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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Religion and politics Uganda Uganda

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Academic literature on the topic 'Religion and politics Uganda Uganda'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Religion and politics Uganda Uganda"

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Nsibambi, Fredrick. "Documenting and Presenting Contentious Narratives and Objects—Experiences from Museums in Uganda." Heritage 2, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage2010002.

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Uganda is currently witnessing a new era, in as far as the safeguarding of cultural heritage is concerned. The preservation and presentation of cultural heritage objects is no longer a preserve of the state. National and community museums, totaling about 25, and spread across the country, are now preserving and presenting important aspects of Uganda’s diverse and multi-layered history as well as cultural heritage. Former leaders and political personalities are rarely documented. Even when documented by non-museum workers, their narratives are insufficiently presented in museums. Certain aspects of Uganda’s cultural heritage and history are silently being contested through museum spaces. The silent contestations are generally influenced by ethnicity, politics, and religion. Through this article, I intend to present the predicament of documenting contested histories and cultural heritage by Ugandan museums and provide examples of museum objects or aspects of Uganda’s cultural heritage, such as the narrative of “Walumbe” (death), that are subject to contestations.

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Mujuzi, Jamil Ddamulira. "Comment The Right to Freedom to Practice One’s Religion in the Constitution of Uganda." Religion & Human Rights 6, no. 1 (2011): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103211x543617.

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AbstractThe right to freedom to practice one’s religion is protected under the Ugandan constitution and in the international human rights instruments to which Uganda is party. There are also different pieces of legislation governing the marriages and divorces of different religious groups in Uganda. The Supreme Court of Uganda in the judgement of Dimanche Sharon and Others v. Makerere University has dealt with the constitutional limitations on the right to freedom of religion. This article discusses the constitutional history leading to the inclusion of the right to freedom of religion in the Constitution of Uganda and the Supreme Court decision interpreting the limitations on the right to freedom of religion.

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Ward, Kevin. "Series on Church and State: Eating and Sharing: Church and State in Uganda." Journal of Anglican Studies 3, no. 1 (June 2005): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740355305052827.

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ABSTRACTThe article explores the complexities of church-state relations in Uganda, with particular reference to the two dominant churches: the Anglican Church of Uganda (the Protestants) and the Roman Catholic Church. Together the two churches include some 80 per cent of Ugandans. Since the beginnings of Christianity in the late nineteenth century, the rivalry between the two communions has had political implications, with the Anglican Church perceived as constituting a quasi-establishment and the Catholics as lacking political clout. In local discourse, ‘eating’ refers to the enjoyment of political power; ‘sharing’ to the expectation of inclusion. The article looks at the attempt to overcome sectarian politics, and the Christian witness of both churches in the face of state oppression and violence.

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Ward, Kevin, and Aili Mari Tripp. "Women and Politics in Uganda." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 4 (November 2001): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581474.

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Bruner, Jason. "Religion and Politics in the East African Revival." International Bulletin of Mission Research 43, no. 4 (March 21, 2019): 311–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939319837479.

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This article briefly describes what was at stake for European missionaries, British colonial officials, and African converts in maintaining a distinction between religion and politics with respect to the East African Revival in Uganda. Focusing upon the years 1935–70, it problematizes clear distinctions between religion and politics by using Derek Peterson’s work on the revival as an expression of dissenting politics. The article argues that “religion” and “politics” were both emic categories with contextualized referents, as well as analytic categories with comparative implications.

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Boyd, Lydia. "Ugandan Born-Again Christians and the Moral Politics of Gender Equality." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 3-4 (March 20, 2014): 333–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340025.

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In recent years Ugandan born-again Christians have regularly engaged in forms of social protest—against homosexuality, in support of youth sexual abstinence—that they characterize as acts in defense of the African family. At the center of these protests was an overriding concern with the effects of a global discourse of rights-based gender equality on Ugandan cultural norms. Drawing on long-term fieldwork in a born-again church in Kampala, this article examines the underlying moral conflict that shapes born-again women’s and men’s rejections of gender equality. At the center of such conflicts were concerns about the ways rights-based equality undermined other models for moral personhood and gendered interdependence that existed in Uganda, models that were characterized as essential for social stability and personal well-being. This conflict is analyzed in relation to a broader sense of moral insecurity that pervaded discussion of gender and family life in Kampala.

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Hughes, Rebecca C. "“Grandfather in the Bones”." Social Sciences and Missions 33, no. 3-4 (September 24, 2020): 347–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-bja10011.

