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1
Adams, Tyler Anthony. "“We Do Not Want This Sickness!”: Religion, Postcolonial Nationalism and Anti-Homosexuality Politics in Uganda." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306889389.
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Da, Silva Bernadette A. (Bernadette Ann). "The post-colonial state : Uganda 1962-1971." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66068.
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Nyangabyaki, Bazaara P. "Agrarian politics, crisis and reformism in Uganda, 1962-1996." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq22487.pdf.
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Wakabi, Wairagala. "A critical analysis of the coverage of Uganda's 2000 referendum by The New Vision and The Monitor newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002947.
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On July 29 2000, Uganda held a referendum to decide whether to continue with the ruling Noparty Movement system or to revert to the Multi-party platform. This research entails a qualitative content analysis of the role the media played in driving debate and understanding of the referendum and its role in the country’s democratisation process. The research is informed by Jurgen Habermas’s public sphere paradigm as well as the sociological theory of news production. The research covers Uganda’s two English dailies – The New Vision and The Monitor, examining whether they provided a public sphere accessible to all citizens and devoid of ideological hegemony. It concludes that the newspapers were incapable of providing such a sphere because of the structural nature of Ugandan society and the papers’ own capitalistic backgrounds and ownership interests. The research concludes that such English language newspapers published in a country with a low literacy rate and low income levels, can only provide a public sphere to elite and privileged sections of society. A case is then made that multiple public spheres would be better suited to represent the views of diverse interest groups.
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Gombay, Christie. "Eating cities, the politics of everyday life in Kampala, Uganda." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27935.pdf.
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Mugume, Taabo. "Student politics and multiparty politics in Uganda : a case study of Makerere University." University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4726.
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Magister Administrationis - MAdminThe study of student politics in Africa has evolved in the last decade from a focus on non-institutionalised student activism and student movements to institutionalised student political participation in institutions of higher education. Thus it followed a development route in which student leadership had to find new ways in which to organise their movements in institutional, national and continental political organisations to influence policy and remain relevant in students’ lives. Since this study focuses on one particular dimension of this change, the study seeks to understand the relationship between student leaders in Makerere University, Kampala, and political parties in Uganda. The specific focus of the study is on highlighting the reasons for establishing and maintaining the relationship; the arrangements necessary for the relationship to exist, and how the relationship impacts on the ability of student leaders to represent students’ interests. Following an analysis of the relevant literature in line with the topic, it was decided that a mixed methods approach would be suitable for the study. Hence in-depth interviews were conducted with student leaders and leaders of national political parties and an online survey targeting all undergraduate students at Makerere University was done (as part of a larger study). Theoretically, the study adopted a framework originally proposed by Schmitter and Streeck (1999), and adapted it to study the relationship between student leaders and political parties, drawing also on the insights of studies that had previously used adaptations of the same framework to study student leadership in other contexts. The study found a continuing historical relationship between student leaders of Makerere University and political parties in Uganda. It found that a significant number of students are members of a political party, whereby student leaders are most likely not only to be ordinary party members, but party leaders. Political parties use the student guild elections to recruit new members. As part of being members of a political party, student leaders tend to be more influential in weak political parties, in contrast to a ruling party which is more influential in student politics given its ability to provide access to government resources. Moreover, the relationship is such that student leaders from Makerere University are most likely to end up in powerful political positions in the country (e.g. Byaruhanga, 2006; Mugume and Katusiimeh, 2014); this situation corresponds to the reasons that student leaders give for establishing relationships with political parties in the first place, as most student leaders have future political ambitions. The most influential organisations in student politics appear to be political parties, followed by cultural groups on campus. The study also highlights weaknesses in formal institutional governance structures given that student leaders believe their problems are better addressed in personal networks with members of university management staff than through the committee system. The relationship between student leaders and political parties generally leads to positive developments such as student leadership training in democratic politics; consequently they are even able to satisfy their personal interests in the process. It is further argued that students who are not in leadership positions mostly gain indirectly from the benefits that student leaders may derive from their relationship with political parties. For example, student leaders may govern their organisation better. However the evidence also strongly shows that such indirect gains are highly compromised in cases where student leaders have future political ambitions, as they may sacrifice the students’ interests in order to maintain their good reputation in the party. Since most student leaders aspire to be politicians in future, the study concludes by acknowledging that the relationship between student leaders and political parties has some positive consequences to students not involved in leadership, but they are outweighed by negative consequences. Hence it is argued in the conclusion that, taking into account the scope of this study, the relationship is largely a distraction to the student leaders rather than assisting them in enhancing their ability to represent students’ concerns.
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Galiwango, Wasswa Hassan. "Decentralisation and development: the contradictions of local government in Uganda with specific reference to Masindi and Sembabule districts." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/780.
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Decentralisation is the process through which Central Government transfers authority and functions to sub-national units of the Government and it traces its origin in Uganda from the “ bush” period (1981 – 1986) when Resistance Committees were established by the NRM/A in the Luwero triangle. The Mamdani Commission Report of 1987 on the Local Government system in Uganda recommended devolution of powers. Subsequently, decentralisation was launched in 1992, constitutionalised by the 1995 Constitution, and operationalised by the Local Governments Act (LGA) in 1997. Among the services devolved were education and health, which this study used as case studies to illustrate whether decentralisation has enhanced development in Uganda during the period 1993 – 2006. The study used both primary and secondary data in analysing the linkage between decentralisation and development in the two selected districts in Uganda, namely Masindi and Sembabule. Primary data was collected through interviews, questionnaires and focus group discussions while secondary data was gathered through a literature survey of relevant textbooks, newspapers, reports, legislation and journals. The findings of the study established that if decentralisation is properly planned and implemented it can make a meaningful contribution to enhancing development. However, since decentralisation is a process and not a once-off project, it evolves from one stage to another and, as it does so, it also unfolds new challenges and contradictions that need to be effectively addressed. These challenges include aspects relating to the legal framework, as well as political, fiscal and administrative decentralisation. The study recommended mitigation measures to enhance the efficiency, effectiveness, accountability, transparency, and subsequently the quality of services delivered (development) under decentralised local governance in Uganda.
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Wasswa, John Baptist. "The exploration of the impact of state ownership on Uganda's New Vision Newspaper's social role." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002948.
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The global trends of democratisation and privatisation that swept much of the developing world in the 1980s and 1990s led to significant changes in the conceptualisation, organisation and performance of the media. In Africa democratisation attained a new meaning with associated processes of liberalisation of broadcasting to end the monopoly of broadcasting by the state. The private media of the liberalised market is increasingly putting the public media system, both broadcast and print, under serious competition, and forcing them to adjust to changing circumstances. The New Vision newspaper in Uganda is one such public service media organisations that are owned by the state and yet have to compete in the new more democratic and liberalised environment. This study set out to explore the extent to which state-ownership impacts on The New Vision’s social role. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods of date collection, I have established the that although The New Vision is a public service medium for which government remains the major source of news, it does not in most cases give the state more or preferentially prominent coverage at the expense of other interest groups in society. On contrary, basing of the amount of coverage of civil society I established that The New Vision enabled the various groups public sphere to interact. The newspaper to an extent also plays the democratic role of monitoring government although there was little evidence of monitoring of corporate abuse. The nature of The New Vision Statute, and the global trends that have changed the conduct of official and private business, have rendered the theories on the 1980s’ development media theories increasingly inapplicable, forcing The New Vision to develop its own version of development journalism that is socially relevant. The study recommends that whereas much of The New Vision Statute is progressive, sections of it should be removed to protect the newspaper from being manipulated by government functionaries, if the it is to continue enabling the public sphere. The newspaper should also increase its monitoring of corporate abuse, and make internal reforms to improve the coverage of development related issues.
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Mbaine, Emmanuel Adolf. "The effects of criminalising publication offences on the freedom of the press in Uganda, 1986-2000." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002917.
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The press in Uganda has come a long way right from the colonial days when newspapers sprang up, mainly from missionary activity, through the eras of Obote 1 (1962 – 1971), Idi Amin (1971 – 1979), Obote 11 (1980 – 1985), Tito Okello (1985 – 1986) and the Museveni administration (1986 – to date). For most of this time, the press in Uganda enjoyed very little or no freedom to do its work. The year 1986 saw the ascendancy to power of the Yoweri Museveni as president after a five-year bush war with promised to restore peace, democracy, the rule of law, economic prosperity and civic rights and freedoms. Several achievements in these areas have been registered since 1986. Newspapers have sprouted and the broadcast industry liberalised to allow private ownership that has seen the proliferation of FM stations. However, the relations between the government and the press remain strained with journalists arrested and/or prosecuted mainly for offences relating to sedition, publication of false news and criminal libel. This study was intended to examine why journalists in Uganda continue to suffer arrests and incarceration when the country has been reported to be moving towards democratisation. The study was also aimed at assessing the impact of arresting journalists and arraigning them before the courts of law in the period under study and what this portends for freedom of the press and democratisation. It is recommended, among others, that journalists in Uganda need more unity of purpose to pursue meaningful media law reform that will de-criminalise publication wrongs. The civil remedies available to people who feel offended by the press are sufficient, if not excessive. The efforts already undertaken by the Eastern Africa Media Institute (EAMI) Uganda Chapter in this direction should be pursued to a logical conclusion.
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Green, Elliott Daniel. "The politics of ethnonationalism in contemporary Uganda : the case of Buganda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424697.
