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FULLER, C. J. "Colonial Anthropology and the Decline of the Raj: Caste, Religion and Political Change in India in the Early Twentieth Century." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 3 (September 15, 2015): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000486.
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AbstractIn the colonial anthropology of India developed in connection with the decennial censuses in the late nineteenth century, caste and religion were major topics of enquiry, although caste was particularly important. Official anthropologists, mostly members of the Indian Civil Service, reified castes and religious communities as separate ‘things’ to be counted and classified. In the 1911 and later censuses, less attention was paid to caste, but three officials – E. A. Gait, E. A. H. Blunt and L. S. S. O'Malley – made significant progress in understanding the caste system by recognising and partly overcoming the problems of reification. In this period, however, there was less progress in understanding popular religion. The Morley-Minto reforms established separate Muslim electorates in 1909; communal representation was extended in 1921 by the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and again by the 1935 Government of India Act, which also introduced reservations for the Untouchable Scheduled Castes. Gait and Blunt were involved in the Montagu-Chelmsford debates, and Blunt in those preceding the 1935 Act. In the twentieth century, the imperial government's most serious problems were the nationalist movement, mainly supported by the middle class, and religious communalism. But there were no ethnographic data on the middle class, while the data on popular religion showed that Hindus and Muslims generally did not belong to separate communities; anthropological enquiry also failed to identify the Untouchable castes satisfactorily. Thus, official anthropology became increasingly irrelevant to policy making and could no longer strengthen the colonial state.
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Nagpal, Neeraj, Nimisha Nagpal, Nilanshu Kataria, and Purvish Parikh. "Violence against Health Care Professionals and Facilities—Local Insights about a Global Malady." South Asian Journal of Cancer 09, no. 04 (October 2020): 257–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0041-1726137.
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AbstractActs of violence against health care professionals (especially doctors) as well as facilities are a growing global problem. In our country, it has taken an unfortunate dramatic turn of the involvement of a mob—a ragtag group of persons who organize and perpetrate the crime based on community, caste, religion, or political affiliations. This crucial factor is the fundamental difference in what we face as compared with the so-called Yi Nao phenomenon of China. In India, the mob gathers and indulges in acts of violence, intimidation, and blackmail at the behest of its “leader,” often having no direct relationship with the deceased patient. It is premeditated and systematic vandalism. Often it is also associated with financial gain to the perpetrators through extortion and blackmail, adding to the woes of the health care professionals and hospital facility. We discuss what is the primary goal and what is a byproduct in this cycles of violence against the people who are doing their best to save the lives of patients. Unless the governments and the courts take this matter seriously as well as follow-up with corrective measures, the future looks bleak for all stakeholders.
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Wanchoo, Rohit. "The Question of Dalit Conversion in the 1930s." Studies in History 36, no. 2 (August 2020): 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643020956627.
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In June 1936, the Hindu Mahasabha leader B. S. Moonje and the Dalit leader and trenchant critic of Hinduism Dr B. R. Ambedkar jointly proposed mass conversions of the ‘untouchables’ to Sikhism. According to Ambedkar, if the untouchables converted to Sikhism, they would leave the Hindu religion but not Hindu culture. The untouchable converts to Sikhism would escape caste oppression without getting ‘denationalized’. This initiative provoked a major controversy, and leaders as diverse as M. M. Malaviya, Mahatma Gandhi, M. C. Rajah and P. N. Rajabhoj expressed their views on the subject. This article explores what Ambedkar meant by expressions like ‘de-nationalization’ and ‘Hindu culture’. Malaviya’s anxieties about the weakening of the Hindu community because of this initiative, Rajah’s fear that mass conversions could lead to a Sikh–Hindu–Muslim problem at a national level, Gandhi’s emphasis on spiritual values and the voluntary removal of untouchability in a spirit of repentance, and Tagore’s universalist and humanist attitude towards religion are explored. The complex political and intellectual responses of Hindu and Dalit leaders to the proposed mass conversions to Sikhism in the mid-1930s reveal dimensions not often considered in mainstream narratives about Hindu nationalism or Dalit conversions.
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Lodhi, Muhammad Arfan, Faiza Khalid, Iqbal Mehmood, Faiz Rasool, Farhan Akbar, and Muhammad Amir Kamal. "Social and Physical Entrapments of Women in Bapsi Sidhwa’s Ice-Candy Man and Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things." English Language and Literature Studies 9, no. 2 (May 23, 2019): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v9n2p57.
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The study highlights the social and physical entrapments of women in two novels: Bapsi Sidhwa’s Ice-Candy Man and Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things. Both writers belong to two different cultures. Bapsi Sidhwa is a Punjabi, Parsi, Pakistani novelist while Arundhati Roy is an Indian Author. Regardless of their different cultures, they have discussed similar issues faced by women of their contemporary societies. This case study adopted exploratory research framework to gather data and undergo its content analysis from the text of two selected novels. The findings explicate that woman exploitation can be observed evidently among different societies irrespective of any culture, religion, caste or creed. In both novels, women are represented as shallow creatures and they are utterly victimized physically as well as emotionally. They are raped and beaten brutally by males being their unbidden masters. Sidhwa and Roy enlighten the plight of women in their novels, though slight elements of unjust maltreatment of the male characters can also be seen at many places.
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P.S, Moovendhan. "Regionalism and mythology in 'Sancharam' Novel." International Research Journal of Tamil 3, S-1 (June 13, 2021): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt21s118.
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The use of literature is informative and instructive. Sangam songs became classical as they spoke of land and time. The novel 'Sancharam' was taken up for study in a way that exposes the nature biographical jurisprudence based on the tiṇaikkōṭpāṭṭu theories prioritized by the Sangam literature. The novel highlights the status of the traditional art of music of the South in the Karisal area and the position of the arts in relation to the fertility of the soil. Esra the novel 'Sancharam' was written by S. Ramakrishnan, popularly known as. In this book, the author has recorded that every person in the Karisal region, which is full of problems such as poverty, infertility, caste, religion, domination, politics, rule and power, is full of local characteristics and myths related to that land. The article sets out to tell the story of the Karisal myth told by the narrator through the novel and the biological properties that are realized through it.
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Festino, Cielo Griselda. "Across community barriers: female characters in Vimala Devi’s short stories." Acta Scientiarum. Language and Culture 41, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): e45888. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/actascilangcult.v41i2.45888.