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Abstract Evangelical Anglicans of the Church Missionary Society constructed a triumphal narrative on the growth of the Ugandan Church circa 1900–1920. This narrative developed from racial theory, the Hamitic hypothesis, and colonial conquest in its admiration of Ugandans. When faced with closing the mission due to its success, the missionaries shifted to scientific racist language to describe Ugandans and protect the mission. Most scholarship on missionaries argues that they eschewed scientific racism due to their commitment to spiritual equality. This episode reveals the complex ways the missionaries wove together racial and theological ideas to justify missions and the particularity of Uganda.

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Záhořík, Jan. "Religion and Health Care in East Africa: Lessons from Uganda, Mozambique and Ethiopia." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 11, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 315–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2020.1811582.

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Blevins, John. "When Sodomy Leads to Martyrdom: Sex, Religion, and Politics in Historical and Contemporary Contexts in Uganda and East Africa." Theology & Sexuality 17, no. 1 (July 4, 2011): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/tse.v17i1.51.

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Martin, Bernice. "Preaching Prevention: Born-Again Christianity and the Moral Politics of AIDS in Uganda." Journal of Contemporary Religion 32, no. 1 (December 22, 2016): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537903.2016.1256674.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Religion and politics Uganda Uganda"

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Adams, Tyler Anthony. "“We Do Not Want This Sickness!”: Religion, Postcolonial Nationalism and Anti-Homosexuality Politics in Uganda." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306889389.

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Da, Silva Bernadette A. (Bernadette Ann). "The post-colonial state : Uganda 1962-1971." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66068.

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Nyangabyaki, Bazaara P. "Agrarian politics, crisis and reformism in Uganda, 1962-1996." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq22487.pdf.

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Wakabi, Wairagala. "A critical analysis of the coverage of Uganda's 2000 referendum by The New Vision and The Monitor newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002947.

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On July 29 2000, Uganda held a referendum to decide whether to continue with the ruling Noparty Movement system or to revert to the Multi-party platform. This research entails a qualitative content analysis of the role the media played in driving debate and understanding of the referendum and its role in the country’s democratisation process. The research is informed by Jurgen Habermas’s public sphere paradigm as well as the sociological theory of news production. The research covers Uganda’s two English dailies – The New Vision and The Monitor, examining whether they provided a public sphere accessible to all citizens and devoid of ideological hegemony. It concludes that the newspapers were incapable of providing such a sphere because of the structural nature of Ugandan society and the papers’ own capitalistic backgrounds and ownership interests. The research concludes that such English language newspapers published in a country with a low literacy rate and low income levels, can only provide a public sphere to elite and privileged sections of society. A case is then made that multiple public spheres would be better suited to represent the views of diverse interest groups.

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Gombay, Christie. "Eating cities, the politics of everyday life in Kampala, Uganda." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27935.pdf.

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Mugume, Taabo. "Student politics and multiparty politics in Uganda : a case study of Makerere University." University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4726.

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Magister Administrationis - MAdmin
The study of student politics in Africa has evolved in the last decade from a focus on non-institutionalised student activism and student movements to institutionalised student political participation in institutions of higher education. Thus it followed a development route in which student leadership had to find new ways in which to organise their movements in institutional, national and continental political organisations to influence policy and remain relevant in students’ lives. Since this study focuses on one particular dimension of this change, the study seeks to understand the relationship between student leaders in Makerere University, Kampala, and political parties in Uganda. The specific focus of the study is on highlighting the reasons for establishing and maintaining the relationship; the arrangements necessary for the relationship to exist, and how the relationship impacts on the ability of student leaders to represent students’ interests. Following an analysis of the relevant literature in line with the topic, it was decided that a mixed methods approach would be suitable for the study. Hence in-depth interviews were conducted with student leaders and leaders of national political parties and an online survey targeting all undergraduate students at Makerere University was done (as part of a larger study). Theoretically, the study adopted a framework originally proposed by Schmitter and Streeck (1999), and adapted it to study the relationship between student leaders and political parties, drawing also on the insights of studies that had previously used adaptations of the same framework to study student leadership in other contexts. The study found a continuing historical relationship between student leaders of Makerere University and political parties in Uganda. It found that a significant number of students are members of a political party, whereby student leaders are most likely not only to be ordinary party members, but party leaders. Political parties use the student guild elections to recruit new members. As part of being members of a political party, student leaders tend to be more influential in weak political parties, in contrast to a ruling party which is more influential in student politics given its ability to provide access to government resources. Moreover, the relationship is such that student leaders from Makerere University are most likely to end up in powerful political positions in the country (e.g. Byaruhanga, 2006; Mugume and Katusiimeh, 2014); this situation corresponds to the reasons that student leaders give for establishing relationships with political parties in the first place, as most student leaders have future political ambitions. The most influential organisations in student politics appear to be political parties, followed by cultural groups on campus. The study also highlights weaknesses in formal institutional governance structures given that student leaders believe their problems are better addressed in personal networks with members of university management staff than through the committee system. The relationship between student leaders and political parties generally leads to positive developments such as student leadership training in democratic politics; consequently they are even able to satisfy their personal interests in the process. It is further argued that students who are not in leadership positions mostly gain indirectly from the benefits that student leaders may derive from their relationship with political parties. For example, student leaders may govern their organisation better. However the evidence also strongly shows that such indirect gains are highly compromised in cases where student leaders have future political ambitions, as they may sacrifice the students’ interests in order to maintain their good reputation in the party. Since most student leaders aspire to be politicians in future, the study concludes by acknowledging that the relationship between student leaders and political parties has some positive consequences to students not involved in leadership, but they are outweighed by negative consequences. Hence it is argued in the conclusion that, taking into account the scope of this study, the relationship is largely a distraction to the student leaders rather than assisting them in enhancing their ability to represent students’ concerns.