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Kintu-Nyago, Crispin. "Defining governance in Uganda in a changing world order, 1962-94." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002998.
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This study argues that much of early post colonial Uganda's political developments, had its roots in the colonial patterns of governance. It was, however, the imperative of Uganda's early post colonial rulers to have formulated and maintained conditions for legitimate and orderly governance. Largely, this required a coherent political class with a mass based and mobilising political movement, that moreover had a political programme that catered for the interests of its support base. Indeed, their opting to negate these very prerequisite conditions, contributed greatly to Uganda's subsequent political disorder, and it's further marginalisation in the International Political Economy. This study suggests that since the impact of colonialism in Uganda, its governance policies have closely been linked to the broader dictates of the International Political Economy. A reality that the policy makers in post colonial Uganda should have realised, and in the process attempted to advantageously adapt to the Ugandan situation. Their was a qualitative improvement in Uganda's governance from 1986. This study illustrates that this was a result of the emerging into power of a political class, whose policies deliberately and strenuously attempted to fulfil the above mentioned criteria. Their is need to link Uganda's foreign and governance policies. Consequently a conscious and deliberate effort has to made by its policy makers, to ensure that the two are amicably adapted to each other, so as to derive the best possible benefits. For instance what Uganda needs in the existing New World Order are development, domestic and foreign investments and export markets for its produce. All of which can only be obtained if political order through a legitimate political system and government exists. With a leadership, that moreover, deliberately attracts foreign investments and creates the enabling conditions for competitive economic production. The onus is upon Ugandans to ensure that they institutionalise conditions for their appropriate governance and foreign policies. For this thesis argues that the International Political Economy is dynamic, and Uganda was never predestined to be at its margins.
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Nsobya, Abdulhakim Abdalla. "Allied democratic forces (ADF) in Uganda: A Jihadi- Salafi movement or local political movement in disguise." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29839.
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Since 1996, Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) has waged a campaign of terror in Uganda and neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which has resulted in a number of fatalities and continues to threaten the security of the region. From its inception, the objective of the ADF has been to overthrow the Ugandan government and establish an Islamic state governed by a Salafi interpretation of Islam. This study seeks to document the history of the ADF and to locate its position within contemporary Salafi debates. It does so by answering the following questions: (1) what do we know about the ADF? (2) How did the ADF emerge in Uganda? (3) Is the ADF Jihadi-Salafi movement or local political movement in disguise? This study utilises interviews, as well as archival and ethnographic approaches to research. Findings suggest that the ADF is a Jihadi-Salafi militant movement, which was originally established under the name Salafi Jihad Council (SaJiCo). However, the initial failure to stand alone and the Busitema defeat forced them to join other non-Muslim rebel groups to form the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF). In addition, this study confirmed that, persuasive rhetoric of ADF leader, Jamilu Mukulu in addition to a long history of economic, social and political marginalisation of Muslims in Uganda by colonial and post-colonial governments, played a significant role in the creation and recruitment strategies for the Movement.
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Young, Graeme William. "Informal vending and the state in Kampala, Uganda." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/274999.
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This thesis examines how the agency of informal vendors in Kampala, Uganda, is shaped by the state. It argues that efforts by the President and the NRM to monopolize political power have dramatically restricted the agency of informal street and market vendors, forcing them to adapt to changing political circumstances in ways that have limited their ability to participate in urban development and economic life. This argument is presented through two examples of how expanding political control has led to a contraction of vendors’ agency. The first of these describes how the early decentralization and democratization reforms introduced by the NRM allowed street vendors to take advantage of competition between newly elected and empowered politicians to remain on the city’s streets, and how the central government’s subsequent recentralization and de-democratization of political power in Kampala has led to the repression of street vending while closing the channels of influence that vendors previously enjoyed. The second explores how efforts by the central government to undermine the opposition-led local government allowed market vendors to successfully oppose an unpopular market privatization initiative, and how both the President and the new city government have since been able to take advantage of disputes within markets for their own purposes while vendors have been largely unable to realize their market management and development ambitions. Both examples detail the causes, forms and implications of the ruling party’s monopolization of political power and explore how vendors have responded to their changing political circumstances, highlighting how these efforts face significant obstacles due to the increasingly restrictive environment in which vendors are forced to act. This thesis shows that the agency of informal vendors—while always manifest in certain ways—is constantly and increasingly constrained as the President and the ruling party tighten their grip on power. As their political exclusion precipitates a broader exclusion from urban development and economic life, informal vendors are forced to contend with a situation of increasing marginalization and vulnerability that they are largely unable to improve.
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Radebe, Magcino. "An analysis of the heavily indebted poor countries initiative in Uganda." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12443.
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Includes abstract.This mini dissertation analyses the claims that Uganda is the success story of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. Uganda was the first country to qualify for debt relief under this debt management programme, and has a reputation for being able to address its economic and social problems simultaneously. Furthermore, the manner in which Uganda has engaged with civil society has also received praise. Thus, some scholars believe that the country offers a model example for indicating the effectiveness of debt management programmes in general, and the HIPC Initiative in particular. However, other scholars are more critical, claiming that the successes that Uganda has experienced under the HIPC Initiative have been short lived, and have also compounded the country‘s indebtedness. There is therefore a robust debate in the literature regarding this topic as some scholars take a more optimistic view of the impact of the HIPC Initiative in Uganda, and other scholars take a more pessimistic stance. This mini dissertation surveys these contrasting views in the literature, and argues that because the HIPC Initiative failed to deliver the promises that it made Uganda was unable to sustain its achievements under the programme. The dissertation concludes that Uganda is not an HIPC Initiative success story.
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Musisi, Fred. "A historical analysis of the impact of the 1966 Ugandan constitutional crisis on Buganda’s monarchy." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/20703.
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1966 was a particularly tumultuous year in the East African country of Uganda. After an era of relative peace and stability, the country was plagued by a range of tragedies that resulted in a constitutional crisis after the 24 May attack on the palace of the King of Buganda. This was the first time in Uganda's short history that the state had deliberately and systematically turned its guns on its own people. As a point of departure the study advances that existing historical analyses on the crisis lack detail. Consequently, the core of the study was to provide a more focused detailed and multi-faceted historical account of the 1966 crisis on the Buganda’s monarchy. The study yielded insights into the political and socio-economic impacts of the 1966 political turmoil on the people of Buganda. Using the historical method to inform the research design; the study employed an archival history methodology to examine how both the colonial legacy and the internal dynamics of the Ugandan society combined to lead to a serious and dramatic conflict between the kingdom of Buganda and State of Uganda. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that the political turmoil left an indelible scar on the Kingdom of Buganda. The study offers clarity on why and how the crisis occurred and contributes a better understanding of the ‘grey area’ of knowledge and insights into what the abolition of the Kingdom meant to the Baganda.
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Muwanga, Nansozi K. "The politics of primary education in Uganda, parent participation and national reforms." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ53852.pdf.
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Karamura, Grace Patrick. "The interplay of Christianity, ethnicity and politics in Ankole, Uganda, 1953-1993." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/530/.
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Christianity was a powerful factor in the re-ordering of the ethno-political events in Ankole. Since its inception at the end of the 19th Century (1877 & 1879, Protestants and Catholics respectively), the Churches, both Protestant and Catholic have played a leading role in the new chapter of Western civilisation. Since then, the churches have been able to impact on people because of their pioneering advantage in social services like schools, hospitals and agriculture. Because of such advantage, by the mid 1950s, the churches were not only powerful forces in shaping the flow of events in their respective areas, but they were also entangled by various forces which have since been difficult to disentangle from. Ethnicity, religion and politics, forces that were not so pronounced before, became prominent after the introduction of Christianity and especially after the products of missionary schools graduated. Hence, since the 1950s, religious and ethnic polarisation have dictated the kind of politics in Ankole and Uganda generally with the disastrous consequences of religio-political divisionism. Underlying these forces is the ethnic factor which has hibernated between religion and politics. Thus, whereas it has been possible for the churches to grow in numbers in such a short time (within a century), the same growth factors have not been an advantage in dispelling ethnic and religious disparity. This is the main thesis of this research, that ethnicity more than religion or politics has been the contending factor in Ankole politics. This thesis is not simply a chronological study of Christianity in Ankole but looks at other wider social issues like the Banyarwanda refugees, the Ankole monarchy and Islam, and how these factors have impacted on the Ankole church.
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Kibanja, Grace M. "The relative influence of value priorities ethnicity and worries in the determination of political party affiliation amongst Ugandan university students." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002512.
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This study examines the relative influence of value priorities, ethnicity and 'worries' in the determination of political party affiliation amongst Ugandan university students. Schwartz's values questionnaire was administered to 309 male and 176 female first year students from the faculties of engineering, medicine, law, commerce, social sciences, sciences, education and mass communication at Makerere University Uganda. The sample included respondents from all of the six sub-ethnic groups in Uganda. Respondents also covered the major religious groups in the country and were also representative of the major political parties. Results from the statistical analysis on the data show that ethnicity and certain values playa role in the determination of these students' affiliation to a political party. Chi-square results show that achievement, benevolence, universalism, security, tradition and conformity values are given differing importance across political parties. And, Anova results show that the tradition value has a significant mean difference across parties. Other factors such as religion and course of study are also found to have significant influence on these student's affiliation to political parties. Although 'worries' are found not to have a significant influence on student's political party affiliation, findings show that students from different political parties differ in their ratings of the different types of ' worries'. Therefore results show that ethnicity and value priorities do infl4ence these students' affiliation to a political party but ' worries' do not. The discussion section explores these findings in the context of contemporary Ugandan politics.