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This article brings a reading of the short-story collection Monção [Monsoon] ( 2003) by the Goan writer Vimala Devi (1932-). The collection can be read as a short-story cycle, a group of stories related by locality, Goa, character, Goans, from all walks of life, and theme, in particular women´s milieu, among other literary categories. In her book, written from her self-imposed exile in Portugal, Devi recreates Goa, former Portuguese colony, in the 1950s, before its annexation to India. A member of the Catholic gentry, Devi portrays the four hundred years of conflictive intimacy between Catholics and Hindus. Our main argument is that Devi´s empathy for her culture becomes even more explicit in Monção when her voice becomes one with that of all her women characters. Though they might be at odds, due to differences of caste, class and religion, Devi makes a point of showing that they are all part of the same cultural identity constantly remade through their own acts of refusal and recognition. This discussion will be framed in terms of Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson’s theory of autobiography (2001) as well as the studies on Goan women by the Goan critics Propércia Correia Afonso (1928-1931), Maria Aurora Couto (2005) and Fátima da Silva Gracias (2007).
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Sonkar, Venkatramana K., Ismailali F. Inamdar, and Rambhau D. Gadekar. "Birth preparedness and complication readiness among women attending Immuno-Prophylaxis Centre, Dr. S. C. Government Medical College, Nanded." International Journal Of Community Medicine And Public Health 6, no. 8 (July 26, 2019): 3407. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2394-6040.ijcmph20193462.
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Background: As signatory to United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals, India is striving hard to achieve these goals by end of 2030, especially for goal number 3 with targets related to maternal and child health. Birth-preparedness and complication-readiness (BPCR) is a tool to promote maternal and neonatal survival. This study was conducted to assess the perception and practices of recently delivered women on BPCR with its correlates. Methods: Hospital-based cross-sectional study was conducted at Immuno-prophylaxis centre of Dr. Shankarrao Chavan Government Medical College, Nanded, Maharashtra. Women attending IPC along with their baby within two to four months of delivery for immunization of their babies during the month of March 2014 constituted study subject of this study. After obtaining informed consent, data was obtained on socio-demographic characters like age, caste, religion, education, parity, ANC registration and questions regarding birth preparedness and complications readiness in their last pregnancy. Results: Total 117 women found to be eligible as study subject. Overall BPCR index of the study population was 67.28. Proportion of women who received first antenatal check-up within first trimester, four or more antenatal checkups, saved money for childbirth and had institutional delivery were 87.18%, 86.32%, 51.28% and 100% respectively. Around 23.08% women had knowledge of at least 3 key danger signs of pregnancy while only 19.65% identified blood donor. Awareness regarding danger signs of pregnancy and arrangement for blood donor was found poor in comparison to other indicators in study subject.Conclusion: There is need of increasing awareness regarding BPCR so that perception and practices in the community increased.
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Sadhu, Goutam, and and Hemangini Gandhi. "COVID-19’s Shadow on Undernourished Children (6–23 months): An Evidence-Based Study on Magnitude and its Determinants in Rajasthan." Journal of Health Management 22, no. 4 (December 2020): 618–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972063420983094.
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The prevalence of child undernutrition in India is among the highest in the world, nearly double that of Sub-Saharan Africa, with dire consequences for morbidity, mortality, productivity and economic growth (HNP, World Bank). India is home to most malnourished people in the world (FAO, 2015). According to data tabled in the state assembly, 37% of children below 5 years of age are underweight in the state of Rajasthan. A total of 39% of children in Rajasthan under the age of 5 years are stunted, or too short for their age, which shows that they have been undernourished for quite a while (National Family Health Survey-4—Rajasthan factsheet). Region specific magnitude of under nutrition in young children (6–23 months) at the block level is scarce. The present study carried out by IIHMR University, supported by IPE Global could be of use to the Government, policy makers as well as to the development partners working towards the enhanced nutritional status of the children. The specific objectives of the study were to collect demographic and background information about enrolled children (6–23 months) and to assess the anthropometry based nutritional status as far as wasting, stunting and underweight for the children 6–23 months and its determinants. A cross-sectional survey was undertaken. Three stage sampling method was adopted. Three districts were randomly selected from total districts of Rajasthan and from each selected district, four rural blocks/urban slums based on systematic random sampling were enrolled for the study in Stage 1. For Stage 2, for each selected block 10 villages/urban slums primary sampling unit (PSU) were selected. In the third stage, from each PSU six children in the age group of 6–11 months and 12 children from the age group of 12–23 months based on systematic random sampling were enrolled for the study. It was done from the list available to Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA)/Anganwadi workers in the respective PSU. Thus, from every district, a sample of 720 respondents comprising two groups of infants was enrolled in the study. Hence, the total sample size for the study was 2,160 for all three selected districts. Socio-demographic and economic indicators of the respondent’s household: Information on the family composition of the household, including age, religion, caste, occupation, income was elicited through pretested semi-structured questionnaire. Anthropometric measurements were taken adopting the standard procedure for the same. WHO Anthro form 3.2.2 programming was utilised for the anthropometric examination to evaluate the magnitude of wasting, stunting and underweight in the enrolled children. A total 92% of the households in the sampled population were the followers of Hinduism. Regarding caste/tribe, around 11% of the households belonged to general category, 16% of the scheduled caste group, while the remaining 28% households were found to be from the scheduled tribe group. The overall pervasiveness of wasting, stunting and underweight was 16.9%, 58.1% and 34.2%, respectively. In case of severe wasting, stunting and underweight among children, it was 6.4%, 36.7% and 12.9% individually. It was revealed that prevalence of undernutrition was higher in males as compared to females in all the three districts. In Rajasthan, existing nutritional status of children, including wasting, stunting and underweight is a cause of concern which may get aggravated due to the current pandemic of COVID-19. Some studied shows that ‘poorer households are much more likely to report much less income during April than richer households compare to income during January and February’. To protect the vulnerable groups, especially women and children, from the effects of this nutritional crisis, there is an urgent need for high-frequency surveillance of vulnerable populations and inter sectoral convergence across segments, including health, agriculture, education, water and sanitation, social protection, commerce and livelihood.
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GUNPUTH, Rajendra Parsad. "Mahatma Gandhi’s Education: A Lesson on Philosophy and Cultural Barriers to Peace in Intercultural Societies-The Indian-Mauritian Case Study." Journal of Education and Vocational Research 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2014): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jevr.v5i3.159.
