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Journal articles on the topic 'Religion and politics Uganda Uganda'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Nsibambi, Fredrick. "Documenting and Presenting Contentious Narratives and Objects—Experiences from Museums in Uganda." Heritage 2, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage2010002.

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Uganda is currently witnessing a new era, in as far as the safeguarding of cultural heritage is concerned. The preservation and presentation of cultural heritage objects is no longer a preserve of the state. National and community museums, totaling about 25, and spread across the country, are now preserving and presenting important aspects of Uganda’s diverse and multi-layered history as well as cultural heritage. Former leaders and political personalities are rarely documented. Even when documented by non-museum workers, their narratives are insufficiently presented in museums. Certain aspects of Uganda’s cultural heritage and history are silently being contested through museum spaces. The silent contestations are generally influenced by ethnicity, politics, and religion. Through this article, I intend to present the predicament of documenting contested histories and cultural heritage by Ugandan museums and provide examples of museum objects or aspects of Uganda’s cultural heritage, such as the narrative of “Walumbe” (death), that are subject to contestations.

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2

Mujuzi, Jamil Ddamulira. "Comment The Right to Freedom to Practice One’s Religion in the Constitution of Uganda." Religion & Human Rights 6, no. 1 (2011): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103211x543617.

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AbstractThe right to freedom to practice one’s religion is protected under the Ugandan constitution and in the international human rights instruments to which Uganda is party. There are also different pieces of legislation governing the marriages and divorces of different religious groups in Uganda. The Supreme Court of Uganda in the judgement of Dimanche Sharon and Others v. Makerere University has dealt with the constitutional limitations on the right to freedom of religion. This article discusses the constitutional history leading to the inclusion of the right to freedom of religion in the Constitution of Uganda and the Supreme Court decision interpreting the limitations on the right to freedom of religion.

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3

Ward, Kevin. "Series on Church and State: Eating and Sharing: Church and State in Uganda." Journal of Anglican Studies 3, no. 1 (June 2005): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740355305052827.

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ABSTRACTThe article explores the complexities of church-state relations in Uganda, with particular reference to the two dominant churches: the Anglican Church of Uganda (the Protestants) and the Roman Catholic Church. Together the two churches include some 80 per cent of Ugandans. Since the beginnings of Christianity in the late nineteenth century, the rivalry between the two communions has had political implications, with the Anglican Church perceived as constituting a quasi-establishment and the Catholics as lacking political clout. In local discourse, ‘eating’ refers to the enjoyment of political power; ‘sharing’ to the expectation of inclusion. The article looks at the attempt to overcome sectarian politics, and the Christian witness of both churches in the face of state oppression and violence.

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Ward, Kevin, and Aili Mari Tripp. "Women and Politics in Uganda." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 4 (November 2001): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581474.

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5

Bruner, Jason. "Religion and Politics in the East African Revival." International Bulletin of Mission Research 43, no. 4 (March 21, 2019): 311–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939319837479.

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This article briefly describes what was at stake for European missionaries, British colonial officials, and African converts in maintaining a distinction between religion and politics with respect to the East African Revival in Uganda. Focusing upon the years 1935–70, it problematizes clear distinctions between religion and politics by using Derek Peterson’s work on the revival as an expression of dissenting politics. The article argues that “religion” and “politics” were both emic categories with contextualized referents, as well as analytic categories with comparative implications.

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6

Boyd, Lydia. "Ugandan Born-Again Christians and the Moral Politics of Gender Equality." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 3-4 (March 20, 2014): 333–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340025.