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Lindemann, Stefan. "Elite bargains and the politics of war and peace in Uganda and Zambia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2391/.
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This PhD thesis starts from the puzzle of striking differences in civil war occurrence across Sub-Saharan Africa, exemplified by the two countries of Uganda and Zambia. While post-colonial Uganda has experienced no less than 15 cases of civil war, Zambia has been able to avoid civil war since independence in 1964. To explain this extreme variation in the two countries' vulnerability to civil war, I first review the five most influential theoretical approaches in the civil war literature. While most of these approaches fall short of resolving my puzzle, several arguments that emphasise the need for elite power-sharing offer a promising starting point. Against this backdrop, I go on to develop a theoretical approach that focuses on the inclusiveness of elite politics. I argue that a country's propensity for war or peace is determined by the inclusiveness of the 'elite bargain', i.e. the distribution of access to positions of state power (political, military, economic and territorial) between contending social groups. This hypothesis is confirmed by my empirical findings, which are based on 103 interviews, a comprehensive set of original data on the inter-group distribution of political, military, economic and territorial posts, and in-depth historical analysis. In Uganda, I trace recurrent civil war back to the persistence of exclusionary elite bargains. By contrast, Zambia has been able to contain the spectre of civil war by forging and maintaining inclusive elite bargains. My detailed two-country comparison reveals that differences in civil war occurrence reflect variation in the relative trend, depth, scope, authenticity and perception of the elite bargain. There is also evidence for the relevance of several complementary explanatory factors, including violent state repression, socioeconomic inter-group inequalities, political leadership, levels of urbanisation, and regional spillover effects.
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Jones, Benjamin. "Local-level politics in Uganda : institutional landscapes at the margins of the state." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/662/.
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Uganda has been considered one of Africa's few "success stories" over the past decade, an example of how a country can be transformed through a committed state bureaucracy. The thesis questions this view by looking at the experiences of development and change in a subparish in eastern Uganda. From this more local-level perspective, the thesis discusses the weakness of the state in the countryside, and incorporates the importance of religious and customary institutions. In place of a narrow view of politics, focused on reforms and policies coming from above, which rarely reach rural areas in a consistent or predictable way, the thesis describes political developments within a rural community. The thesis rests on two premises. First, that the state in rural Uganda has been too weak to support an effective bureaucratic presence in the countryside. Second, that politics at the local-level is an "open-ended" business, better understood through investigating a range of institutional spaces and activities, rather than a particular set of actions, or a single bureaucracy. Oledai sub-parish, which provides the empirical material for the thesis, was far removed from the idea of state-sponsored success described in the literature. Villagers had to contend with a history of violence, with recent impoverishment, and with the reality that the rural economy was unimportant in maintaining the structures of the government system. The thesis shows that the marginalisation of the countryside came at a time when central and local government structures had become increasingly reliant on funding from abroad. Aside from the analysing the weakness of the state bureaucracy, the thesis goes on to discuss broader changes in the life of the sub-parish, including the impact of a violent insurgency in the late 1980s. The thesis also looks at the role of churches and burial societies, institutions which have been largely ignored by the literature on political developments in Uganda. Religious and customary institutions, as well as the village court, provided spaces where political goals, such as settling disputes, building a career, or acquiring wealth, could be pursued.
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Wilkins, Sam. "The dominant party system in Uganda : subnational competition and authoritarian survival in the 2016 elections." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cba1f2e5-cc83-4c9d-a0f3-ca065da0b98f.
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This thesis studies the authoritarian dominant party system in Uganda during the 2016 general election. It focuses on how subnational competition within the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) prolongs the tenure of its leader, 30-year incumbent President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. In three districts where the NRM has been historically strong - Kyenjojo, Kayunga, and Bugiri - the thesis traces three processes to this end: the decentralisation and localisation of accountability politics away from the regime and toward expendable local politicians (H1); the relationship between local elite rivalry and the NRM's collective mobilisation for Museveni's simultaneous re-election (H2); and how competitive electoral pressures on NRM MPs alter the national elite bargain in the president's favour (H3). It concludes that in strong NRM areas, the fractious divisions that characterise intra-party competition are not a by-product of its near monopolistic domination of politics, but the very basis of that dominance. This emphasis on subnational intra-party competition brings a new variable into a literature on non-democratic survival that tends to focus on more narrowly coercive and clientelist regime strategies. The thesis presents this argument in a qualitative single case study driven by an open and inductive fieldwork component throughout the 2016 election period. Its three hypotheses are built on data from interviews (with voters and elites), ethnographic observations, official data, and secondary sources. This data is used in a process-tracing design before its conclusions are fortified by a subnational comparative analysis of the election results in the three case districts.
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Nicholls, Lilly. "From paradigm to practice : the politics and implementation of sustainable human development in Uganda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1498/.
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Today, the credibility of the international development community is increasingly being called into question. At the root of the problem are the extremely unequal nature of recent growth, the end of the Cold War, economic recession in the North, and the lacklustre record of foreign aid in reaching those left behind. By the 1990s, the notion of Sustainable Human Development (SHD) or what is sometimes called People-Centred Development (PCD) was being hailed as a possible framework for building a newly-invigorated system of international development cooperation based on genuine North-South partnership, holistic, equitable, participatory, empowering and sustainable development. This thesis explores the implementability and transformational potential of the SHD/PCD paradigm by analyzing how a multilateral development agency (UNDP) and an international NGO (Action Aid) put it into practice both globally and in Uganda. Its main argument is that despite both agencies' contributions to service-delivery and training, and their genuine efforts to reorient their work towards SHD/PCD approaches, in the final analysis neither UNDP or Action Aid realize the more transformative goals of the SHD/PCD agenda or seriously challenge the status quo. This is partly due to the excessively abstract, unfinished, ideologically confused and contradictory nature of the SHD/PCD paradigm itself, (i.e., the Baroque Science Phenomenon). However UNDP and Action Aid, both of which adopted SHD/PCD to enhance their profiles, must assume much of the responsibility blame for subordinating core SHD/PCD goals to their own organizational interests (i.e., the River Pollution Phenomenon) . The thesis also demonstrates how both agencies undermine their effectiveness by making a series of fallacious assumptions about both poor communities' and their own catalytic potential in an effort to reconcile the gap between their agencies' SHD/PCD aspirations and the real-life constraints facing their goals.
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Agaba, Grace Rwomushana. "An exploration of the effect of market-driven journalism on The Monitor newspaper's editorial content." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/193/1/grace's_thesis.pdf.
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The media today are under pressure from various fronts including governments, businesses as well as cultural interests. In the developed world, this pressure that led to the emergence of a new form of journalism that puts the demands of the market at the forefront. This commercial oriented journalism gives priority to articles that attract mass audiences like entertainment while it downplays information that promotes debates that is necessary for citizens to be able to have a voice on the issues that affect them. And since participation and discussion are cornerstones of a democratic process, market-driven journalism undermines democracy because it narrows down the forum for debate. As a result, active citizens are turned into passive observers in society. Although several studies about this phenomenon have been done in the western world, the same is happening in Africa because the media face similar challenges as in the West; challenges of globalisation and media conglomeration facilitated by the rapid advancing technology. This study, which is informed by political economy and market-driven journalism theories, notes that the media in Uganda are also faced with these challenges. The study is focused on Uganda’s only independent newspaper, The Monitor. The findings indicate that market-driven journalism is taking root at the expense of journalism that promotes citizenship and debate such as political reporting and opinions. For example, there has been an increase of entertainment, sports and supplement articles in The Monitor as compared to declining political reporting and opinions. More so, investigative reporting has dwindled over the years at the expense of increasing use of press releases. This is because entertainment and sports articles can attract big audiences that the newspaper needs to sell to advertisers. Advertisers are important because they provide financial support to the newspaper. However, in a country where democracy is in its formative stages, public information is necessary not only for citizens to make informed decisions but also to spur economic as well as social development.
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Laruni, Elizabeth. "From the village to Entebbe : the Acholi of Northern Uganda and the politics of identity, 1950-1985." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/16003.