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Cultural barriers2 in terms of castes, religions and politics have been a major obstacle to most Hindus especially in inter-multicultural countries like India or Mauritius with serious impacts on peace. And any international organisation, especially the UNESCO 3, would disprove it. However, are interculturality and peace4 related and if yes5 to what extent? In a contextual approach, this paper deals with cultural barriers to peace reflecting the revival of the doctrine of Indian avatars focusing on to what extent human rights may also include the doctrine of Mahatma Gandhi to achieve peace in a multicultural society 6? Cultural barriers to peace in a multicultural country like Mauritius had already been encountered in India by Mahatma Gandhi. Castes, religion, creed and colour and political appurtenance have undermined peace in India and we may be influenced of the work and philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi to inspire our political leaders, citizens and other religious groups to overcome the same barriers in the same way he did that is non-violence. However, Mahatma Gandhi has never been a political leader per se but a religious man instead. Through a contextual approach and without taboo, the co-authors try to reflect on the subject matter with particular reference to the Mauritian case study, to what extent Gandhi’s philosophy is useful and omnipresent today and to what extent it can shed light in our fragile inter-multicultural society to avoid tensions among the different and existing social, religious and political groups.
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Cunningham, Kenda, George B. Ploubidis, Purnima Menon, Marie Ruel, Suneetha Kadiyala, Ricardo Uauy, and Elaine Ferguson. "Women’s empowerment in agriculture and child nutritional status in rural Nepal." Public Health Nutrition 18, no. 17 (March 23, 2015): 3134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980015000683.
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AbstractObjectiveTo examine the association between women’s empowerment in agriculture and nutritional status among children under 2 years of age in rural Nepal.DesignCross-sectional survey of 4080 households conducted in 2012. Data collected included: child and maternal anthropometric measurements; child age and sex; maternal age, education, occupation and empowerment in agriculture; and household size, number of children, religion, caste and agro-ecological zone. Associations between the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEAI)’s Five Domains of Empowerment (5DE) sub-index and its ten component indicators and child length-for-age Z-scores (LAZ) and weight-for-length Z-scores (WLZ) were estimated, using ordinary least-squares regression models, with and without adjustments for key child, maternal and household level covariates.SettingTwo hundred and forty rural communities across sixteen districts of Nepal.SubjectsChildren under 24 months of age and their mothers (n 1787).ResultsThe overall WEAI 5DE was positively associated with LAZ (β=0·20, P=0·04). Three component indicators were also positively associated with LAZ: satisfaction with leisure time (β=0·27, P<0·01), access to and decisions regarding credit (β=0·20, P=0·02) and autonomy in production (β=0·10, P=0·04). No indicator of women’s empowerment in agriculture was associated with WLZ.ConclusionsWomen’s empowerment in agriculture, as measured by the WEAI 5DE and three of its ten component indicators, was significantly associated with LAZ, highlighting the potential role of women’s empowerment in improving child nutrition in Nepal. Additional studies are needed to determine whether interventions to improve women’s empowerment will improve child nutrition.
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Mishra, Vinod Kumar. "Caste, Religion and Ethnicity." CASTE / A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 1, no. 1 (February 14, 2020): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/caste.v1i1.139.
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Searle-Chatterjee, Mary. "Caste, Religion and other Identities." Sociological Review 41, no. 1_suppl (May 1993): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1993.tb03404.x.
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Religion is one of the many principles of social identification in India. It is becoming increasingly important – although, very often, what appears to be mobilisation on a religious basis can just as adequately, indeed more satisfactorily, be described in terms of caste, class or regional affiliations. Vested interests may encourage the reification of religions, and academics overseas, especially in Religious Studies departments, may, unwittingly, provide them support. This chapter examines the link between caste and religion, particularly in the case of the very lowest status groups. It suggests that both caste and religion mean very different things at different levels of the hierarchy. It then proceeds to look at the distinctive characteristics of religious identities in India. The discussion is related to wider debates about ethnic and racial identities and issues. Should class or interest group membership and allegiances be prioritised over other cultural identities, whether ascribed or acquired? It is argued that it is mistaken to reduce any one of these to another. Searle-Chatterjee draws on a range of historical and sociological/anthropological literature and also makes use of her own research in Varanasi (Banaras).
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Tu, Yu-Te. "Cultural Characteristics and Negotiation Styles." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 4, no. 5 (May 15, 2012): 297–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v4i5.330.
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Numerous factors can affect the results of the negotiating process. Successful negotiation not only requires acquiring technical communicative abilities, but also an understanding of the cultural context of the negotiation by both parties. Due to its size and rapid economic development, China has become an increasingly important factor for world economy and growth. Until recently, conducting business in China has been a challenging and sometimes futile venture for businesses trying to break into this lucrative market because China’s government has maintained very strict rules for the import of goods and services for resale to China, while widely exporting Chinese goods and services. The approach uses Casse and Deols’ model and cultural factors including education, religion and degrees of individualism/collectivism to be the dependent and independent variables. Data were collected from public companies listed on the stock exchanges of China by means of an online survey method. Structural equation modeling was used to test hypothesized models and hypotheses of research. The findings show that education, religion and degrees of individualism/collectivism affects the style of negotiation. These findings could be useful in the application of a specific set of values and attitudes that relate to regional cultural attributes, and develop better negotiation skills by providing insights into the nuances of international negotiations. The researcher suggests that the negotiators still need to be trained in body language, strategies, temper control, international manners, and customs. A better knowledge of negotiation should be helpful in understanding business and in realizing which negotiation styles are most appropriate for a particular country.
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Bangash, Yaqoob Khan. "Religion, Caste and Politics in India." Asian Affairs 43, no. 1 (March 2012): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2012.642549.
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Llewellyn, J. E. "Caste: Religion and Society in India." Religion Compass 9, no. 3 (March 2015): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12144.
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Judge, Paramjit S. "Religion, Caste, and Communalism in Punjab." Sociological Bulletin 51, no. 2 (September 2002): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022920020202.
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Gupta, Aashish, and Diane Coffey. "Caste, Religion, and Mental Health in India." Population Research and Policy Review 39, no. 6 (May 19, 2020): 1119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11113-020-09585-9.
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CONSTANS, GABRIEL M. "Healthcare??s Lowest Caste?" Nursing Management (Springhouse) 20, no. 9 (September 1989): 38???46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006247-198909000-00008.
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Arya, Vikas, Andrew Page, Rakhi Dandona, Lakshmi Vijayakumar, Peter Mayer, and Gregory Armstrong. "The Geographic Heterogeneity of Suicide Rates in India by Religion, Caste, Tribe, and Other Backward Classes." Crisis 40, no. 5 (September 2019): 370–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910/a000574.
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Abstract. Background: Caste, tribal, and religious associations, which are perhaps the most important aspects of personal and social lives in India, have been neglected in Indian suicide research. Aim: To investigate suicide rates in India by religion, caste, tribe, and other backward classes over the period 2014–2015. Method: This study acquired unpublished suicide data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) for 2014 and 2015 including caste, tribal, and religious associations of suicide cases. National and state-specific suicide rates (2014–2015) were then calculated for Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, and other religious groups and for scheduled caste (SC), scheduled tribe (ST), and other backward classes (OBC). Results: The findings show higher suicide rates among Christian and other religious groups compared with Hindus and higher suicide rates among general populations compared with SC, ST, and OBC populations. However, the results varied among different regions highlighting the substantial geographical heterogeneity of suicide rates across India by caste and religion. Limitations: The suicide rates presented might be an underestimation of the true rates. Conclusion: Given the heterogeneity of minority/majority status by religion, caste, tribes, and OBC in different states, further investigation of the relationship between minority status and suicide is warranted.
