonstrative, and the complementizers and .

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Poletto, Cecilia, and Emanuela Sanfelici. "On relative complementizers and relative pronouns." Linguistic Variation 18, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 265–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.16002.pol.

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Abstract This paper explores the syntactic status of che and (il) qual(e) relativizers, i.e. what are standardly referred to as relative complementizers and relative pronouns, in Old and Modern Italian and Italian varieties and proposes a unified analysis for both types of items. It takes into account the ongoing debate regarding the categorial status of relativizers (Kayne 1975, 2008, 2010; Lehmann 1984; Manzini & Savoia 2003, 2011, among many others) and aims at showing that what we call complementizers are not C0 heads, as commonly assumed. Instead, we propose that both relative “complementizers” and “pronouns” have the same categorial status, i.e. they are wh-items and are part of the relative clause-internal head.

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D'Arcy, Alexandra, and Sali A. Tagliamonte. "Prestige, accommodation, and the legacy of relative who." Language in Society 39, no. 3 (May 17, 2010): 383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404510000205.

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AbstractThis article presents a quantitative variationist analysis of the English restrictive relative pronouns. However, where previous research has largely focused on language-internal explanations for variant choice, the focus here is the social meaning of this erstwhile syntactic variable. We uncover rich sociolinguistic embedding of the relative pronouns in standard, urban speech. The only productive wh- form is who, which continues to pattern as a prestige form centuries after its linguistic specialization as a human subject relative. This legacy of prestige is reflected not only in the social characteristics of those with whom it is associated, but also in the patterns of accommodation that are visible in its use. These findings simultaneously demonstrate the tenacious nature of social meaning and the enduring effects of grammatical ideology, both of which influence pronoun choice in the context of face-to-face interaction. (Restrictive relative pronouns, who, change from above, age-grading, prestige, accommodation)*

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Bouma, Gosse. "Agreement mismatches in Dutch relatives." Current trends in analyzing syntactic variation 31 (December 31, 2017): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.00006.bou.

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Abstract This paper investigates agreement mismatches in Dutch relatives. While the norm is that singular neuter nouns occur with the relative pronoun dat ‘that’, it is by now quite common to find neuter nouns combining with the relative pronoun die. A large Twitter corpus is used to study which linguistic variables make die ‘that’ in this context more likely. Lack of agreement between neuter noun and relative pronoun is very frequent in this corpus (37.5% of the cases, 46.8% if the preceding determiner is indefinite). Non-agreement is most common for nouns that are high in the animacy ranking, but it also occurs with other semantic classes, and there is quite a bit of lexical variation. Young, female users have a stronger tendency to use non-agreeing relative pronouns. Contrary to what previous work suggests, we do not find that users with a Moroccan or Turkish background have a stronger tendency towards non-agreement. A comparison of tweets with agreeing and non-agreeing pronouns and a comparison of the Twitter corpus with web data both suggest that non-agreement is characteristic of informal language use.

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McKee, Cecile, and Dana McDaniel. "Resumptive Pronouns in English Relative Clauses." Language Acquisition 9, no. 2 (April 2001): 113–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327817la0902_01.

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Friedmann, Naama. "Traceless relatives: Agrammatic comprehension of relative clauses with resumptive pronouns." Journal of Neurolinguistics 21, no. 2 (March 2008): 138–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jneuroling.2006.10.005.

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Al-Jarrah, Lina Ali, Yazan Shaker Al-Mahameed, and Imad Abedalkareem Ababneh. "A Comparative Study of Personal Pronouns, Demonstrative Pronouns and Relative Pronouns in Arabic, English and Spanish." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 3, no. 12 (December 30, 2020): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2020.3.12.13.

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This study aims at conducting a comprehensive comparison of pronouns in three languages namely Arabic, English and Spanish. The comparison is implemented in light of three types of pronouns; personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns and relative pronouns. The comparison aims chiefly at revealing areas of differences and similarities between pronouns in the three languages under investigation. The researchers compare pronouns in terms of their types, classifications and main characteristics. The comparison is accompanied with illustrative examples to enhance understanding the use of pronouns in the three languages. The needed data for the study are collected from different linguistic resources so that a detailed examination and exploration of pronouns in the three languages is made based on the collected resources. The results of analysis of pronouns reveal that pronouns in the three languages share the same referential function, which is assigning some elements to their actual referents. The analysis also depicts that the three languages act differently in terms of using those pronouns, in the sense that the differences are mostly exhibited in the pronouns specifying the number of referents, their gender and distance from referent.

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Kapeliuk, Olga. "Notes on relative and correlative constructions in Gǝʿǝz." Aethiopica 6 (January 20, 2013): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.6.1.376.