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In recent years Ugandan born-again Christians have regularly engaged in forms of social protest—against homosexuality, in support of youth sexual abstinence—that they characterize as acts in defense of the African family. At the center of these protests was an overriding concern with the effects of a global discourse of rights-based gender equality on Ugandan cultural norms. Drawing on long-term fieldwork in a born-again church in Kampala, this article examines the underlying moral conflict that shapes born-again women’s and men’s rejections of gender equality. At the center of such conflicts were concerns about the ways rights-based equality undermined other models for moral personhood and gendered interdependence that existed in Uganda, models that were characterized as essential for social stability and personal well-being. This conflict is analyzed in relation to a broader sense of moral insecurity that pervaded discussion of gender and family life in Kampala.

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7

Hughes, Rebecca C. "“Grandfather in the Bones”." Social Sciences and Missions 33, no. 3-4 (September 24, 2020): 347–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-bja10011.

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Abstract Evangelical Anglicans of the Church Missionary Society constructed a triumphal narrative on the growth of the Ugandan Church circa 1900–1920. This narrative developed from racial theory, the Hamitic hypothesis, and colonial conquest in its admiration of Ugandans. When faced with closing the mission due to its success, the missionaries shifted to scientific racist language to describe Ugandans and protect the mission. Most scholarship on missionaries argues that they eschewed scientific racism due to their commitment to spiritual equality. This episode reveals the complex ways the missionaries wove together racial and theological ideas to justify missions and the particularity of Uganda.

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8

Záhořík, Jan. "Religion and Health Care in East Africa: Lessons from Uganda, Mozambique and Ethiopia." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 11, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 315–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2020.1811582.

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9

Blevins, John. "When Sodomy Leads to Martyrdom: Sex, Religion, and Politics in Historical and Contemporary Contexts in Uganda and East Africa." Theology & Sexuality 17, no. 1 (July 4, 2011): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/tse.v17i1.51.

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10

Martin, Bernice. "Preaching Prevention: Born-Again Christianity and the Moral Politics of AIDS in Uganda." Journal of Contemporary Religion 32, no. 1 (December 22, 2016): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537903.2016.1256674.

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11

Doyle, Shane. "The Cwezi-Kubandwa Debate: Gender, Hegemony and Pre-Colonial Religion in Bunyoro, Western Uganda." Africa 77, no. 4 (November 2007): 559–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2007.77.4.559.

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AbstractThe Cwezi-kubandwa cult was the most prominent form of religious belief in the interlacustrine region of East Africa during the pre-colonial period. It has long been regarded as providing ideological support to monarchical regimes across the region. Recently, though, scholars have contrasted the hegemonic ambitions of the state with evidence that Cwezi-kubandwa also provided opponents of pre-colonial authority structures with both ideological and organizational resources. In particular historians of the cult have hypothesized that Cwezi-kubandwa offered women a refuge from patriarchal political and domestic institutions, and that Cwezi-kubandwa was dominated by women in terms of its leadership, membership and idioms. This article challenges the new orthodoxy by suggesting that both traditional religion's hegemonic and counter-hegemonic roles may have been over-estimated. A re-examination of the Nyoro sources indicates instead that Cwezi-kubandwa was far from homogeneous and dominant, that kubandwa was not obviously oppositional to other, supposedly male-dominated, religious beliefs, and that Cwezi-kubandwa brought female exploitation as well as empowerment. These findings require either a re-evaluation of the nature of Cwezi-kubandwa across the region, or recognition that the cult was much more geographically diverse than has hitherto been believed.

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12

Ward, Kevin. "'The Armies of the Lord': Christianity, Rebels and the State in Northern Uganda, 1986-1999." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 187–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00121.