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Boudineau, Michel, and Christophe Jaffrelot. "La democratie en Inde: religion, caste et politique." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 60 (October 1998): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770967.
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Oommen, T. K. "Civil Society: Religion, Caste and Language in India." Sociological Bulletin 50, no. 2 (September 2001): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022920010204.
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Tagade, Nitin, and Sukhadeo Thorat. "Intergroup Inequality in Wealth Ownership in Rural India: Caste, Tribe and Religion." Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 6, no. 2 (December 2020): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23944811211006501.
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In India, the rural economy still remains crucially important in the economic wellbeing of the majority population. The low income and high poverty in rural areas are closely associated with unequal distribution of income-earning assets, particularly agricultural land and non-land capital assets. In this article, therefore, we try to understand the intergroup inequality in wealth ownership across caste, ethnic and religious groups in rural India based on the 2013 data from the All India Debt and Investment survey carried out by National Sample Survey Office. The results indicate high interpersonal wealth inequality so also the intergroup wealth inequality at the aggregate level and by type of assets in rural India. The impact of caste on the ownership of wealth clearly indicates high ownership among Hindu high caste and Hindu other backward caste at the cost of low wealth share or ownership of the SC/ST indicating the existence of graded inequality.
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Rawat, Ramnarayan S. "Governmentality, activism and representation: Dalit studies, a review essay." Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, no. 2 (April 2018): 283–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464618760452.
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Rupa Viswanath, The Pariah Problem: Caste, Religion, and the Social in Modern India, New York: Columbia University Press, 2014, pp. 416. P. Sanal Mohan, Modernity of Slavery: Struggles against Caste Inequality in Colonial Kerala, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2015, 368 pp. Charu Gupta, The Gender of Caste: Representing Dalits in Print, Ranikhet: Permanent Black, 2016, 352 pp.
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Fazal, Tanweer. "Scheduled Castes, reservations and religion." Contributions to Indian Sociology 51, no. 1 (February 2017): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0069966716680429.
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This article revisits the promulgation of the Scheduled Caste Order 1950, appended to Article 341 of the Indian Constitution. The Order provides the list of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and sets the prerequisites for a series of robust entitlements to India’s ‘untouchable castes’. The Order of 1950, however, also serves as a dampener to the equality claims of low castes of non-Hindu denominations by precluding them from the entitlements that the SC status promises. The Order has been amended twice—in 1956 to include Sikh low castes and in 1990 to accommodate the neo-Buddhists. However, the untouchable convertees to Islam and Christianity continue to remain outside its purview. The article develops on the deliberations surrounding the promulgation of the Government Order of 1950 in the Constituent Assembly, subsequently in the Indian Parliament, in the courts and in the public domain. Through an analysis of the discussions and disputes around this question, it attempts to deconstruct the nationalist common sense on the question of inequality and caste among non-Hindus, its fears and anxieties regarding proselytisation and the emerging idea of nationhood and citizenship.
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Mahmuddin, Ronny, Saifullah bin Anshor, and Hamdan Ngaja. "Tinjauan Hukum Islam Terhadap Pernikahan Beda Kasta (Studi Kasus Desa Ngafan Kabupaten Maluku Tenggara)." BUSTANUL FUQAHA: Jurnal Bidang Hukum Islam 2, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36701/bustanul.v2i1.314.
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This study aims to determine the prohibition of inter-caste marriage in Ngafan Village, Southeast Maluku, and Islamic legal views on caste marriage in the customs of the Kei tribe, especially in Ngafan Village, Southeast Maluku Regency. This research is descriptive qualitative research with the type of field research (Field Research). The data collection techniques used were in-depth interviews and documentation. The results showed that: 1) The prohibition of inter-caste marriage (not equal) carried out by some people in Ngafan Village is the prohibition of marriage between women from the Mel-Mel caste (highest caste) and men from Riy-Riy (lowest caste). If there is a marriage between these castes, it depends on their family, if they agree then the marriage is still safe, but if they refuse the marriage can be canceled. 2) In Islamic law the scholars differ on the issue of caste (equality) in marriage. Jumhur ulama said that the caste referred to in marriage is religion, independence, social strata and, descent. Imam Malik said that the caste in question was the religion and was free from diseases that were deemed incurable. Meanwhile, the al-Ẓahiriyyah mazhab said that only Muslims were the conditions for marriage. The scholars do not require that caste be part of the legal requirements of marriage, but caste is included in the category of luzu> m requirements, a condition that allows a female guardian to request an annulment of marriage if the male partner is not in the same caste. So the prohibition of marriage is not equal in Ngafan Village can be justified based on the opinion of some scholars. The implementation of this research is expected to contribute theoretically and practically to religious leaders, parties with special interests, and society in general.
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OTANI, Masayuki. "Shiminkyouyu: Japanese caste in a religion of Mt. Fuji." Journal of Research Society of Buddhism and Cultural Heritage, no. 13 (2004): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5845/bukkyobunka.2004.177.
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Jain, Dr Shilpa. "Practical Form of Caste and Religion in Indian Democracy." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Configuration 1, no. 3 (July 2021): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52984/ijomrc1308.