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ዘሞትነ ንሕነ ወዘነገሥነ ንሕነ: The relative verb accompanied by its headnoun, forming a relative clause which functions as the equivalent of an adjective, is the normal construction in the Semitic languages. In Gǝʿǝz, however, it is the substantivized relative clause, in which the headnoun is missing, that is the most diversified in its function and probably statistically more frequent. These are the correlative clauses. They present some specific morpho-syntactic features; thus the feminine relative pronoun is not encountered in them and the number of the relative pronoun is consistently accorded with the putative headnoun. In the regular relative clauses the headnoun is a noun or an independent pronoun but also suffixed pronouns and whole sentences may be qualified by a relative clause. Nominal sentences are common as relative or correlative clauses. In case the predicate of the nominal clause is a substantive, a pronoun with copulative function is introduced preventing the confusion between the construction in question and a possessive complex with nota genetivi.

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Kratzer, Angelika. "Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns." Linguistic Inquiry 40, no. 2 (April 2009): 187–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.2.187.

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This article argues that natural languages have two binding strategies that create two types of bound variable pronouns. Pronouns of the first type, which include local fake indexicals, reflexives, relative pronouns, and PRO, may be born with a “defective” feature set. They can acquire the features they are missing (if any) from verbal functional heads carrying standard λ-operators that bind them. Pronouns of the second type, which include long-distance fake indexicals, are born fully specified and receive their interpretations via context-shifting λ-operators (Cable 2005). Both binding strategies are freely available and not subject to syntactic constraints. Local anaphora emerges under the assumption that feature transmission and morphophonological spell-out are limited to small windows of operation, possibly the phases of Chomsky 2001. If pronouns can be born underspecified, we need an account of what the possible initial features of a pronoun can be and how it acquires the features it may be missing. The article develops such an account by deriving a space of possible paradigms for referential and bound variable pronouns from the semantics of pronominal features. The result is a theory of pronouns that predicts the typology and individual characteristics of both referential and bound variable pronouns.

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Bouma, Gerlof, and Holger Hopp. "Coreference preferences for personal pronouns in German." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 48 (January 1, 2007): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.48.2007.354.

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This paper presents psycholinguistic evidence on the factors governing the resolution of German personal pronouns. To determine the relative influence of linear order versus grammatical function of potential antecedents, two interpretation-preference tasks were designed. Their specific aim was to disentangle salience factors conflated in previous research on pronoun interpretation, such as linear or-der, first mention and topicalization. Experiment 1 tested pronoun resolution to non-sentence-initial position (scrambling) and Experiment 2 tested pronoun resolution to sentence-initial position (topicalization). The results across different verb types and across different syntactic contexts in Experiments 1 and 2 show that grammatical function, yet neither linear order, first mention nor topicalization predicts pronoun resolution in German.

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Bonifazi, Anna. "Relative Pronouns and Memory: Pindar beyond Syntax." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 102 (2004): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4150032.

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Kumamoto, Chiaki. "REFERENTIALITY IN NOUN PHRASES AND RELATIVE PRONOUNS." Discourse and Interaction 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2015): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/di2015-2-49.

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This paper examines the use of who and which with human antecedents in non-restrictive relative clauses. Apart from the cases where the antecedent is a property NP, the contexts that require which are claimed to be those where the antecedent is a non-specifi c NP (Kuno 1970, Declerck 1991). However, the use of which is not limited to these cases. Moreover, there are cases where which is not allowed even though the antecedent is a non-specifi c NP. I will argue that in order to fully account for the choice between who and which, it is crucial to consider not only the referentiality and the specifi city of the antecedent NP but also the semantic function that the relative pronoun plays in the clause, specifi cally, whether it is a referential NP, a property NP, or an NP involving a variable.

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Guz, Wojciech. "Resumptive Pronouns in Polish co Relative Clauses." Journal of Slavic Linguistics 25, no. 1 (2017): 95–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2017.0003.

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Makasso, Emmanuel-Moselly. "Processus de relativisation en bàsàa: de la syntaxe à la prosodie." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 53 (January 1, 2010): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.53.2010.396.

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Cet article propose une réflexion sur la manière dont la langue bàsàa (Bantu A 43 parlée au Cameroun) exprime la relativisation. En l’absence d’une classe grammaticale de pronoms relatifs la langue utilise la classe des démonstratifs. La stratégie démonstrative mise en place peut selon les cas, associer la classe des locatifs pour déterminer les degrés de définitude. La langue distingue également les relatives restrictives des relatives non-restrictives qui sont soit descriptives, soit emphatiques. Du point de vue prosodique, la fin de la relative en bàsàa coïncide avec une finale de Groupe Intonatif. This article provides a sketch of the morphosyntax and prosody of relative clauses in Bàsàa, a Bantu language (A 43) spoken in Cameroon. The language does not have a class of relative pronouns like French or English. Rather, the language borrows from the demonstrative class to form relatives. Also, the language can involve locatives in the demonstrative strategy to express relative definiteness. Two varieties of relatives can be found in Bàsàa: restrictive relatives and non-restrictive relatives, which can be descriptive or emphatic. Prosodically, we find an Intonational Phrase boundary at the end of the relative clause.