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Galiwango, Wasswa Hassan. "Decentralisation and development: the contradictions of local government in Uganda with specific reference to Masindi and Sembabule districts." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/780.

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Decentralisation is the process through which Central Government transfers authority and functions to sub-national units of the Government and it traces its origin in Uganda from the “ bush” period (1981 – 1986) when Resistance Committees were established by the NRM/A in the Luwero triangle. The Mamdani Commission Report of 1987 on the Local Government system in Uganda recommended devolution of powers. Subsequently, decentralisation was launched in 1992, constitutionalised by the 1995 Constitution, and operationalised by the Local Governments Act (LGA) in 1997. Among the services devolved were education and health, which this study used as case studies to illustrate whether decentralisation has enhanced development in Uganda during the period 1993 – 2006. The study used both primary and secondary data in analysing the linkage between decentralisation and development in the two selected districts in Uganda, namely Masindi and Sembabule. Primary data was collected through interviews, questionnaires and focus group discussions while secondary data was gathered through a literature survey of relevant textbooks, newspapers, reports, legislation and journals. The findings of the study established that if decentralisation is properly planned and implemented it can make a meaningful contribution to enhancing development. However, since decentralisation is a process and not a once-off project, it evolves from one stage to another and, as it does so, it also unfolds new challenges and contradictions that need to be effectively addressed. These challenges include aspects relating to the legal framework, as well as political, fiscal and administrative decentralisation. The study recommended mitigation measures to enhance the efficiency, effectiveness, accountability, transparency, and subsequently the quality of services delivered (development) under decentralised local governance in Uganda.

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Wasswa, John Baptist. "The exploration of the impact of state ownership on Uganda's New Vision Newspaper's social role." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002948.

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The global trends of democratisation and privatisation that swept much of the developing world in the 1980s and 1990s led to significant changes in the conceptualisation, organisation and performance of the media. In Africa democratisation attained a new meaning with associated processes of liberalisation of broadcasting to end the monopoly of broadcasting by the state. The private media of the liberalised market is increasingly putting the public media system, both broadcast and print, under serious competition, and forcing them to adjust to changing circumstances. The New Vision newspaper in Uganda is one such public service media organisations that are owned by the state and yet have to compete in the new more democratic and liberalised environment. This study set out to explore the extent to which state-ownership impacts on The New Vision’s social role. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods of date collection, I have established the that although The New Vision is a public service medium for which government remains the major source of news, it does not in most cases give the state more or preferentially prominent coverage at the expense of other interest groups in society. On contrary, basing of the amount of coverage of civil society I established that The New Vision enabled the various groups public sphere to interact. The newspaper to an extent also plays the democratic role of monitoring government although there was little evidence of monitoring of corporate abuse. The nature of The New Vision Statute, and the global trends that have changed the conduct of official and private business, have rendered the theories on the 1980s’ development media theories increasingly inapplicable, forcing The New Vision to develop its own version of development journalism that is socially relevant. The study recommends that whereas much of The New Vision Statute is progressive, sections of it should be removed to protect the newspaper from being manipulated by government functionaries, if the it is to continue enabling the public sphere. The newspaper should also increase its monitoring of corporate abuse, and make internal reforms to improve the coverage of development related issues.

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Mbaine, Emmanuel Adolf. "The effects of criminalising publication offences on the freedom of the press in Uganda, 1986-2000." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002917.