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The aim of this thesis will be to decipher why Acholi ethnic identity remained such a critical political tool in late and post-colonial Uganda, from 1950-1985, just before the outbreak of civil war in 1986. The thesis will centre not on the inevitability of the war, but will instead focus on the political processes that preceded it. It will seek fill a gap in a historiography of a people whose contribution to the Ugandan nation state goes beyond that of collective suffering, violence, paramilitary warfare and ethnic conflict. To effectively do this there will be an assessment of how Acholi gender, class and social hierarchies, religious identities, regional identifications and the much-touted ‘martial’ identity have been utilised internally and externally to politically reinforce Acholi ethnicity in late-colonial and post-colonial Uganda. Ugandan political engagement has continually allowed the politics of ethnicity to take a centre stage. Even in the present day, Uganda remains ethnically and regionally divided between the ‘North’ and the ‘South’. Bantu-speaking ethnic groups in the southern, central and western Uganda, including the Baganda, Basoga, Bagisu, Banyoro, Batoro, and Banyankole, dominate the South. The North, which is home to the Nilotic groups, encompasses the Acholi, Lango, Madi, Alur, Iteso, and the Karamojong peoples. Historically, the political and ethnic divisions between the peoples of Northern and Southern Uganda have contributed to the country’s contentious post-colonial history. This thesis will argue that political hostilities between the peoples of the two regions were a by-product of the economic and political policies of the colonial government and the administrations that followed. Regional demarcations, sanctioned by the British and adopted by post-colonial regimes, reinforced strong ethnically divided local governments founded on pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial Acholi socio-political institutions. Economic underdevelopment played a large part in fostering political tensions between Northern and Southern Uganda and served as useful tool for Acholi power brokers to negotiate for political and economic capital with the state, by utilising the politics of regional differentiation through the ‘Northern identity.’ Consequently, with onset of decolonisation Ugandan ‘nationalism’ became a localised movement driven by ethnically homogenous local governments and kingdoms. For the Acholi ethnic group, the most visible of their colonial and post-colonial identities has been that of the ‘martial race’. Acholi soldiers joined the army largely as a means to access job opportunities, and by doing so they became the representatives of state coercion and violence. Yet those that joined did not do so to deliberately suppress other ethnic groups: rather employment opportunities were limited in the locality and the army corps provided access to economic and social mobility. Despite being the most visible identity nationally, the ‘martial identity’ has not been the most dominant locally, or even the driving force within the Acholi polity in the last thirty-five years. Acholi late-colonial and post-colonial history has been informed by the historical processes that have shaped the relationship between the Acholi ‘moral ethnicity’ and ‘political tribalism’. The latter provided an opportunity for politically minded Acholi to participate within national politics, yet the former kept them tied to the locality. As the political representation of the Acholi outside the region ‘political tribalism’ was combative, utilising religious, clan, and regional identities to make demands against the state. The prominence of ethnopolitics within national politics ensured that within the repertoire of the Acholi ‘cultural tool kit’, ethnopolitics remained the dominant tool for external political engagement.
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Flygare, Sara. "The Cooperative Challenge : Farmer Cooperation and the Politics of Agricultural Modernisation in 21st Century Uganda." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Universitetsbiblioteket [distributör], 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7277.
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Tidemand, Per. "The resistance councils in Uganda : a study of rural politics and popular democracy in Africa /." Roskilde : Roskilde University, International Development Studies, 1994. http://www.rub.ruc.dk/epublisher/Indhold_the_resistance.pdf.
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Mills, David Shane. "The nation's valiant fighters against illiteracy : locating the cultural politics of 'development' in 1990s Uganda." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1997. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29437/.
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This dissertation is a partial account of the cultural politics of 'development' in contemporary Uganda, focusing particularly on educational institutions as sites of negotiation of modernity's gendered meanings. Utilising media representations and ethnographic research carried out in both Makerere University and in a rural secondary school, I describe how senses of the 'modern' are produced within colonial and postcolonial discourses on gender, education and the nation. Drawing on theoretical dialogues between cultural geography, social history and anthropology, I argue that historical and spatial relationships are often invoked to locate or contest the moral hierarchies that these understandings of 'progress' or 'development' depend on. By shifting position, perspective and scale, I attempt to make visible the relational production of multiple and cross-cutting Ugandan localities. Recognising the legacies of war, nationalism and religion that shape understandings of 'development' in Uganda today, this thesis is also an attempt at a 'history of the present', describing the way these turbulent pasts are retold and relived. After a brief introduction to anthropology's own troubled history of ethical debate, I discuss the influence of European ethnographies and 'Ganda' oral and textual narratives on Ugandan politics. I describe how, in the bitter aftermath of rural neglect and isolation stemming from the 1980s liberation war, monarchical idioms from Buganda's past have been suddenly reinvigorated within new Buganda nationalisms. Subsequently I interweave transnational and national media imageries with everyday lived experiences - rural school life, a speech day, urban popular music, staffroom gossip and university student romances - to create a sense of the multiple localities within which people create a sense of themselves as being both 'Ugandan' and 'modern'. Exploring the contested and political negotiations of culture in this way reveals both the material and symbolic aspects of the discursive practices of 'development'.
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Henretta, Elsa. "The Paradox of Creativity." Thesis, Kungl. Musikhögskolan, Institutionen för musik- och medieproduktion, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kmh:diva-2717.
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Interviews with Swedish and Ugandan creatives are the main data sources of this work, as well as my own reflections while spending eight weeks in Uganda. The purpose of this project was to compare and resonate on cultural differences between my own previous experiences and what I experienced in Uganda during my stay and how such cultural differences may affects creativity. The results show that abundance and scarcity have a direct connection to creative thinking. The creative process is dependent on a large knowledge base, but also on the ability to think outside the box. The colonization of Africa still affect the way Ugandans experience their capability to control their lives and future, and thereby the development of the country. Artistic individuals, no matter religious or not, are all experiencing spiritual, or magical, connections when creating. Religion and culture have a large impact on creativity. The creative personality is based on a complex mind of paradoxical traits. Blocked creatives can be un-blocked by learning how to nurture their artist.
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Appe, James M. "Factional politics and political development in Uganda and Kenya since independence : a study of clientelism, spoils politics and stability, 1960-1990." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19749.
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This is a critical evaluation of the politics of Uganda and Kenya from 1960 to 1990. It reviews the political developments of the two countries from a statist perspective and focuses mainly on the personal power relations among the leading politicians. The aim is to account for the dynamics and effects of factional politics in political change and on state stability. The concept of clientelism is used to provide the theoretical framework. The study sees factionalism as a process, with clientelism and spoils politics as variables, and suggests that although factional politics inevitably leads to spoils politics and instability if left uncontrolled, it can also be utilised into clientelism under certain circumstances and this can provide the basis of state stability. This proposition is then used to account for the major political changes in each country as well as for their dramatically different political experiences. In particular it argues that Kenyatta's effective regulation of personal power relations led to the institutionalisation of clientelism which in turn ensured a measure of stability, and that it was Obote's inability to control competition and regulate personal power relations among his ministers which led to chaos in Uganda through spoils politics.
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Mauchline, Kerry Joan. "Ignorance in the time of AIDS: what we do, and do not know about the ABC message in Uganda." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3745.
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The reduction of the HIV prevalence rate in Uganda during the early 1990s is often attributed to the introduction of an ABC policy. The Ugandan government is thought to have maintained a consistent message that suggested behaviour change in response to the HIV epidemic - encouraging citizens to Abstain, Be faithful, and/or use Condoms. It is thought that such a policy provides individuals with behavioural 'options', allowing them to choose a manner of protecting themselves against HIV infection. Although often used as an example of a successful social policy, many questions regarding the case are still unanswered. This dissertation establishes what is and is not known about the decline in prevalence in Uganda, as well as the role played by the ABC policy in that decline. The dissertation takes the form of a literature survey using key terms relating to the case. The ABC concept and the issues relevant to its implementation are initially discussed on an abstract level. The dissertation then turns to the implementation of the ABC policy in Uganda and the alleged success thereof. Three key topics are discussed in relation to the case: 1) the available statistical evidence pertaining to HIV/AIDS rates, 2) the available statistical evidence of behaviour change in Uganda, and 3) the national policy employed by the Ugandan government during the past three decades. The ideological debate surrounding the current Ugandan policy is also discussed. From the analysis of the available literature on the ABC policy and the Ugandan case, it becomes evident that certain things are known about the topic while others are not. The literature shows that a decline in prevalence did indeed take place, but that the extent and timing of this decline are unclear. The literature also shows that prevention messages in the country did suggest a change in behaviour in response to the threat of HIV, but that the content of these messages was not consistent on a national level. 6 Most importantly, the literature does not support a clear link between the implementation of an ABC policy and behaviour change in Uganda, nor does it clearly support a link between an ABC policy and a decline in HIV prevalence. Further research on the effectiveness and potential negative impact of the ABC concept is necessary before it is widely implemented in other countries.
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Cole, Georgia. "Beyond the politics of labelling : exploring the cessation clauses for Rwandan and Eritrean refugees through semiotics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b8e80d3c-7ba2-4082-a901-43cbcea9330f.
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Academics have for decades written on the need to interrogate the labels upon which the field of Refugee and Forced Migration Studies has been founded. At the centre of these discussions has been theorising around the 'integrity' and 'content' of the refugee label itself, with foundational texts expounding the need to take nothing about the meaning and purpose of this label for granted. This is evidently important in popular accounts, where the term's misuse fuels anti-immigrant sentiments and societal mistrust, as well as for the futures of these populations, as multiple interpretations of their status affect attempts to negotiate durable solutions to their plight. Without denying the importance of these theoretical accounts, or the incredibly rich literature that has emerged on account of them, this thesis suggests that much of the theorising on labelling to date has lacked a clear theoretical framework around which to structure otherwise critical observations vis-Ã -vis the performative and malleable characteristics of language. It therefore introduces semiotic theories and methodologies as an approach for making sense of these manifold interpretations and their relationships to each other, and to explore what impacts this has on negotiations over refugees' futures. Associated theories are used to explain the controversial negotiations that surrounded the invocation of the Cessation Clause for Eritrean refugees in Sudan in 2002, and the ongoing attempts to apply Cessation to Rwandan refugees in Uganda. Both processes were mired by controversy, and yet almost no literature exists detailing when, why and how they unfolded as they did. Disaggregating the refugee 'label' through the semiotic frameworks provided by Saussure and Barthes helps explain the conceptual and spatial dissonance that plagued attempts to conclude these protracted refugee situations. Through doing so, this thesis seeks to make three main contributions. First, it provides these extended accounts of how decisions to apply Cessation are arrived at, thereby filling an empirical gap in literature on this process. Second, it presents a heuristic framework rooted in linguistic theories to explain how certain words and objects - including the refugee label - can see their meanings transformed and bourgeon over time, the mechanisms through which this distortion occurs and is accommodated within discussions over the treatment of refugees, and the implications that the application of this theoretical framework has for how we understand particular incidents of decision-making within the refugee regime. Third, these theoretical approaches are shown to result in key challenges to how the role, content and function of the word refugee have been conceptualised to date.