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KOOPMAN, WILLEM. "Transitional syntax: postverbal pronouns and particles in Old English." English Language and Linguistics 9, no. 1 (May 2005): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s136067430500153x.

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Based on the occasional presence of personal pronoun objects and particles to the right of the nonfinite verb, Pintzuk (1999) argues that we must allow VO phrase structure in Old English as well as OV phrase structure. This article shows that personal pronoun objects and particles follow the nonfinite verb often enough to indeed assume VO as a genuine option. During the Old English period there is a significant increase in absolute as well as relative frequency. A quantitative analysis reveals that the relevant cases are found particularly often in coordinate contexts (pronouns) and ACI constructions (particles).

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Gippert, Jost. "Relative Clauses in Vartashen Udi Preliminary Remarks." Iran and the Caucasus 15, no. 1-2 (2011): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338411x12870596615593.

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AbstractThe article provides a preliminary account of the structure of relative clauses in Udi, an endangered language of the Caucasus. Based upon written sources, mostly from Tsarist times, and audiovisual materials collected in a documentation project, it addresses the formation and use of relative pronouns that are built upon either interrogative or demonstrative stems. The main focus is on the question whether the latter type of relative pronouns can be regarded as a "sprachwirkliches" feature of spoken Udi; it is argued that further fieldwork with specific elicitation methods is necessary to give a reliable answer.

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Kholodilova, Maria A. "Competition Between ‘Who’ and ‘Which’ in Slavic Light-Headed Relative Clauses." Slovene 6, no. 1 (2017): 118–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2017.6.1.4.

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The relativization systems of most Slavic languages include relative pronouns that can be conventionally labelled as ‘who’ and ‘which’ and differ in a number of logically independent parameters (etymology, animacy, grammaticality of attributive contexts, and morphological distinction for number and gender). Prior research has shown that the choice between ‘who’ and ‘which’ in Slavic languages is largely dependent on the head type. Some of the languages allow the ‘who’ pronouns to be used with pronominal heads, but not with nouns in the head, while in others, the pronominal heads in the plural are also ungrammatical with the pronoun ‘who.’ The present study aims to complement the available qualitative data on the distribution of the relativizers with quantitative data and to propose a unified account for all the observed tendencies. A corpus-based study was conducted in order to establish language-internal statistical tendencies comparable to the known grammaticality restrictions. The results show much agreement between the qualitative and quantitative tendencies. Thus, the head ‘those,’ unlike the head ‘that,’ is incompatible with the relativizer ‘who’ in Slovak, Polish, Upper Sorbian, and Lower Sorbian languages, while the same tendency is quantitative in Czech, Slovene, Serbo-Croatian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, and the older varieties of Russian. Corpus data suggest that there is also a stronger tendency for the relative pronoun ‘who’ to be avoided with the head ‘those’ than with the head ‘all.’ One more relevant parameter is the semantic type of the clause, maximalizing semantics being the preferred option for ‘who.’ I suggest that all these and some other tendencies can be subsumed under a macro-parameter of the extent to which the head is integrated into the relative clause.

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Yehudit, Dror. "THE MULTIPLE FUNCTIONALITY OF THE PRONOUN ʾULĀʾIKA IN THE QURʾĀN." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 73, no. 1 (March 2020): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2020.00003.

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Demonstrative pronouns may function as deictic or anaphoric pronouns. The demonstrative pronoun ʾulāʾika in Arabic is the focus of this paper. It is argued that in the Qurʾān, besides being an anaphoric/resumptive pronoun, which primarily functions as the syntactic subject, it has three additional functions: (1) as a resumptive pronoun of the left-dislocation construction, helping in retrieving the predicate, which usually consists of a short clause following a ‘heavy’ subject. (2) Possibly it has the same function as ḍamīr al-faṣl, ‘separation pronoun’—namely, ʾulāʾika occurs in a simple sentence where it separates a definite subject and a definite predicate. It also occurs between subject and predicate, while both are constructed as relative clauses, and between a ‘heavy’ subject and indefinite predicate. (3) As a number marker in conditional clauses that are headed by the conditional particle man, and two kinds of number agreement are exhibited in the clause: singular and plural.ʾulāʾika in this case marks the transition from the grammatical-number feature associated with man to the notional number of man.