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लोकतंत्र शासन का एक ऐसा स्वरूप है जिसमें सर्वोच्च सत्ता जनता में निहित रहती है और जनता इस सत्ता का प्रयोग नियमित अन्तराल में होने वाले स्वतन्त्र निर्वाचनों मे ंएक प्रतिनिधित्व प्रणाली के माध्यम से प्रत्यक्ष या अप्रत्यक्ष रूप से करती है। किसी शासन व्यवस्था को प्रामाणिक एवं व्यापक लोकतंत्र या सफलतापूर्वक क्रियाशील लोकतंत्र तभी कहा जा सकता है जब सच्चा लोकतंत्र किसी भी देश विशेष की जनता की आशा-आकांक्षाओं को पूरा करने से ही अपना सही मार्ग ढूंढ सकता है अपनी एक सही व्यवस्था की खोज कर सकता है भारतीय लोकतंत्र ने इनमें से अनेक आवश्यक शर्तो को पिछले कई वर्षो में पूरा किया है लेकिन इसे अनेक चुनौतियों का सामना भी करना पड़ रहा है जिसमें जाति, धर्म साम्प्रदायिकता, भ्रष्टाचार, धार्मिक कट्टरवाद आदि है जिनका सामना करने की आज भी जरूरत है। भारतीय लोकतंत्र की चुनौतियों का सामना करने के लिए कुछ ऐसे सुधारात्मक उपाय करने की जरूरत है जो सार्वभौम हो, अर्थात सबके लिए हो, लेकिन लोकतंत्र तभी सफल हो सकता है जब इसके नागरिक अपने चिन्तन तथा व्यवहार में समानता, स्वतंत्रता, सामाजिक न्याय, उत्तरदायित्व एवं सबके लिए आदर जैसे लोकतांत्रिक मूल्यों को आत्मसात करेंगें। इसके साथ ही सफल लोकतंत्र के लिए आवश्यक है कि नागरिकों को धर्म, जाति, साम्प्रादियकता से ऊपर आना होगा तथा धर्म निरपेक्षता को बढ़ावा देना होगा एवं लोकतंत्र के लक्ष्यों को मूर्त रूप देने के लिए अग्रणी भूमिका भी निभानी जरूरी है। लेकिन वर्तमान दौर में भारतीय लोकतंत्र गम्भीर चुनौतियाँ एवं जातिवाद, साम्प्रदायिकता एवं धार्मिक कट्टरवाद का सामना कर रहा है। यही तत्व लोकतंत्र प्रणाली की कार्यशीलता एवं स्थिरता को कमजोर करते हैं अनुमान लगाया जाता है कि जाति व्यवस्था का अभ्युदय प्राचीन समाज में श्रम विभाजन के संदर्भ में हुआ था जो धीरे-धीरे जन्म पर आधारित कठोर-समूह वर्गीकरण में परिवर्तित हो गया। दिन प्रतिदिन इस व्यवस्था का स्वरूप जाटिल होता चला गया और सच यह है कि जातिवाद ही सामाजिक-आर्थिक असमानता को कायम रखने हेतु उत्तरदायी है। हमारे समाज की जाति आधारित असमानता भारतीय लोकतंत्र के लिए एक गम्भीर चुनौती बनी हुई है। जाति एवं राजनीति के मिश्रण से जातियों का राजनीतिकरण एक अति गंभीर स्थिति है एवं वर्तमान भारतीय राजनीति में जातिवादकरण से हमारे लोकतंत्र में गम्भीर चुनौतियां उत्पन्न हो गई है। वर्तमान उदारीकरण एवं भूमड़लीकरण के युग के बावजूद जातिगत चेतना हमारे समाज से कम नहीं हुई है और जातियों को अधिकांशतः वोट बैंक राजनीति के रूप में उपयोग किया जा रहा है। धार्मिक कट्टरवाद भी साम्प्रदायिक ताकतों को धर्म एवं राजनीति दोनों का शोषण करने को बढ़ावा देता है। वास्तव में धर्म कट्टरवाद एक विचारधारा की तरह कार्य करती है जो रूढ़िवादिता की वकालत करती है ये धर्म हमारे बहुधर्मी समाज में हमारे सह असितत्व के ढांचे को तोड़ रहा है और यह एक पंथ निरपेक्ष संस्कृति के विकास के मार्ग में बड़ा बाधक है यह धार्मिक कट्टरता एवं साम्प्रदायिकता हमारे लोकतांत्रिक राजनीतिक स्थायित्व के लिए खतरा एवं मानवीय एवं मिश्रित संस्कृति की यशस्वी परम्परा को बर्वाद कर रहा है। अतः निष्कर्ष के रूप में हम यह सकते है कि भारतीय लोकतंत्र को ये सभी तत्व खोखला कर देंगे क्योंकि भारतीय समाज जातिगत-भेदभाव, धर्मबंधन से इस कदर जकड़ा हुआ है कि ना केवल समाज के बीच खाई पैदा हो रही है बल्कि यह तत्व राष्ट्रीय एकता के मार्ग में भी बाधा पहुंचाने का कार्य कर रही है। प्रसिद्ध समाजशास्त्री एम.एन. श्रीनिवास का मत है कि ’’परंपरावादी जाति व्यवस्था ने प्रगतिषील और आधुनिक राजनीतिक व्यवस्था को इस प्रकार प्रभावित किया है कि ये राजनीतिक संस्थायें अपने मूलरूप में कार्य करने में समर्थ नहीं है।’’ वास्तव में धर्म एवं जातिवाद भारतीय लोकतंत्र में बाधक सिद्ध प्रतीत हो रही है। अतः आवश्यक है धर्म निरपेक्ष राज्य ही लोक कल्याणकारी राज्य की स्थापना को सफल बना सकती है। इसके लिए देश के बुद्धिजीवी और राजनैतिक नेता इस संदर्भ में ईमानदारी के साथ सोचे और इस समस्या एवं इससे उत्पन्न अन्य समस्याओं का समाधान करने हेतु गंभीरतापूर्वक प्रयास करें। वैसे भी लोकतंत्र व्यक्ति की इकाई को मानता है ना कि जाति या समूह को, जाति, धर्म, और समूह के आतंक से मुक्त रखना ही लोकतंत्र का आग्रह है।
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Waughray, Annapurna. "Caste Discrimination and Minority Rights: The Case of India's Dalits." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 2 (2010): 327–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x495926.
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AbstractIndia's Dalits (formerly known as Untouchables) number around 167 million or one-sixth of India's population. Despite constitutional and legislative prohibitions of Untouchability and discrimination on grounds of caste they continue to suffer caste-based discrimination and violence. Internationally, caste discrimination has been affirmed since 1996 by the UN committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination as a form of racial discrimination prohibited by the Inter national Convention for the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, and since 2000 as a form of discrimination prohibited by international human rights law. India's Dalits have also pursued minority rights and indigenous peoples' approaches before international forums. Yet the Dalits do not readily meet the internationally-agreed criteria for minorities or for indigenous peoples, while in India they are not classified legally as a minority, enjoying a constitutional status and constitutional protections in the form of affirmative action provisions distinct from those groups classified as minorities. This article is concerned with the characterisation of the Dalits in international and Indian law. In particular it focuses on India's provisions on Dalits and minorities respectively, examining the origins and limitations of the Scheduled Caste category (the constitutional term for the Dalits) and the relationship between Scheduled Caste status and religion. The article addresses arguments for the extension of Scheduled Caste status to Muslim and Christian Dalits (currently excluded from the constitutional category on grounds of religion) and concludes by endorsing calls for re-examination of the domestic legal categories encompassing victims of caste discrimination and of the legal strategies for the elimination of such discrimination, while arguing that internationally caste discrimination might be more effectively addressed by the conceptualisation of caste as a sui generis ground of discrimination as in India.