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Ayeko-Kümmeth, Jane [Verfasser], and Dieter [Akademischer Betreuer] Neubert. "The Politics of Public Policy Decisions in Local Government in Uganda / Jane Ayeko-Kümmeth. Betreuer: Dieter Neubert." Bayreuth : Universität Bayreuth, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1071235451/34.
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Juma, Monica Kathina. "The politics of humanitarian assistance : state, non-state actors and displacement in Kenya and Uganda (1989-1998)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365626.
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Olsson, Sofia. "Ett progressivt flyktingmottagande? : En kritisk studie av rättighetsskyddet för flyktingar och medborgare i norra Uganda." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-363325.
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Uganda is known for its progressive refugee rights and policy framework towards South Sudanese refugees. The refugees are hosted in long term refugee settlements within host communities in northern Uganda. By using a rights and critical development perspective, this thesis aims to compare and critically review the legal protection of refugees and host communities’ the targeted area. The study identifies several challenges in realizing the aims of the strategic framework and discusses the legal protection of refugees and citizens. The discussion is based on theories from Hannah Arendt, Seyla Benhabib and Balakrishnan Rajagopal. The theories provide rights perspectives on citizenship and global human rights norms, as well as critical perspectives on development and how the human rights discourse can be exploited to the interests of the hegemonic world order. The study is based on a critical review of legislation, the policy framework, reports, and literature. The review has been supplemented with a limited field study in a refugee settlement in northern Uganda. Along with the field study, interviews were conducted with representatives from an aid organization that operates in the area. The results of this study show that refugees’ rights are generous and in line with global human rights norms. However, the review of the legal protection shows that all rights are not respected and the thesis highlight areas where duty bearers fail to maintain the protection. Interviews and field studies also show that integration between refugees and citizens is essential for the local legal protection. The thesis concludes that lack of local perspectives from rights holders in the refugee policy may prevent integration processes in northern Uganda.Uganda är känt för sitt generösa flyktingmottagande och omfattande rättighetsskydd för flyktingar. Den här studien syftar till att med ett rättighets- och utvecklingskritiskt perspektiv jämföra och kritiskt granska flyktingars och ugandiska medborgares rättighetsskydd i norra Uganda. För att göra det ställs frågan om hur rättighetsskyddet ser ut för flyktingar respektive medborgare, hur flyktingmottagandet påverkar medborgares rättighetsskydd samt identifierar utmaningar med flyktingmottagandet. Studien är avgränsad till att undersöka rättighetsskyddet i norra Uganda eftersom det är dessa områden som tar emot flest flyktingar i landet. Detta görs utifrån Hannah Arendt, Seyla Benhabib och Balakrishnan Rajagopals teoretiska resonemang. Dessa bidrar med rättighetsperspektiv om medborgarskap och globala människorättsnormer samt kritiska perspektiv på utveckling och hur människorättsdiskursen kan utnyttjas till den hegemoniska världsordningens intressen. Studien bygger på kritisk granskning av lagstiftning, policyn för flyktingmottagande (ReHoPE) samt rapporter och litteratur. Granskningen har kompletterats med ett begränsat fältstudium i en av norra Ugandas flyktingbosättningar samt med intervjuer från personal som arbetar med flyktingmottagande. Resultaten visar att Ugandas flyktinglagstiftning är generöst utformad och i linje med globala människorättsnormer. Granskningen av det effektiva rättighetsskyddet visar dock att samtliga rättigheter inte respekteras och jag belyser områden där skyldighetsbärare misslyckas att upprätthålla skyddet. Intervjuer och fältstudium visar att integration mellan flyktingar och medborgare är viktigt för båda grupperna och för rättighetsskyddet, men att den hindras av att riktlinjerna i flyktingpolicyn saknar lokala perspektiv från rättighetsbärare.
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Nouwen, Sarah Maria Heiltjen. "Complementarity in conflict : law, politics and the catalysing effect of the International Criminal Court in Uganda and Sudan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609009.
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Mwansa, Abraham. "Election politics and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) : comparing the 2001 elections in Zambia and Uganda." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1092.
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"The right to participate in the political and economic life of one's state is guaranteed in most African constitutions as well as in regional and international human rights instruments. It is practiced in various froms, one of which is through elections. Zambia and Uganda are among African countries that have embarked on the democratisation process. The leadership of the two countries ascribed to the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), launched in October 2001. NEPAD emphasises a "common vision and a firm and shared conviction" by African leaders for Africa's development. It is the determination of Africans to extricate themselves and the continent from the malaise of underdevelopment and exclusion in a globalising world. ... Since the return to multiparty politics in 1991, Zambia has had periodic elections every five years, the latest being in December 2001. Uganda too, after two decades of instability and military dictatorship, returned to the path of democracy under the leadership of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and had the latest elections in June 2001, although in contrast to Zambia, it was held on the basis of a "no-party" system. Common to the elections in the two countries are alleged electoral malpractices. The electoral processes in place in the two countries have perpetuated the trend. As a result, the electorate have been cheated of their genuine choices. For NEPAD to achieve the vision it postulates, Africa requires committed leadership borne out of free, fair, open and democratic electoral processes. Africa needs electoral practices that guarantee fairness, inclusiveness and accountability of the elected to the electorate. Zambia and Uganda must adopt electoral practices that would foster democracy in the two countries and in line with the NEPAD vision for Africa stipulated in the Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance (DDPECG). ... This thesis consists of five chapters. The first chapter outlines the context of the study. Chapter two is devoted to a study of NEPAD objectives, goals and tasks with particular attention to democracy, good governance, and free and fair and periodic elections. Chapter three looks at the electoral and legal framework of Zambia while chapter four addresses the electoral and legal frame of Uganda. Chapter five is a summary of the study and makes conclusions from the entire study and some recommendations for the adoption of particular electoral practices by the two countries, NEPAD, the civil society and the donor community." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
Prepared under the supervision of Professor J. Oloka-Onyango at the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Bainomugisha, Lambert. "The role of the lay Christian faithful in the mission of the Church in Mbarara Archdiocese (Uganda) in light of its first synod." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/8916.
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The mission of the Church is essentially to build up the Body of Christ and to work for the salvation of souls. This mission pertains to all the members of Christ's faithful, namely the clergy, the religious, and the lay faithful, but each one according to their own condition and office. The focus of this study is a historical and systematic analysis of the role of the lay members of Christ's faithful in the mission of the Church in Mbarara Archdiocese (Uganda). This is done in light of the first diocesan synod of Mbarara that took place in 1986. The synod was an occasion of self reflection for the diocese and a way of seeking answers that concern its mission to the people of God so as to deepen their Christian life. The history of the Church in Uganda in general, and Mbarara in particular, testifies to the positive contribution of the lay Christian faithful in the evangelization and growth of the Church in these areas. The lay catechists and lay Christian community leaders have worked side by side with missionaries and priests since the inception of the Catholic faith in Uganda till the present day. The lay faithful's role in the mission and ministry of the Church is more noticeable in those church structures below the parish level that have infrequent visits of priests and yet there is a lively practice of the faith at these levels. The role of the lay faithful in Mbarara is not limited to manifesting Christ to others by the witness of their life in secular work and business and in the ordinary circumstances social and family life. They have been, in accordance with the norms of Church law, brought to actively participate with the clergy in the pastoral ministry of the Church in the archdiocese. The analysis of the synodal acts shows the part played by the lay faithful in the proclamation of the word of God, their participation in fostering sacramental life in their Christian communities, their role in the administration of the temporal goods of the Church. Their role in promoting the social welfare of the people of God in the Archdiocese of Mbarara is in this study shown as a major component of their mission. The dissertation shows the lay person in the mission of the Church in Mbarara as an evangelizer, catechist, Christian/spiritual leader, parent, educator, and social worker.
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Apio, Eunice Otuko. "Children born of war in northern Uganda : kinship, marriage, and the politics of post-conflict reintegration in Lango society." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6926/.
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This thesis is about the experiences of children born as a result of sexual violence in war and armed conflict. It explores how children conceived in the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) are perceived and how those perceptions affect their everyday lives once they left the LRA and joined the families and communities of their mothers in post-war northern Uganda, and particularly in Lango. These children are offspring of forced wives - girls and young women who were forced into sexual relationships with LRA militiamen. Kony used fear and mysticism to manipulate his followers and control their sex life and hence, re-organise their reproductive choices. Yet Kony’s approach to sexuality and procreation was perceived as incompatible with Lango norms and institutions regulating sex, marriage and motherhood. This gave rise to tensions over the reintegration of formerly abducted women and their children. This study explores the circumstances under which these children were conceived and what happened to them when they left the LRA and joined their mothers’ natal families and communities. Moreover, it explores related fields – such as ideas and practices of kinship and gender - influencing the treatment of children conceived in the LRA.