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장은영 and 김경열. "Relative Pronouns as an Accessibility Marker in Discourse." Jungang Journal of English Language and Literature 57, no. 1 (March 2015): 501–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18853/jjell.2015.57.1.024.

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Minlos, Philip R. "Slavic Relative ČTO/CO: between Pronouns and Conjunctions." Slovene 1, no. 1 (2012): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2012.1.1.5.

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This paper presents the key points concerning Slavic relative constructions with a group of kindred invariable lexemes: Russian что, BCS što, Czech, Polish co, Slovak čo, and their cognates. These constructions are classified into two main types, depending on whether the third-person pronoun is used for marking the relative target. Across Slavic languages, the parameters governing the distribution between the two types are closely connected. The interpretation of these parameters (as well as their microvariation) is presented within the functional-typological approach. Syntactic category (part of speech) of the lexemes is discussed in diachronic perspective: in the more innovative construction with third-person pronoun, čto functions more as a complementizer; in the more conservative construction without the pronoun, čto retains some pronoun traits.

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Sato, Kiriko. "Relative Pronouns as Predicatives: Evidence from Shakespearean English." English Studies 98, no. 4 (March 2, 2017): 368–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0013838x.2016.1254470.

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Guy, Gregory R., and Robert Bayley. "On the Choice of Relative Pronouns in English." American Speech 70, no. 2 (1995): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/455813.

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Kholodilova, Maria. "Specialized interrogative-based relative pronouns in Slavic languages." Voprosy Jazykoznanija, no. 4 (2020): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/0373-658x.2020.4.7-24.

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Khan, Sofia Sabahat, and Lubaba Abdul-Salam Al-Namer. "The Comprehension of English Relative Clauses by Arabic-Speaking EFL Learners." International Journal of Education 9, no. 1 (March 29, 2017): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ije.v9i1.11025.

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This study investigates the extent to which 50 Arabic-speaking EFL learners comprehend English relative clauses (RCs). It also aims to test which relative pronoun among the seven pronouns we are investigating is the easiest to comprehend and which is the most problematic. Furthermore, it aims to measure whether the English proficiency level of the participants affects their performance on the test. Therefore, a multiple-choice test was administered in order to examine their comprehension of this complex syntactic structure. The participants were asked to choose the correct answer out of four choices. The results demonstrate that Arabic-speaking EFL learners may not be fully aware of English relative clauses (total percentage= 48.5%). The t-test shows that the English proficiency level affected the participants’ performance on the test. Consequently, there is a significant difference between the answers of the advanced learners (ALs) (61.3%) and those of the intermediate learners (ILs) (35.6%). Moreover, the results reveal that the easiest relative pronoun to comprehend is the pronoun when, and the most difficult one is the pronoun whom. This study accounts for these difficulties and concludes with pedagogical implications and recommendations for further research.

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OSHIMA-TAKANE, YURIKO, YOSHIO TAKANE, and THOMAS R. SHULTZ. "The learning of first and second person pronouns in English: network models and analysis." Journal of Child Language 26, no. 3 (October 1999): 545–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000999003906.

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Although most English-speaking children master the correct use of first and second person pronouns by three years, some children show persistent reversal errors in which they refer to themselves as you and to others as me. Recently, such differences have been attributed to the relative availability of overheard speech during the learning process. The present study tested this proposal with feed-forward neural networks learning these pronouns. Network learning speed and analysis of their knowledge representations confirmed the importance of exposure to shifting reference provided by overheard speech. Errorless pronoun learning was linked to the amount of overheard speech, interactions with a greater number of speakers, and prior knowledge of the basic-level kind PERSON.

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He, Angela Xiaoxue, Rhiannon Luyster, Sung Ju Hong, and Sudha Arunachalam. "Personal pronoun usage in maternal input to infants at high vs. low risk for autism spectrum disorder." First Language 38, no. 5 (June 13, 2018): 520–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142723718782634.

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Children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) are prone to personal pronoun difficulties. This article investigates maternal input as a potential contributing factor, focusing on an early developmental stage before ASD diagnosis. Using Quigley and McNally’s corpus of maternal speech to infants (3–19 months; N = 19) who are either at high or low risk for a diagnosis of ASD, the study asked whether mothers used fewer pronouns with high-risk infants. Indeed, high-risk infants heard fewer second-person pronouns relative to their names than low-risk infants. The study further investigated the contexts in which mothers used infants’ names. The results indicated that mothers of high-risk infants often used the infants’ names simply to get their attention by calling them. This finding suggests that high-risk infants may thus hear relatively fewer pronouns because their mothers spend more time trying to get their attention. This may be related to differences in social-communicative behavior between low-risk and high-risk infants.