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Hiwrale, Anup. "Caste: Understanding the Nuances from Ambedkar’s Expositions." Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 6, no. 1 (June 2020): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481120944772.
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Caste as a concept posed a great challenge to the academic world both due to its origin and implications. Most of the academics have analysed its existence and described the operations with some implications. Dr Ambedkar had not only written on the issues of caste inequality but also fought against it in India, especially for the human rights of ex-untouchables known as Dalit’s. Therefore, it is imperative to understand his views on caste inequality which is structural in nature. As we know that, caste is a foundation of the society and it has manifested in social, economic, political and educational inequalities among various classes of the Indian society, especially caste Hindus. However, this article attempts to understand his views in the present context of growing caste inequality. In fact, there has not been much attention paid to his thought in the Indian academic world. This article also aims to enhance the understanding of caste inequality in the face of increasing global inequality of the world. In the present context, the economic gap between higher castes and lower castes is increasing in all the sphere of human life. There are changes in caste inequality at the superficial level, but there are no changes at the structural level of caste. Caste inequality has manifested in a worst form of discrimination and untouchability on the basis of birth. This article deliberates on the distinctive ideas of Dr Ambedkar on caste and its annihilation. We view this on the background of writings on caste by a selective sociologist. One needs no reiteration of the fact that caste is deeply rooted in Indian society and strengthened through various catalysts. Annihilation of caste besides analysing the origin, its perpetuation also connotes a reconstruction of Indian society based on the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity, which were the basic commitments of Dr Ambedkar and embedded in Buddhism as the egalitarian religion of India. Here we touch up on the interdisciplinary contributions of Dr Ambedkar through his analysis of caste, never ever carried forward significantly. Annihilation of caste was not for a single religion, it was for all as well since all are infected by the hierarchy, if not caste. It is established here that the ideas of Ambedkar on caste and its annihilation are worth revisiting, when the discourses on caste are taking their wayward path. The article is divided into two parts. First, it explores the ideas of Ambedkar on the mechanism, genesis and development of caste; and second, how other scholars have understood caste in order to understand Indian society at large. Dr Ambedkar was a protagonist of modern democratic principles such as justice, liberty and equality.
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Simpson, Edward, Alice Tilche, Tommaso Sbriccoli, Patricia Jeffery, and Tina Otten. "A Brief History of Incivility in Rural Postcolonial India: Caste, Religion, and Anthropology." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 1 (January 2018): 58–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751700041x.
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AbstractAnthropological studies of Indian villages conducted in the 1950s and 1960s form a valuable archive of rural life soon after India's independence. We compare sections of that archive with recent fieldwork in the same villages in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, and Odisha. If we trust the ethnography of the 1950s, domestic and caste spheres were the locations of village incivility. It is noteworthy that there is no reference in the early work to the Partition of the subcontinent that had occurred just a few years before. Neither is there mention of discrimination or violence carried out in the name of religion in these locations. New fieldwork reveals a different story about the rise of wholesale religious incivility in the public sphere. Caste has not vanished, but inter-caste relations have taken on new forms. We suggest that the intersection of affirmative action policies, political parties, and the systematic penetration of Hindu nationalist organizations has been crucial in the remaking of rural India.
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BITTLES, A. H., S. G. SULLIVAN, and L. A. ZHIVOTOVSKY. "CONSANGUINITY, CASTE AND DEAF-MUTISM IN PUNJAB, 1921." Journal of Biosocial Science 36, no. 2 (February 17, 2004): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932003006230.
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The effects of religion, population sub-division and geography on the prevalence of deaf-mutism were investigated using information collected in the 1921 Census of Punjab. The total sample size was 9·36 million, and comprised data on thirteen Hindu castes, seventeen Muslim biraderis and two Sikh castes. A two-way analysis of variance comparing males in Hindu castes in which consanguineous marriage was prohibited, with males in Muslim biraderis which favoured first cousin marriage, indicated major differences with respect to the patterns of deaf-mutism within each religion. In the Muslim population 9·1% of the relative variation in the prevalence of deaf-mutism was inter-biraderi, 36·8% between geographical regions, and 48·8% an interaction between biraderi and region, whereas among Hindus 46·8% of the observed variation was inter-caste, 12·8% inter-region and 33·6% due to caste–region interaction. From a wider disease perspective the results obtained with the Hindu community indicate the significant genetic differentiation associated with caste endogamy. As the overwhelming majority of Hindu marriages continue to be within-caste, it can be predicted that similar levels of inter-caste differences in disease frequency currently exist. By comparison, the lower level of inter-biraderi variation among Muslims is probably indicative of the dissolution of pre-existing caste boundaries and the resultant gene pool mixing that followed the large-scale conversion of Hindus to Islam during Muslim rule in North India from the 13th to the 19th centuries.
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Hussain, Ghulam. "Understanding Hegemony of Caste in Political Islam and Sufism in Sindh, Pakistan." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 5 (April 4, 2019): 716–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619839430.
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This paper is an attempt to investigate the historical trajectory of Ashrafia hegemony in Sindh, the province of Pakistan. I begin with the analysis of biopolitics of caste, class and religion organised around Hindu–Muslim binarism and unity as it unfolded during and after the partition of the Indian subcontinent. I particularly analyse the demographic shifts, the official categorisation of populations, and the communal and ethnonationalist claims that led to the specific kind of interpretation of religion, caste and class. Informed by the Ambedkarian subaltern perspective and based on the analysis of ethnographic data and vernacular literature, I explain that nationalist ideologies framed in the narratives of political Islam and Sufism tend to organise politics around Hindu–Muslim otherness, as in case of Pakistani nationalism, and Hindu–Muslim harmony, as in case of Sindhi nationalism. Based on that understanding, I argue that Ashrafia advantage, by and large, is the product of pre-existing historical hegemonic relations than any conscious strategy, and or directly imposed domination. Since both the Ashrafia narratives primarily imagine people through religious binaries, they lack the counter-hegemonic elements that could confront casteism that lies at the intersection of class and religion. None of the narratives, being performative projections of the ideal religious society, brought casteism in their focus while dealing with the structural inequalities, social hierarchies and the issues of political representation of the Dalit class. It resulted in the unwarranted legitimacy for Ashrafia hegemony, Jati Hindu domination and Dalit subordination. This re-hierarchised caste groups and continue to (re)distribute the caste capital by (re)producing Sayedism, Dalit exclusion and caste-class oligarchies.
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Gellner, David N. "Language, caste, religion and territory: Newar identity ancient and modern." European Journal of Sociology 27, no. 1 (May 1986): 102–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004549.