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Zetterblom, Susanne. "Women as Nation Builders : Strategically invested aid in Uganda for nation-building processes." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-734.
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Former colonized countries, especially in Africa, have suffered a tough political climate, often under the leadership of a dictator. The process of implementing democracy has, in many states, often been violent and terrifying. Under these circumstances, it has been hard to build institutions where people feel united as one nation. Poverty, corruption, old cultural and religious boarders and expressions among other circumstances are factors that you have to consider when developing a strong economic and democratic nation. Women often have a marginalized role within these states. In order to achieve the right to get education, or to be a part of the political arena, they have had to struggle both against men and other women. Most of Uganda’s income comes from the agriculture. Within this sector there are mostly women working under poor circumstances. To develop female self-employment some of the Swedish aid is given within micro-financial and cooperation projects to improve the economy for the nation and the women’s status within society. This study could be of importance to see if or how strategically invested aid actually improves the role of women as good recourses for building the nation Uganda. The answers and the conclusions given could also give clues, important for nation building processes in general and for women as nation builders in particular, in the continuing work in building the nation Uganda. The purpose for this dissertation is to interview women that are participating in two different projects that are supported by Swedish NGOs, in order to see if their own experiences of being part of the projects correspond to the project plans aims. This dissertation has been made possible through a Minor Field Study Scholarship, financed by SIDA, handled by The International Programme Office for Education and Training, which is a government agency that promotes academic exchanges and cooperation across national borders.
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Moberg, Sanna. "Blessed are the Peacemakers? : A Comparative Case Study of Faith-Based Mediators and Their Strategies for Creating Peace." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294487.
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This research examines faith-based mediators and their usage of mediation strategies, in relation to durability of peace agreements and it is guided by the following research question; Why do some faith-based mediators succeed to aid the creation of durable peace, while others do not? In order to find an answer to this question a hypothesis, suggesting that faith-based mediators applying the fostering, rather than the forcing, strategy will be more successful, is tested. This hypothesis mirrors the causal logic, suggesting that faith-based mediators have the potential to contribute to the creation of durable peace agreements, through the usage of facilitative and formulative techniques. The methodological design makes use of tools provided by Mills Method of Difference and Structured Focused Comparison. These tools aid the analysis of faith-based mediation in Uganda and Sierra Leone. The findings indicate that the application of the fostering strategy has a positive effect in relation to the process of creating durable peace agreements. However, this positive effect comes with one condition, the faith-based mediators have to be influential in relation to the peace process.
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Botha, Maryke. "African leadership and the role of the presidency in African conflicts : a case study of Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20401.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As a wave of political uprisings swept across North Africa since January 2011, ridding the region of longstanding autocratic leaders, presidents in Sub-Saharan Africa were still imprisoning opposition leaders, deploying military and police to clamp down on protest, and promising their citizens change - all this in a bid to avoid being ousted by their own people. Leadership has long been the main constraint on political and economic progress in Africa. This study analyses African leadership and especially the role of the presidency as a cause of conflict and instability in Africa. The modern-day African president might no longer be the absolute autocrat from yesteryear, but he still rules with awesome power and vast state resources at his disposal. African leaders have assumed an imperial character; many regard themselves as largely above the law; accountable to no one and entitled to remain in power or to pass the sceptre to their offspring. Due to this rather imperial character, conflict has been inevitable in Africa. As a theoretical basis the study proposes a framework for analysing leaders’ behavioural patterns that contribute to conflict and instability domestically as well as regionally. Six relevant behavioural patterns are identified: political deprivation, patronage and clientelism, personalisation of power, use of the military, staying to office, underdevelopment and conflict. Additionally, and as a case study, this framework is applied to Uganda’s president Yoweri Museveni. Each of the six behavioural patterns are analysed and evaluated in relation to Museveni’s rule of the past 25 years. Applying the framework demonstrates how Museveni contributed to conflict across the region in Somalia, Sudan, Kenya and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Museveni is found to be a power point man in the region and his imperial nature is likely to contribute to future instability and conflict in Uganda and the Great Lakes region. The study also addresses the genesis of the imperial African leader and investigates why, despite waves of democratisation and the expulsion of a few autocratic rulers in Africa in the late 1990s, the imperial character still persist today. Constitutional limitations are found to be one of the major reasons why absolute powers end up being vested in the hands of the president. Lack of proper separation of powers, and a culture conducive to suppressing the legislature and parliamentary role, provides additional reasons for this phenomenon. Furthermore, both internationally and locally, the leadership deficit in Africa is drawing continuing attention and even funding. However, in order for Africa to make progress in eradicating poor and unaccountable leadership, local initiatives should be further encouraged. The African Union Peer Review Mechanism and the African Charter on Elections, Democracy and Governance are discussed as two African initiatives; also the Mo Ibrahim Index and Prize are evaluated. Although all three these initiatives are admirable in theory, they have failed to deliver because real commitment to action is lacking in most African countries. A speedy and conclusive solution to the problem seems unlikely because of the complex nature of humans and their environment. Thus, the aim of this study is to make a contribution to the scholarly body of work regarding the causes of African conflict, focusing on the African presidency as one cause of such conflict in Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vanaf Januarie 2011 het ’n vlaag politieke opstande Noord-Afrika getref waartydens weggedoen is met langdurige outokratiese leiers. In Afrika Suid van die Sahara het heersers egter steeds opposisieleiers opgesluit en militêre- en polisiemagte ontplooi om opstande die hoof te bied, terwyl vae beloftes aan die bevolking gemaak word oor moontlike veranderinge. Swak Afrika-leierskap word dikwels beskou as ‘n belangrike faktor wat politieke en ekonomiese vooruitgang op die vasteland strem. Hierdie studie analiseer leierskap in Afrika, veral die rol wat die president speel in die skepping van konflik en onstabiliteit. Die hedendaagse Afrika-leier mag dalk nie meer voorkom as die absolutistiese outokraat van die verlede nie, maar hy regeer steeds met oorweldigende mag en ekstensiewe staatshulpbronne tot sy beskikking. Dit is duidelik dat die Afrika-leier dikwels ‘n imperiale karakter aanneem en homself verhewe ag bo die wet. In welke geval hy dus geen verantwoording hoef te doen aan enige ander party nie. Die hoofdoelwit blyk dikwels te wees om beheer te behou. Die gevolgtrekking wat gemaak kan word, is dat die imperiale karakter van die Afrika-president tot konflik kan lei. Die teoretiese basis van hierdie studie bied ’n raamwerk om die leiers van Afrika se gedragspatrone te bestudeer wat aanleiding kon gee tot onstabilitiet asook interne-en streekskonflik. Ses gedragspatrone is geïdentifiseer om hierdie proefskrif te illustreer: politieke vervreemding; beskermheerskap en kliëntilisme; personalisering van mag; gebruik van militêre mag om aan bewind te bly; gebrek aan ontwikkeling en konflik. In besonder word hierdie raamwerk toegepas op die president van Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, as ‘n gevallestudie. Hierdeur word aangedui hoe Museveni bygedra het tot konflik, nie net in Uganda nie, maar inderwaarheid ook in Somalië, Sudan, Kenia en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) tydens sy bewind van die afgelope 25 jaar. Museveni word allerweë beskou as die “sterkman” in die streek en sy imperiale karakter sal heel waarskynlik ook in die toekoms bydra tot onstabiliteit en konflik in Uganda en die Groot- Merestreek. Hierdie studie spreek ook die oorsprong van die imperiale Afrika-leier aan en ondersoek waarom, ten spyte van die sterk strewe na demokrasie en die omverwerping van outokratiese leiers in Afrika in die laat 1990s, die imperiale karakter van sodanige leiers steeds kan voortbestaan. Konstitusionele beperkings word beskou as een van die hoofredes waarom totale mag in die hande van ‘n president beland. Gebrek aan behoorlike verdeling van mag en ‘n kultuur bevorderlik vir die onderdrukking van die wetgewende en parlementêre funksies, is bydraende redes vir hierdie verskynsel. Verder ontlok die tekortkominge van Afrikaleierskap plaaslik en internasionaal heelwat aandag en selfs befondsing. Die ideaal sou egter wees dat Afrika aangemoedig moet word om tot ‘n groter hoogte plaaslike inisiatiewe te gebruik om swak en onbevoegde leierskap te verwerp. Die African Union Peer Review Mechanism en die African Charter on Elections, Democracy and Governance word gesien as twee nuttige Afrikainisiatiewe. Ook die Mo Ibrahim Index and Prize word geëvalueer. Alhoewel al drie inisiatiewe in teorie goed blyk te wees, het dit misluk as gevolg daarvan dat ‘n verbintenis tot aksie ontbreek in die meeste Afrika lande. Waarskynlik is geen spoedige of permanente oplossing vir die konflik moontlik nie – grotendeels weens die kompleksiteit van mense en hulle omgewing. Dus is die doel van hierdie studie om ‘n bydrae te maak tot akademiese navorsing betreffende die oorsake van konflik in Afrika en dan spesifiek hoe die institusionele aard van leierskap in Afrika fungeer as ‘n bydraende oorsaak.