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Gillingham, Gwendolyn. "Focusing on unlikely accented nominals: context, alternatives and implied expectations." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 23 (August 24, 2013): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v23i0.2663.

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In English, accenting a pronoun occasionally switches its reference rela- tive to an unaccented pronoun: (1) John pushed Bill and... a. heb/# j fell. b. HEj/#b fell. However, accent does not always have this effect - it is not licit in (2) below: (2) John bought Bill a drink and then... a. hej/?b went home. b. # HE went home. This paper argues that the felicity of the accent in (1b) is dependent on a presupposition of relative unlikeliness, which is unfulfilled in (2b). The presence of this accent is due to a focus-sensitive operator, Opunlikely, which presupposes the existence of a likelier alternative to the asserted one. The reference and the distribution of accented pronouns is due to the satisfaction of this presupposition. Opunlikely not only accounts for accents on pronouns, but also on coreferential nouns and other types of constituents as well. Finally, this operator also accounts for the distribution of accent and unlikeliness associated with other focus-sensitive constructions.

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WILLIS, DAVID. "On the distribution of resumptive pronouns and wh-trace in Welsh." Journal of Linguistics 36, no. 3 (November 2000): 531–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700008380.

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Welsh has generally been analyzed as allowing two types of relative clauses and other A´-constructions, one involving movement leaving a wh-trace, the other involving a resumptive pronoun in situ. In this paper, I argue that, despite the appearance of agreement, which seems to license a null resumptive pronoun, relative clauses formed on a number of syntactic positions (object of periphrastic verb, object of preposition, embedded subject) may involve movement. Both movement and non-movement strategies are argued to be available for some syntactic positions (object of preposition, embedded subject), and separate constraints must therefore be established for the distribution of each. Resumptive pronouns are argued to be subject to a variant of the A´-Disjointness Requirement. For wh-trace, the Welsh evidence is compatible only with an account involving multiple cyclic movement via a VP-external position (SpecAgrOP) as well as SpecCP.

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MUNIRAH, MUNIRAH, and HUSAIN SYARIFUDDIN. "ANALISIS NILAI KOHESI DAN KOHERENSIDALAM TERJEMAHAN AL-QUR’AN SURAH AL AL ZALZALAH." KONFIKS : JURNAL BAHASA DAN SASTRA INDONESIA 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/jk.v1i2.177.

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This study aimed to describe the value of cohesion and coherence contained in the translation of the Qur'an surah Al Zalzalah. This study was a qualitative descriptive research, research data collection techniques using three techniques namely, inventory, rading and understanding, and record keeping. The data analysis used the coding of data, classification data, and the determination of the data. The results showed that the cohesion markers used in the translation of surah Al Zalzalah discourse are: 1) reference, 2) pronouns, ie pronouns second person, and third, the relative pronoun, the pronoun pointer, pen pronouns and pronouns owner, 3 ) conjunctions, namely temporal conjunctions, coordinating conjunctions, subordinating conjunctions, and conjunctions koorelatif, and 4) a causal ellipsis. It mean that there was a coherence in the translation of surah Al Zalzalah discourse are: the addition or addition, pronouns, repetition or repetition, match words or synonyms, in whole or in part, a comparison or ratio of conclusions or results. Keywords: Cohesion, Coherence, sura Al Zalzalah AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan nilai kohesi dan koherensi yang terdapat dalam terjemahan Al-Qur’an surah Al Zalzalah. Jenis penelitian ini termasuk jenis penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, Teknik pengumpulan data penelitian menggunakan tiga teknik yakni, inventarisasi, baca simak, dan pencatatan. Teknik analisis data menggunakan pengodean data, pengklasifikasian data, dan penentuan data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pemarkah kohesi yang digunakan dalam wacana terjemahan surah Al Zalzalah adalah: 1) referensi, 2) pronomina, yaitu kata ganti orang kedua, dan ketiga, kata ganti penghubung, kata ganti penunjuk, kata ganti penanya dan kata ganti empunya, 3) konjungsi, yaitu konjungsi temporal, konjungsi koordinatif, konjungsi subordinatif, dan konjungsi koorelatif, dan 4) elipsis kausal. Sarana koherensi yang terdapat di dalam wacana terjemahan surah Al Zalzalah adalah: penambahan atau adisi, pronomina, pengulangan atau repetisi, padan kata atau sinonim, keseluruhan atau bagian, komparasi atau perbandingan simpulan atau hasil.Kata Kunci: Kohesi, Koherensi, surah Al Zalzalah

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Szczegielniak, Adam. "Two types of resumptive pronouns in polish relative clauses." Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2005 5 (December 31, 2005): 165–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/livy.5.06szc.