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The newars are the indigenous inhabitants of the Kathmandu Valley, a bowl-shaped plateau about fifteen miles across at a height of approximately 4,000 fest in the Himalayan foothills. It is a plateau in that the major rivers in the immediate area (the Trisuli and the Sunkosi) pass it by at a much lower level. The Valley is surrounded by a rampart of hills rising to 7 or 8,000 feet; according to local belief and myth, and according to geology, the Valley was once a lake. Its soil is exceptionally fertile by Himalayan, or indeed any, standards. Thanks to this, and to the Valley's strategic position astride trade routes to Tibet, it has a long and distinguished history. Written records (inscriptions) begin in the fifth century A.D. and give evidence of a high and literate civilization derived from the Indian plain. The inscriptions are written in a chaste and pure Sanskrit not met with in later periods, but the place-names reveal that the bulk of the population spoke an ancient form of the presentday Newars' language, Newari (Malla 1981 (1). Whereas most of the rest of Nepal remained thinly inhabited and rustic till the modern period, the Kathmandu Valley was able to support a division of labour and a sophisticated urban civilization impossible elsewhere in the Himalayan foothills between Kashmir and Assam.
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Khera, Reetika. "India's Welfare State: A Halting Shift from Benevolence to Rights." Current History 119, no. 816 (April 1, 2020): 134–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2020.119.816.134.
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MOSSE, DAVID. "The Modernity of Caste and the Market Economy." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 4 (October 30, 2019): 1225–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000039.
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AbstractWhat place does the caste system have in modern India with its globally integrating market economy? The most influential anthropological approaches to caste have tended to emphasize caste as India's traditional religious and ritual order, or (treating such order as a product of the colonial encounter) as shaped politically, especially today by the dynamics of caste-based electoral politics. Less attention has been paid to caste effects in the economy. This article argues that the scholarly framing of caste mirrors a public-policy ‘enclosure’ of caste in the non-modern realm of religion and ‘caste politics’, while aligning modernity to the caste-erasing market economy. Village-level fieldwork in South India finds a parallel public narrative of caste either as ritual rank eroded by market relations or as identity politics deflected from everyday economic life. But, locally and nationally, the effects of caste are found to be pervasive in labour markets and the business economy. In the age of the market, caste is a resource, sometimes in the form of a network, its opportunity-hoarding advantages discriminating against others. Dalits are not discriminated by caste as a set of relations separate from economy, but by the very economic and market processes through which they often seek liberation. The caste processes, enclosures, and evasions in post-liberalization India suggest the need to rethink the modernity of caste beyond orientalist and post-colonial frameworks, and consider the presuppositions that shape understanding of an institution, the nature and experience of which are determined by the inequalities and subject positions it produces.
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Mosse, David. "Outside Caste? The Enclosure of Caste and Claims to Castelessness in India and the United Kingdom." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 1 (January 2020): 4–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000392.
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AbstractCaste has always generated political and scholarly controversy, but the forms that this takes today newly combine anti-caste activism with counter-claims that caste is irrelevant or non-existent, or claims to castelessness. Claims to castelessness are, in turn, viewed by some as a new disguise for caste power and privilege, while castlessness is also an aspiration for people subject to caste-based discrimination. This article looks at elite claims to “enclose” caste within religion, specifically Hinduism, and the Indian nation so as to restrict the field of social policy that caste applies to, to exempt caste-based discrimination from the law, and to limit the social politics of caste. It does so through a comparative analysis of two cases. The first is the exclusion of Christian and Muslim Dalits—members of castes subordinated as “untouchable”—from provisions and protections as Scheduled Castes in India. The other case is that of responses to the introduction of caste into anti-discrimination law in the UK. While Hindu organizations in the UK reject “caste” as a colonial and racist term and deploy postcolonial scholarship to deny caste discrimination, Dalit organizations, representing its potential victims, turn to scholarly discourse on caste, race, or human rights to support their cause. These are epistemological disputes about categories of description and how “the social” is made available for public debate, and especially for law. Such disputes engage with anthropology, whose analytical terms animate and change the social world that is their subject.
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Mukherjee, Arghya Kusum. "Traditional institutions and female labor force participation." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 1 (January 8, 2018): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-07-2016-0199.
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Purpose In general, the return from participation in MNREGA will be highest for those women whose mobility and social interaction is least impeded by conservative social norms. However, if any intervention enhances knowledge base, or challenges traditional norms of gender, then return from that intervention may be highest for those women impede most by conservative social norms. It may be interpreted as non-monotonic effect of restrictedness across caste and religion. The purpose of this paper is to examine non-monotonicity hypothesis of social restrictedness for the intervention MNREGA. Design/methodology/approach Using primary data from three districts of West Bengal, the paper has tried to see whether there exists any non-monotonic effect of restrictedness on household’s “expenditure on consumption,” “expenditure on temptation good,” “expenditure on women’s health” and “expenditure on children’s education and health” across castes and religion. The sample is relatively homogeneous in terms of socio economic status, but differs in affiliation to castes and religion. Findings As a result of participating the labor force through MNREGA, the contribution of women to household earnings increases, which may potentially increase their bargaining power within the household. The conventional notion is that women who are least fettered by social norms should get maximum benefits of participation in MNREGA. However, the analysis shows that women of upper caste (UC) community have been able to exercise the highest level of agency in allocating household resources compared to the women of scheduled caste community. It substantiates the non-monotonicity of restrictedness of social norms across castes and religions. Agency of Muslim women has not increased significantly compared to the UC women. Research limitations/implications The study suffers from usual limitations of sampling. Originality/value There is hardly any study deciphering MNREGA from the perspective of caste, religion and gender.
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Pandey, Jatin, and Biju Varkkey. "Impact of Religion-Based Caste System on the Dynamics of Indian Trade Unions: Evidence From Two State-Owned Organizations in North India." Business & Society 59, no. 5 (December 4, 2017): 995–1034. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650317745867.
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Religion and its envisaged structures have both macro- and micro-level implications for business. Of the many stratification schemas prevalent in India, two macro-social stratification schemas are important at the workplace: caste, which has been an age-old, religion-mandated, closed social stratification prevalent in Hinduism that had led to inequality in the society, and trade union, which is a relatively new and optional open workplace stratification that empowers workers and fosters equality. This study tries to decipher whether these two structures influence each other; if yes how and why do they influence each other (the tensions and contradictions that may happen between them), and whether the influence is uniform for all members. We conducted in-depth interviews with 43 trade union members, three trade union leaders of two state-owned organizations in North India. Initially, we found that caste does not have any superficial effect on the relationship between union members. However, a deeper analysis reveals that roots of this social reality reflect in the social and workplace exchanges between union members, and affect their social identity and loyalty. In the discussion we present a model of twin loyalties between union and caste. From the institutional logic perspective, we also delineate the caste and trade union perspective, and show how there is a change in trade union identity because of the influence of caste-based logic. Our findings have implications for industrial democracy, worker representation, and union effectiveness.