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The press in Uganda has come a long way right from the colonial days when newspapers sprang up, mainly from missionary activity, through the eras of Obote 1 (1962 – 1971), Idi Amin (1971 – 1979), Obote 11 (1980 – 1985), Tito Okello (1985 – 1986) and the Museveni administration (1986 – to date). For most of this time, the press in Uganda enjoyed very little or no freedom to do its work. The year 1986 saw the ascendancy to power of the Yoweri Museveni as president after a five-year bush war with promised to restore peace, democracy, the rule of law, economic prosperity and civic rights and freedoms. Several achievements in these areas have been registered since 1986. Newspapers have sprouted and the broadcast industry liberalised to allow private ownership that has seen the proliferation of FM stations. However, the relations between the government and the press remain strained with journalists arrested and/or prosecuted mainly for offences relating to sedition, publication of false news and criminal libel. This study was intended to examine why journalists in Uganda continue to suffer arrests and incarceration when the country has been reported to be moving towards democratisation. The study was also aimed at assessing the impact of arresting journalists and arraigning them before the courts of law in the period under study and what this portends for freedom of the press and democratisation. It is recommended, among others, that journalists in Uganda need more unity of purpose to pursue meaningful media law reform that will de-criminalise publication wrongs. The civil remedies available to people who feel offended by the press are sufficient, if not excessive. The efforts already undertaken by the Eastern Africa Media Institute (EAMI) Uganda Chapter in this direction should be pursued to a logical conclusion.

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Green, Elliott Daniel. "The politics of ethnonationalism in contemporary Uganda : the case of Buganda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424697.

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Books on the topic "Religion and politics Uganda Uganda"

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Mudoola, Dan M. Religion, ethnicity, and politics in Uganda. 2nd ed. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers, 1996.

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Religion, ethnicity, and politics in Uganda. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers, 1993.

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Makerere University. Human Rights and Peace Centre. Monograph: Religion, politics and governance in Uganda. Kampala: Makerere University, Human Rights and Peace Centre, 2014.

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Oded, Arye. Religion and politics in Uganda: A study of Islam and Judaism. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers, 1995.

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Visca, Danila. La strega e il terrorista: Religione e politica in Uganda. Roma: Bulzoni, 2004.

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Behrend, Heike. Alice Lakwena & the holy spirits: War in Northern Uganda, 1985-97. Oxford: J. Currey, 1999.

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Acker, Frank Van. Uganda and the Lord's Resistance Army: The new order no one ordered. Antwerp: University of Antwerp, Institute of Development Policy and Management, 2003.

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Hooper, Ed. Uganda. London: Minority Rights Group, 1989.

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Hooper, Edward. Uganda. London: Minority Rights Group, 1989.

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Uganda. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Religion and politics Uganda Uganda"

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Gumisiriza, Pius. "Identity Politics in Uganda." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_3784-1.

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Sengendo, Hannington, and Paul K. Musali. "Environmental Management in Uganda." In Environmental Planning, Policies and Politics in Eastern and Southern Africa, 141–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27693-6_8.

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Bateganya, Fred Henry, Swizen Kyomuhendo, Gabriel Jagwe-Wadda, and Chris Columbus Opesen. "Male Involvement in Uganda: Challenges and Opportunities." In The Politics of AIDS, 123–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230583719_8.

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Kiiza, Julius. "New Developmentalism in the Old Wineskin of Neoliberalismin Uganda." In Developmental Politics in Transition, 211–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137028303_11.

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Braungart, Clara. "Der IStGH in der Praxis: Den Haag, Kenia und Uganda." In Religion und Transitional Justice, 103–48. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-26168-9_5.

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Schiffler, Manuel. "Uganda: A Public Utility Turnaround, Triggered by Pressure to Privatize." In Water, Politics and Money, 143–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-16691-9_14.

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Chibita, Monica B. "Indigenous Language Media and Freedom of Expression in Uganda." In Indigenous Language Media, Language Politics and Democracy in Africa, 28–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137547309_3.

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Omara-Otunnu, Amii. "Introduction." In Politics and the Military in Uganda, 1890–1985, 1–11. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18736-2_1.

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Omara-Otunnu, Amii. "Amin’s Manipulation of the Military (1973–77)." In Politics and the Military in Uganda, 1890–1985, 123–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18736-2_10.

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Omara-Otunnu, Amii. "The Disintegration of Amin’s Regime (1977–79)." In Politics and the Military in Uganda, 1890–1985, 138–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18736-2_11.

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