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This paper discusses two types of resumptive pronouns found in Polish relative clauses: (i) adjacent resumptives and (ii) embedded resumptives. It will be argued that adjacent resumptives are truncated forms of the relative operator, whereas embedded resumptives are ‘regular’ resumptive pronouns found in other languages like Hebrew and Russian. Support for this claim will come from analyzing the differences between adjacent and embedded resumptives, and analyzing the similarities between adjacent resumptives and relative operators. Cross-linguistic data involving the interaction of relative clause formation and resumption, as well as the interaction of cliticization and resumption will provide additional support for the above claim.

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Auderset, Sandra. "Interrogatives as relativization markers in Indo-European." Diachronica 37, no. 4 (October 27, 2020): 474–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.19030.aud.

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Abstract The use of interrogative pronouns as relative clause markers is often mentioned as a typical feature of European languages. This study presents an empirical approach to the distribution of interrogative pronouns as relative clause markers in time and space in the Indo-European language family. Based on a comprehensive sample of ancient and modern Indo-European languages, it is shown that interrogative-marked relative clauses are present in all stages of Indo-European within and outside of Europe. An analysis by branch suggests that this constitutes a case of parallel innovations subsequently spreading via language contact. The study also shows that interrogatives are used as relative clause markers independently of whether they are inflected pronouns or invariable markers.

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Xu, Xiaodong, Meizhu Pan, Haoyun Dai, Hui Zhang, and Yiyi Lu. "How referential uncertainty is modulated by conjunctions: ERP evidence from advanced Chinese–English L2 learners and English L1 speakers." Second Language Research 35, no. 2 (February 8, 2018): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658318756948.

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Conjunctions play a crucial role in the construction of a coherent mental representation by signaling coherence relations between clauses, especially for second language users. By using event-related potentials (ERPs), this study aimed to investigate how different conjunctions ( so, and, although, or a full stop) affect the interpretation of a following ambiguous pronoun for both native and non-native speakers, in sentences such as Lily disappointed Nina, so she …. ERP results showed that relative to so, and, and full stop sentences, the pronoun in although clauses elicited a larger Nref (sustained negativity) response in both native (L1) readers and second language (L2) readers, irrespective of whether the verb in the first clause biased towards a particular noun phrase (NP) referent. Moreover, larger Nrefs to pronouns were seen in L2 than L1 readers when clauses were connected by so, although or a full stop. Additionally, larger Nref responses were evoked by pronouns in NP2- than NP1-biased conditions when the clauses were connected by the conjunction so or when sentences contained no overt conjunctions ( full stop). These findings indicate that different conjunctions exert different modulating effects on resolving referential uncertainty/ambiguity. Relative to native speakers, non-native speakers are more likely to encounter referential uncertainty when the sentences are conjoined by conjunctions with more complex semantics.

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Flanigan, Beverly Olson, and Emel Inal. "Object relative pronoun use in native and non-native English: A variable rule analysis." Language Variation and Change 8, no. 2 (July 1996): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500001149.

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ABSTRACTThis study examines the use of object relative pronouns by native (NS) and nonnative (NNS) speakers of Standard American English. Three hypotheses were tested: (1) relative pronoun choice by NNSs will differ from that of NSs, principally because of prescriptive grammar instruction abroad; (2) wh, that, and zero froms will be used variably by both NSs and NNSs, depending on the function of the object and the human/nonhuman status of its antecedent; and (3) increased exposure to native speaking environments will cause a shift toward NS norms of use by NNSs. Half the subjects were given a preference task and asked to mark the relative pronoun variants they would be most likely to use in speech and in writing. The other subjects were given a production task in which sentences were combined to produce relativization. The data and varbrul2 analyses supported all three hypotheses: NNSs used all forms roughly equally in speaking but preferred Wh in writing, whereas NSs favored That or no pronoun. A shift away from Wh was also evident in NNSs after extended exposure to NS English.

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Sichel, Ivy. "Resumptive Pronouns and Competition." Linguistic Inquiry 45, no. 4 (October 2014): 655–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00169.

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A Minimalist hypothesis about resumptive pronouns is that they should be no different from ordinary pronouns ( McCloskey 2006 ). The article substantiates this hypothesis with respect to a particular view of pronouns: pronouns are ‘‘elsewhere’’ elements. Just as the interpretation of ordinary pronouns, on this view, is determined by competition with anaphors, so the interpretation of resumptive pronouns is determined by competition with gaps. On the basis of new facts in Hebrew and systematic differences between optional and obligatory pronouns, I argue that the tail of a relative clause movement chain is realized as the least specified form available. Since their interpretive properties are fully determined by external factors, resumptive pronouns must be part of the syntactic derivation, not items merged from the (traditional) lexicon.