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Rubin, Adam Nathan. "The Effects of Politics on HIV/AIDS Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Comparative Study of South Africa and Uganda." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/146627.
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This paper evaluates the effects of politics on HIV/AIDS policy in sub-Saharan Africa, specifically comparing South Africa and Uganda. It investigates factors of history and identity in shaping AIDS policy in these countries, while also addressing the role of knowledge and the counter-epistemic community. By understanding the role of leadership in agenda-setting and subsequent state responses to the AIDS epidemic, this argument helps to explain why Uganda has been held up as a model of success in the fight against HIV/AIDS and why South Africa has failed to implement effective policy. This paper concludes with an assessment of how HIV/AIDS is currently being addressed in South Africa and Uganda, and what implications this may hold for the future of the AIDS epidemic.
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Bagne, Weinstock Vincent. "Re-Imagining Civic Influence in Contemporary Uganda : A Study of Pentecostalism´s Role in the Empowerment of Kampala Youth." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384706.
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This thesis explores what role Pentecostalism has as an emerging actor in Uganda in terms of empowering the largely marginalised youth population. Therefore, the purpose of the thesis is to examine how Pentecostalism may contribute to youth´s participation and influence in society and, as such, the realisation of their civil rights as the sovereigns of the country. Based on two months of field research, the thesis is constituted mainly by empirical material from interviews with Pentecostal youth1 in Kampala, as well as contextualising secondary material. This material is then analysed through a theoretical framework based, mainly, on agency theory as it explores the social circumstances in which the agency of the youth is both disabled and enabled, as well as marginalisation and identity-making theory. First, it is argued that the generational gap, characterised by patronage, as well as government`s deployment of physical and psychical violence against youth has worked against the youth and deprived them of their agency. Second, it is argued that Pentecostal churches empower youth to critically reflect over their marginalised position in society, out of which as sense of agency may grow at an individual level. Finally, it is argued that as the churches establishes constructive behaviours among the church youth, this has positively contributed to their social standing in society and the realisation of their civic influence. In turn, potentially contributing also to the wider youth population´s influence, as well as the democratic development and security in Uganda.
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Nielsen, Magnus Rynning. "Transcending the "peace vs. justice" debate: a multidisciplinary approach to transitional justice (sustainable peace) in Northern Uganda after the International Criminal Court’s involvement in 2004." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4364.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Based on the work of leading theorists within peace and conflict studies, this thesis develops a theoretical framework in order to analyse the seemingly deadlocked ‘peace vs. justice’ debate to explore the possibility of expanding the perspectives in a combined approach. It finds that the debate is based on a narrow perception of both concepts, where they are perceived as negotiations and punishment respectively. Only through applying such a combined approach is it thereby possible to move beyond this current situation. This theoretical framework is then applied on the case of the ongoing conflict in Northern Uganda, where the empirical aspects of this debate have lasted for the longest period of time since the International Criminal Court’s involvement in 2004. With basis in the Juba peace agreement from 2008 that would have balanced retributive and restorative forms of justice, this study finds that the only way to create sustainable peace is by striking a balance between the transitional justice mechanisms of the ICC, conditional amnesties and more traditional forms of justice in the affected communities in Northern Uganda.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Op grond van die werk van voorste teoretici op die gebied van vrede- en konflikstudie, ontwikkel hierdie tesis teoretiese raamwerk vir die ontleding van die oënskynlik vasgevalle debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid, ten einde die moontlike verbreding van perspektiewe met behulp van 'n gekombineerde benadering te ondersoek. Die studie bevind dat die debat tussen vrede en geregtigheid op 'n baie eng opvatting van dié twee konsepte berus, naamlik dié van onderhandeling en straf onderskeidelik. Slegs deur 'n gekombineerde benadering toe te pas, is dit dus moontlik om die huidige toedrag van sake te bowe te kom. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die studie is vervolgens op die voortslepende konflik in Noord-Uganda toegepas, waar die empiriese aspekte van dié debat steeds sedert die betrokkenheid van die Internasionale Strafhof in 2004 voorkom. Met die Juba-vredesooreenkoms van 2008 as uitgangspunt, wat veronderstel was om 'n balans te vind tussen vergeldende en herstellende vorme van geregtigheid, bevind dié studie dat volhoubare vrede slegs bereik kan word deur 'n gebalanseerde kombinasie van die Internasionale Strafhof se oorgangsgeregtigheidsmeganisme, voorwaardelike amnestie, en meer tradisionele vorme van geregtigheid in die geaffekteerde Noord-Ugandese gemeenskappe.
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Jacobs, Chantal, and Chantal Rowena Jacobs. "Attitudes towards Gender Equality and the Representation of Women in Parliament: A comparative study of South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4053.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although gender equality is evident in many spheres in African countries, the entry of women into political institutions has often been described as slow and unequal. In sub-Saharan African countries this trend is particularly associated with social, cultural and historical barriers within political spheres that hinder gender equality in political leadership and an equal representation of women in parliament. The issues of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament have long been hotly contested debates on the continent and in sub-Saharan African countries more specifically, largely as a result of different cultural heritages and countries‟ being poised at varying phases within the democratic consolidation process. It is necessary to evaluate attitudes towards gender equality in order to determine whether a populace embraces the principles of gender equality. Of equal significance is the evaluation of the percentage of women represented in parliament as an important indicator of whether gender equality is perceived by the populace to be an important principle in practice. In order to gauge the levels of gender equality and the representation of women in parliament in sub-Saharan Africa, this study evaluates attitudes towards gender equality and a number of its dimensions, namely women in leadership positions, equal education and the economic independence of women; it also investigates the representation of women in parliament by examining the actual numbers of women representatives in parliament in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This in an attempt to determine whether there is a link – either directly or indirectly – between attitudes towards gender equality and the number of women represented in parliament. For comparative purposes the attitudinal patterns and trends towards gender equality, as measured in the World Values Survey 2001, are evaluated amongst respondents in South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This study also identifies four independent variables, namely gender, level of education, residential status (urban vs. rural) and age in an attempt to explain some of the differences in attitudes towards gender equality between the three samples. iii The main findings include, amongst others, that: the South African sample has by and large the most positive attitudes towards gender equality in comparison to its Ugandan and Zimbabwean counterparts; and that a higher percentage of women are represented in the South African parliament in contrast to Uganda and Zimbabwe. The independent variables prove to be fairly good predictors of the varying attitudes towards gender equality across the three samples. This study concludes that in sub-Saharan Africa positive attitudes towards gender equality can indeed be linked to a higher percentage of women represented in parliament; however, the inverse – that negative attitudes towards gender equality can be linked to low percentages of women represented in parliament – is not substantiated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel geslagsgelykheid sigbaar is in baie sfere in Afrika lande word die toegang van vroue tot politieke instellings dikwels beskryf as stadig en ongelyk. In sub–Sahara Afrika-lande word hierdie neiging in besonder geassosieer met sosiale, kulturele en historiese hindernisse binne politieke instellings wat geslagsgelykheid in politieke leierskap en gelyke verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement belemmer. Die kwessie rondom geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement is ʼn sterk debat op die Afrika kontinent en meer spesifiek in sub-Sahara Afrika-lande, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van verskillende kulturele tradisies en verskille in die fases van demokratisering. Dit is nodig om die houdings ten opsigte van geslagsgelykheid te evalueer om te bepaal of ʼn bevolking die beginsels van geslagsgelykheid aanvaar. Hiermee saam is die evaluering van die persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlement ʼn belangrik aanwyser van die feit dat geslagsgelykheid deur die bevolking as ʼn belangrike beginsel beskou word. Ten einde die vlakke van geslagsgelykheid en die verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlemente in sub-Sahara Afrika te meet, bespreek hierdie studie die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en ʼn aantal van sy dimensies, naamlik vroue in leierskap posisies, gelyke opvoeding en die ekonomiese onafhanklikheid van vroue. Dit bestudeer ook die vroue verteenwoordiging in die parlemente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie poog verder om te bepaal of daar ʼn verbintenis - direk of indirek - bestaan tussen die houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid en die aantal vroue verteenwoordigers in die parlemente van die lande onder bespreking. Die studie se doel is om vas te stel of positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van vroulike verteenwoordigers in die parlement. Vir vergelykende doeleindes, is die houdingspatrone en neigings teenoor geslagsgelykheid, soos gemeet in die die Wêreld Waardes Opname, ondersoek tussen die respondente in Suid-Afrika, Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die studie identifiseer ook vier onafhanklike veranderlikes, naamlik geslag, opvoedingvlak, woongebied (stedelik vs plattelands) asook ouderdom, in ʼn poging om sommige van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid tussen die drie lande te verduidelik. v Die vernaamste bevindings sluit onder meer in dat: Suid-Afrika by verre die sterkste positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid het in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe; en, dat daar ʼn hoër persentasie van vroue verteenwoordiging in die Suid-Afrikaanse parlement is, in vergelyking met Uganda en Zimbabwe. Die onafhanlike veranderlikes blyk redelike goeie voorspellers te wees van die verskille in houdings teenoor geslagsykheid regoor die drie lande. Die studie kom tot gevolgtrekking dat binne hierdie drie lande, positiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn hoër persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in die parlement, maar dat die teenoorgestelde - dat negatiewe houdings teenoor geslagsgelykheid verbind kan word met ʼn laer persentasie van verteenwoordiging van vroue in parlement – nie ondersteuning in die data kry nie.