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Jha, Mithilesh Kumar. "Book Review: Jason Keith Fernandes, Citizenship in a Caste Polity: Religion, Language and Belonging in Goa." Studies in Indian Politics 9, no. 1 (May 27, 2021): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023021999189.
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Vishwakarma, Minakshi, Chander Shekhar, and Akhilesh Yadav. "Variations in Marriage Squeeze by Region, Religion, and Caste in India." Journal of Comparative Family Studies 50, no. 4 (December 2019): 313–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcfs.50.4.003.
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Banerjee, Biswajit. "Caste-Religion Inequalities in Occupational Attainment in Delhi in the 1970s." Artha Vijnana: Journal of The Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics 56, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 500. http://dx.doi.org/10.21648/arthavij/2014/v56/i4/111176.
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Chowdhry, Prem. "Contours of Communalism: Religion, Caste and Identity in South-East Punjab." Social Scientist 24, no. 4/6 (April 1996): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517794.
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Chaline, Olivier. "Guerre(s) et religion(s)." Communio N° 251-252, no. 3 (May 2, 2017): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/commun.251.0061.
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Fabrycky, Laura Merzig. "WORLD RELIGION(S)." Review of Faith & International Affairs 5, no. 1 (March 2007): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2007.9523282.
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N, Prajwal. "Cultural Differences and Negotiations in Inter-Caste Marriages: A Study in Bengaluru." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.45.1.
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B R Ambedkar (1936) had suggested inter-caste marriages as one of the potential remedies to annihilate caste system. He later contradicted this stance in the latter half of his academic journey by comparing inter-caste marriages to „force-feeding and artificial ways. 'Even after 80 years, the society is still divided between the effects of inter-caste marriages on the centuries-old caste system. Inter-caste marriage in the country was not a very common event till the 2000s after which its instances have been steadily increasing as per the reports from both the IHDS (2011) and NFHS (2005-2006). The more critical aspect of this uptrend of inter-caste marriage should be the interaction and negotiation of cultural differences among couples during the process of union. This qualitative study among 20 individuals (10 couples) in Bengaluru, looks into the various ways in which the inter-caste couples adjust their lifestyles, make decisions about their cultural practices and their children‟s socialization. The assumptions are laid in the backdrop of B. R. Ambedkar‟s work on the caste system and the study attempted to understand the subtle evolution of caste in the exogamous marriages. The study has also attempted to preempt the variety of bearings such inter-caste marriages can have on the future of caste system.
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Rathi, Ankita. "Deras Beyond Caste: Remedies for Developmental Pressures." South Asia Research 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 416–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728020944785.
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In the northern regions of India, the rising popularity of alternative religious sects, prominently Deras, has sparked much interest in explaining this phenomenon. Current literature, based on case studies of specific Dalit Deras, relates the emergence of these religious sects to caste-based social discrimination and exclusion of lower castes by the mainstream Sikh religion. This article presents a case study of a small town, Patran, in the state of Punjab. Confirming the popularity of these alternative religious sects for upper and lower castes in the town, the article argues that the contemporary attractiveness of Deras needs to be understood also as a result of localised agrarian dynamics and related social pressures engendered by the process of rural to urban and agrarian to non-agrarian transition.
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Bellamy, Carla. "Being Muslim the Chhipa way: Caste identity as Islamic identity in a low-caste Indian Muslim community." Contributions to Indian Sociology 55, no. 2 (June 2021): 224–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00699667211006954.
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This article adds to the emergent picture of caste practices among Indian Muslim communities through a focus on caste-based discourses and practices in the contemporary OBC Muslim Chhipa community (OBC, short for ‘Other Backward Class’, is an Indian-government designation). The article examines Muslim Chhipa origin stories, marriage practices and language strategies and shows the ways in which these phenomena—and attitudes about them—allow Muslim Chhipas to articulate and enact strategies of upward mobility and respectability. Central to these strategies is the idea of ‘Islam’, though not in its expected guise as a religion of equality. The article also shows that Islam plays a different but ultimately complementary role in intra-Chhipa relations, allowing for continued caste pride. However, the upward mobility achieved by some suggests that caste practices and beliefs in Muslim communities remain linked to pan-South Asian notions of purity and pollution and, as such, perpetuate discrimination against dalit Muslims.
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C, Angayarkanni, and Kiruthiga K. "Caste and dynamics of Iyothee Thass." International Research Journal of Tamil 3, S-1 (June 25, 2021): 290–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt21s147.
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The message of history is that society and its dynamics have been subject to change over time. One of them is caste-based activities. The word "Satyam" is indelible all over India. There has been no change in the view of “caste discrimination” in civilization, education, and even in the developing world. In the early days, people were segregated on the basis of land and occupation. Then they became racist due to the arrival of Vanderis (disguised Brahmins). Racial discrimination sought to keep a large number of people in a state of disgrace. This situation continued for a long time. However, with the advent of British colonial rule in India, "caste discrimination" may have taken a turn for the worse. The missionaries' aim was to seize wealth and spread their religion. Only when we are all united can we restore our self. They said they could be released. Who pioneered the second stage. C. Iyothee Thass Pandit. He has publicly recorded the progress of his people based on Buddhism. This can be seen in the dominance of his views on literature.
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R. S, Medhe, and Archana Kujur. "A REVIEW ON DIVERSE ASPECTS OF SCHEDULE CASTES OF INDIA." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 10, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 2000–2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v10i1.4670.
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This paper giving review of diverse aspects of scheduled castes in India. A brief overview of the caste system and discusses the types of groups and their social, economic, political, educational and cultural aspects too. This paper try to show the variation between developments of various group of scheduled castes. Through this paper we can say that there is region wise and caste wise variation in the process of development. Religion conversion from Hindu to other is also important factor in the process of development of scheduled castes
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Clancy Clements, J. "Portuguese Settlement of the Chaul/Korlai area and the Formation of Korlai Creole Portuguese." Journal of Language Contact 8, no. 1 (December 17, 2015): 13–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00801002.
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A perspective is offered on the social and historical developments surrounding the formation of Korlai Creole Portuguese (kcp), a creole language spoken in the village of Korlai, located around 150 kms south of Mumbai. I argue that lower-caste Hindus who were enslaved by the Portuguese in the Chaul-Korlai area were instrumental in the creation of kcp. I claim that kcp formed by 1530 and that it has been maintained up to the present day due in large part to the isolation of its speakers because of their religion, their caste and their occupation.