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MOBARAKI, Mahmoud, and Abolfazl MOSAFFA JAHROM. "Empty category in Persian relative clauses." Acta Linguistica Asiatica 9, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.9.2.53-70.

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Empty categories are one of the fundamental parts of generativist’s view towards language. Empty operators, the so-called null elements, which are syntactically active in relative clauses and possibly move into [spec, CP], have reportedly been found in different languages. However, there is no solid evidence for the existence of empty operators in Persian relative clauses. Despite this, syntactic evidences such as theta theory, argument structure and subjacency condition provide satisfactory provable tests in favor of their role in Persian grammar. Namely, Persian relative clauses contain resumptive pronouns which may be covert. Their movement into [spec, CP] can precisely account for subjacency effect in relative clauses. Resumptive pronouns can occupy the subject as well as the object position. This articles attempts to introduce empty operators to Persian syntax, and shows that in such a way it is possible to account for the peculiar behavior of the Persian complementizer “ke” and its obligatory nature.

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Lee, Ji-Hye, and Mun-Koo Kang. "An analysis of English Relative pronouns –focused on ‘that’." Asia-pacific Journal of Education Management Research 2, no. 1 (May 30, 2017): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21742/ajemr.2017.2.1.20.

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Ball, Catherine N. "Relative pronouns in it-clefts: The last seven centuries." Language Variation and Change 6, no. 2 (July 1994): 179–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500001630.

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ABSTRACTIt has often been claimed that it-cleft complements differ syntactically from restrictive relative clauses. Alleged differences in the distribution and relative frequency of wh-forms in the two clause types are generally offered to support this view, but such claims have not been empirically verified. In this study, we examine synchronic and diachronic data for clefts and relative clauses and show that the major claims are unsupported. The diachronic data further show that cleft complements and restrictive relative clauses have changed together over time and at the same rate. On the constant rate hypothesis, the evidence supports the position that the two clause types are not syntactically distinct.

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Yonghyun Kwon. "Asymmetric Behavior of Relative Pronouns and Clausal Boundary Marking." Journal of Studies in Language 28, no. 2 (August 2012): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.18627/jslg.28.2.201208.199.

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Anscombre, Jean-Claude. "Le que médiatif du français contemporain." Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures 53, no. 2 (December 12, 2017): 181–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.16022.ans.

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Résumé The French construction heureusement que shows a que that has been recently analyzed as a very specific relative pronoun, an evidential que, which introduces a proposition considered as having been previously uttered. On the other hand, the pronoun qui – apart from its common use as an anaphoric relative – had a specific function until the end of the 17th century: it could be used with no antecedent, and with an indefinite and suppositive value meaning ‘if one’. The first part of this study draws up a full list of both constructions in French. The second part of the study is mainly diachronic, and explores the origins of these two pronouns in classical Latin, as well as their evolution through Romance languages, namely French, Italian and Spanish.

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Vasiliev, A. D. "REALIZATION OF SPECIFIC ROLE OF PRONOUNS IN TEXT AND DISCOURSE." Siberian Philological Forum 9, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25146/2587-7844-2020-9-1-32.

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Language performance of its communicative function, which is generally regarded as paramount, is possible primarily through the use of words with nominative potentials. It is known, however, that these potencies are implemented quite variably – depending on the partial affiliation of the lexeme. In this aspect, pronouns are very interesting. Their lexical values are somewhat similar to zero endings: formally absent, but implicitly implied. The semantics of the pronoun can be embodied due to the presence of its closest verbal environment, that is, in the context of the statement, which in the situation of direct oral communication is also formed with the participation of non-verbal actions of the addressee. The purpose of the article is to illustrate the specificity of pronouns as a special part of speech and their ability to acquire a convention-defined lexical meaning in different forms of communicative acts. Research. We analyze the use of pronouns of two different sources: the first group includes literary and artistic texts, where pronouns serve as a special kind of manifesto of author’s intentions; the second group consists of fragments of modern Russian-language discourse, in which the proportion of pronouns is extremely high. Conclusion: the increase in the relative weight of pronouns in today’s Russian-language speech flow is one of the important features characterized by a decrease in the number of actively used lexical units in everyday conversational communication. This process is complemented by an increase in the use of pictograms in electronic and other correspondence. The totality of such phenomena signals the impoverishment of the cognitive potentials of members of the linguistic community.

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Sendén, Marie Gustafsson, Torun Lindholm, and Sverker Sikström. "Biases in News Media as Reflected by Personal Pronouns in Evaluative Contexts." Social Psychology 45, no. 2 (February 1, 2014): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000165.