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Laudati, Ann Alden. "The greening of the fortress : reclaiming the politics of exclusion in a green era /." view abstract or download file of text, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1404342211&sid=7&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-225). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Nsibirwa, Martin Semalulu. "An Examination of the domestication of normative standards on women's political participation at Local Government Level in Lesotho, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/37360.
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This study is premised on the assumption that women’s right to political participation in
Africa is vital, especially as women constitute half of the population in African states. Since
the 1990s, much attention has been focussed on the role of women in African politics.
Consequently, women’s inclusion, especially in legislatures and in the executive arm of
government, has increased during this period. International and national law, combined
with political will, have been relied upon to ensure that women are included in key decisionmaking
positions in national government. However, women’s political participation in local
government has received less attention, despite the fact that local government may be the
level of government best suited to positively impact on women’s daily lives. Four of the
leading African states in respect of women’s political participation in local government are
Lesotho, Rwanda, South Africa and Uganda. The study focuses on these states with a view to
establishing the extent to which they have domesticated international norms that advance
women’s political participation in local government.
Surveying relevant international instruments at the global and Africa regional level, the
study establishes that generally, international law recognises women’s right to participate in
politics. Local government was, in particular, not even mentioned and participation in local
government could be inferred from the wider right to political participation. However,
recent developments in international law are increasingly paying attention to local
government. In addition, attention is increasingly being paid to ensuring that women enjoy
the right to political participation on the basis of equality with men. Consequently, parity in
representation is being promoted and states are expected to domesticate the international
norms to which they are parties in order to realise the goal of equality in political
participation.
States have made efforts to domesticate international norms by including them in their
constitutions or legislation. In addition, states have put in place temporary special measures
focussing on the area of local government. These measures are to be utilised by states, to
ensure that women participate more fully in local government.
vi
With respect to the four states under investigation, it is observed that there is a limited
application of temporary special measures that can be used to promote women’s political
participation in local government. In terms of the actual extent of women’s participation,
the limited available data illustrates a relatively high percentage of women in local
government, especially at the level of councillors where all the four states reviewed are
performing reasonably well. None of the four states has attained gender parity among
directly elected councillors even though the number of women councillors is fairly high in
some of the states. Among other senior local government positions, the rate of including
women is inconsistent. In some cases women are included in substantial numbers but there
are also cases were the inclusion of women is disconcertingly low. States are also failing to
provide detailed information on women’s political participation across all portfolios in local
government. The implication of such shortcomings is that the actual levels of women’s
inclusion remain largely unknown and therefore efforts to address women’s marginalisation
are undermined.
In order to ensure increased political participation of women at the local government level,
a number of measures must be taken. First, efforts should be made at the international level
to further elaborate the right to political participation with particular reference to local
government, especially in so far as indirectly elected or appointed office is concerned. These
are areas of local government where the current norms do not sufficiently advance
women’s inclusion and as a result inclusion of women is inconsistent. Second, human rights
treaty bodies should pay greater attention to questioning states on their performance in
including women in local government. Questioning state performance will create greater
awareness and increase the attention that states pay to women’s political participation in
local government. Third, concerted efforts should be made to streamline legislation on local
government in the four states under review with a view to making it simpler, clearer and
consistent. The current proliferation of laws can create challenges in understanding the
extent to which the law promotes women’s political participation in local government.
Finally, the four states should display greater transparency with regard to providing data on
women’s political participation in local government. Providing sufficient data would enable
proper scrutiny and provide a diachronic picture of developments as far as women and
men’s political participation in local government is concerned.Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
Unrestricted
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Gustafsson, Tilde, and Paulina Eriksdotter. "Clients’ and counsellors’ experiences with HIV - A Ugandan example." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-26140.
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Uppsatsen baseras på en åtta veckor lång fältstudie i Jinja, Uganda och behandlar socialt arbete med fokus på HIV-rådgivning. Syftet är att beskriva HIV- rådgivning och hur det utförs. Detta genom frågeställningar om interaktionens natur mellan klient och rådgivare utifrån en ugandisk kontext, vad respektive parter har för upplevelser av rådgivning samt vilka utmaningar som kan identifieras gällande såväl HIV- prevention som HIV- rådgivning. Studien är kvalitativ och den insamlade empirin består av semistrukturerade intervjuer med sammanlagt nio informanter, varav fyra är eller har varit aktiva rådgivare, fyra är HIV- positiva klienter som får rådgivning och en är aktiv både som rådgivare och som klient. Vi har valt att spegla vår empiri mot teorier om stigma, sexuella skript och pastoralmakt. Ur resultatdelen har det mellan klienter och rådgivare framträtt en bild som visar på en samstämmighet såväl som diskrepans gällande relationens natur och innehåll såväl som utmaningar kopplat till HIV- rådgivning och preventionsarbete. Relationen bygger på vänskap såväl som professionalism och det tycks finnas en förväntan på rådgivaren som räddare som understöds av såväl klienterna som rådgivarna själva. Det framkommer att stigma fortfarande framträder kopplat till HIV, men i mindre utsträckning än förut och i högre utsträckning bland män och barn än bland kvinnor. Sedan ARV, bromsmediciner, kommit HIV- smittade till del, talar de klienter vi intervjuat om hur HIV numera inte behöver ses som värre än vilken annan sjukdom som helst, vilket rådgivarna menar på också är en risk, då minskad respekt för sjukdomen också kan leda till ett ökat riskbeteende. I de rådgivande samtalen låg fokus på beteendeförändringar baserade på ett hälsofrämjande tänkande och handlande, så kallat positive living. Vidare framgår att religionens framträdande roll i det ugandiska samhället även tar sin plats genom ord eller handling i mötet mellan rådgivare och klient.This study is based on a minor field study that took place during eight weeks in Jinja, Uganda. It discusses the aspect of social work in HIV counselling, with the object to describe HIV counselling and how it is conducted. The study attempts to answer questions about the nature of the interaction between the client and the counsellor from a Ugandan context, what experiences that lies between them, as well as what challenges can be identified when it comes to HIV prevention as well as HIV counselling. The study’s research strategy has a qualitative approach and the collected data is derived from semi-structural interviews with four HIV positive women who receive counselling, four counsellors and one woman who is both a client and a counsellor. We have chosen to understand our empirical findings through theories of stigma, sexual scripts and pastoral power. From our findings, we were able to conclude that there is consensus as well as discrepancies between the clients’ and the counsellors’ perceptions of their relationship, the counselling content as well as the challenges that is connected with HIV counselling. The relationship is the result of an intertwining of friendship and professionalism and there seem to be an expectation on the counsellor as a savior, which is supported by both clients and counsellors. It appears that stigma still appears in relation to HIV, but to a lesser extent than before and more so among men and children than among women. Since the introduction of ARV’s, many of our interviewed clients seem to view HIV as any other disease, which is regarded as something of a risk by many of our interviewed counsellors, as it may lead to increased risky behavior when it comes to HIV transmission. In the counselling session, the focus seems to be on behavioral change through the concept of positive living, which revolves around the idea of physical and mental well-being. Furthermore, religion has a great impact on the Ugandan society, which can be seen in the words and actions in the meeting between counsellor and client.
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Samuel, Johansson. "Att begripliggöra det obegripliga : En postkolonial analys av argument för Ugandas anti-gaylag mellan årtalen 2009 och 2014." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412236.
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A new law regulating homosexual relations was in the year of 2009 introduced in the parliament of Uganda, resulting in wide condemnation from the west. The bill proposed harsh penalties for homosexual behavior and gay advocacy, including, but not limited to, the death penalty and life imprisonment. Despite the damning critique from certain western countries the law garnered strong support among Ugandan nationals. To understand this discrepansy my thesis sets out to comprehend the reasoning behind the bill’s national popularity. Is it possible to make sense of a law that from a liberal western perspective could be considered nonsensical? To develop an understanding of the motivations behind the bill, this paper aims to identify and analyze frequently used arguments in support of the ”anti-gay law”. This analysis is primarily achieved through the implementation of a postcolonial perspective containing terminology inspired by Frantz Fanon, and Kristen Cheneys discussions regarding ”postcolonial amnesia”. More general aspects associated with postcolonial theory are also included and a ”liberal western perspective” is additionally implemented to empahasize the contribution of the postcolonial perspective. The study identified four different types of arguments that were commonly used in support of the bill. The first stated that homosexuality is a western phenomenon contrary to African values, the second claimed that homosexuality is a threat to the family, the third that it’s a sin in conflict with religious values, and it was lastly argued that homosexuality doesn’t qualify as one of the human rights. All of the aforementioned arguments were shown to be more comprehensible through the implementation of a postcolonial perspective. The branding of homosexuality as western and ”un-African” was for example demonstrated as explainable when viewed as a reaction to western hegemony and historical colonial exploitation, as well as a drive to create and uphold an independent national identity. A similar pattern is also identified in connection with the other arguments, and is primarily established through the reasonings of Frantz Fanon. Kristen Cheneys use of ”postcolonial amnesia” is also implemented to make sense of glaring paradoxes in the arguments supporting the law.
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Byerley, Andrew. "Becoming Jinja : The Production of Space and Making of Place in an African Industrial Town." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-620.
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