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This paper examines whether pronouns in news media occurred in evaluative contexts reflecting psychological biases. Contexts of pronouns were measured by computerized semantic analysis. Results showed that self-inclusive personal pronouns (We, I) occurred in more positive contexts than self-exclusive pronouns (He/She, They), reflecting self- and group-serving biases. Contexts of collective versus individual pronouns varied; We occurred in more positive contexts than I, and He/She in more positive contexts than They. The enhancement of collective relative to individual self-inclusive pronouns may reflect that media news is a public rather than private domain. The reversed pattern among self-exclusive pronouns corroborates suggestions that outgroup derogation is most pronounced at the category level. Implications for research on language and social psychology are discussed.

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Bassi, Itai, and Ezer Rasin. "Equational-intensional relative clauses with syntactic representation." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 60 (January 1, 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.60.2018.459.

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Analyses of scope reconstruction typically fall into two competing approaches: ‘semanticreconstruction’, which derives non-surface scope using semantic mechanisms, and ‘syntacticreconstruction’, which derives it by positing additional syntactic representations at thelevel of Logical Form. Grosu and Krifka (2007) proposed a semantic-reconstruction analysisfor relative clauses like the gifted mathematician that Dan claims he is, in which the relativehead NP can be interpreted in the scope of a lower intensional quantifier. Their analysis relieson type-shifting the relative head into a predicate of functions. We develop an alternativeanalysis for such relative clauses that replaces type-shifting with syntactic reconstruction. Thecompeting analyses diverge in their predictions regarding scope possibilities in head-externalrelative clauses. We use Hebrew resumptive pronouns, which disambiguate a relative clausein favor of the head-external structure, to show that the prediction of syntactic reconstructionis correct. This result suggests that certain type-shifting operations are not made available byUniversal Grammar.Keywords: relative clauses, scope, reconstruction, type-shifting, de dicto, intensional quantifiers,binding, resumptive pronouns.

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AOUN, Joseph. "Resumption and last resort." DELTA: Documentação de Estudos em Lingüística Teórica e Aplicada 16, spe (2000): 13–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-44502000000300001.

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This paper discusses the derivation of definite and indefinite relative clauses in Lebanese Arabic. The two types of relative clause are similar in that they require resumptive pronouns and do not exhibit island effects. Based on reconstruction effects, I however argue that definite relatives may be either base-generated or derived by movement, whereas indefinite relatives can only be base-generated.

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Sato, Kiriko. "The Choice of Relative Pronouns in the First Quarto and First Folio Texts of Shakespeare’s Richard III: Testing the Memorial Reconstruction Hypothesis." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 28/2 (September 20, 2019): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.28.2.04.

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The present paper examines the choice of relative pronouns in the First Quarto and First Folio texts of Shakespeare’s Richard III, with the purpose of testing the adequacy of the memorial reconstruction hypothesis, which Patrick first proposed in his 1936 monograph. He notes a high proportion of corrupted readings in the Quarto, suggesting that it is a reconstruction of the Folio, created by actors relying on their inaccurate memories. On the other hand, Smidt (1964) demonstrates that the Quarto’s readings are preferable in many details, though he admits Patrick’s hypothesis, in part, in his second book (1970). Regarding the use of relative pronouns, there is a crucial difference between the two texts: the Folio uses that 13 times to introduce non-restrictive clauses, while the Quarto uses which, and these two items are never substituted the other way around. Interestingly, the Quarto’s choice accords with Shakespeare’s ordinary usage, whereas the Folio deviates from it. Thus, the memorial reconstruction hypothesis cannot explain the variants of relative pronouns. It will be posited that relative pronouns in the Quarto text may have been deliberately revised in the process of written transmission.

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Karimi, Simin. "Persian Complex DPs: How Mysterious Are They?" Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 46, no. 1-2 (June 2001): 63–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100017941.

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AbstractPersian complex DPs exhibit structural peculiarities with respect to the placement of the object marker for specific DPs and the position of embedded CPs. This article discusses these peculiarities as well as the internal structure of Persian complex DPs and the distribution of clitic pronouns in this language. It is argued that a base generation approach accounts more adequately for Persian and other languages that exhibit the following properties: lack of a wh-relative pronoun, presence of an invariant relative complementizer, and alternation between a gap and a pronoun representing the relativized head. Regarding the postverbal position of the embedded CP, it is argued that extraposition and VP-remnant face theoretical and empirical problems, while V-raising and XP movement, as instances of scrambling triggered by focus in this language, provide an adequate explanation for Persian data.

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이유정, Kyung Ja Kim, and 이고희. "Teaching English Relative Pronouns for Korean EFL High School Students." English21 24, no. 1 (March 2011): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.35771/engdoi.2011.24.1.008.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Relative pronouns'

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