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AbstractThe accession to power of the National Resistance Movement in Uganda in 1986 was intended to inaugurate a new beginning for Uganda, an end to the political, ethnic and religious divisions that had characterised the country's violent history since the 1960s. Although peace, stability and the strengthening of democratic structures have brought substantial progress to many parts of the country, the Acholi of Northern Uganda have felt largely excluded from these benefits. Violence and insecurity have characterised the districts of Gulu and Kitgum since 1986. It is not simply the failure of development that has been so distressing for the inhabitants, but the collapse of the moral framework and the institutions that gave society coherence. Religion has played a considerable part in articulating the sense of loss and anger at this state of affairs. Traditional Acholi and Christian religious sentiments have helped to shape and sustain rebel movements against the central government, and to inform Acholi responses to the violence inflicted by rebels and government. The article, based on field work conducted in 1999, examines ways in which the main Churches, Catholic and Protestant (Anglican), have historically been bound up with the political divisions of Acholi. It examines the painful adjustments which loss of access to power has necessitated, particularly for the Anglican Church. Since 1986 the Churches have had a vital role in conflict resolution and in envisioning new futures for Acholi. The majority of the population, required to live in 'protected villages', have few material and spiritual resources. The importance of Christian faith and practice for Acholi living in such situations of prolonged conflict, with few signs of speedy resolution, is assessed.

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13

Green, M. Christian. "LAW, RELIGION, AND SAME-SEX RELATIONS IN AFRICA." Journal of Law and Religion 36, no. 1 (April 2021): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2021.4.

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Some years back, around 2013, I was asked to write an article on the uses of the Bible in African law. Researching references to the Bible and biblical law across the African continent, I soon learned that, besides support for arguments by a few states in favor of declaring themselves “Christian nations,” the main use was in emerging debates over homosexuality and same-sex relationships—almost exclusively to condemn those relationships. In January 2013, the newly formed African Consortium for Law and Religion Studies (ACLARS) held its first international conference at the University of Ghana Legon. There, African sexuality debates emerged forcefully in consideration of a paper by Sylvia Tamale, then dean of the Makarere University School of Law in Uganda, who argued pointedly, “[P]olitical Christianity and Islam, especially, have constructed a discourse that suggests that sexuality is the key moral issue on the continent today, diverting attention from the real critical moral issues for the majority of Africans . . . . Employing religion, culture and the law to flag sexuality asthebiggest moral issue of our times and dislocating therealissue is a political act and must be recognised as such.”

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14

Isabirye, S. B. "Religion and Politics in East Africa: The Period since Independence; Development and the Church of Uganda: Mission, Myths, and Metaphors; African Christianity: Its Public Role." Mediterranean Quarterly 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-13-1-117.

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15

Marsh, Robert M. "Muslim Values in Islamic and Non-Islamic Societies." Comparative Sociology 11, no. 1 (2012): 29–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913310x502842.

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Abstract Values are conceptions of the desirable in various domains of life. This study tests the hypotheses that (1) when Muslims are a minority living in a non-Islamic society (e.g., India, Singapore, Uganda), their values are more similar to those of the non-Muslim majority religion in their society than to those of Muslims in Muslim-majority Islamic societies (e.g., Iran, Morocco, Pakistan); and (2) this tendency toward value assimilation is more pronounced when the Muslim minority is socially included, rather than excluded, by the non-Muslim majority. Data from representative samples of the population of nine Muslim-majority societies and nine Muslim-minority societies in the 2000 (fourth) wave of the World Values Surveys are used to construct scales for three domains of cultural values: religious values, family values, and gender values, and measures of social exclusion. The findings largely confirm hypothesis 1 and lend some support to hypothesis 2.

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16

Rashid, Naziru, Aisha Nazziwa, Rehema Kantono, Hassan Kasujja, and Swaibu Zziwa. "Assessing Knowledge and Practices of the Community towards Corona Virus Disease 2019 in Mbale Municipality, Uganda: Across Section Study." East African Health Research Journal 5, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24248/eahrj.v5i1.647.

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Background: The Corona virus disease, first identified in Wuhan city, Hubei province of China, is a respiratory illness caused by Novel Corona Virus also known as Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Corona Virus 2 (SARS Cov.2). The disease is characterised by; dry cough and shortness of breath with difficulty in breathing and at least 2 of the following; fever, chills, muscle pain, headache, sore throat and loss of test and smell. Uganda in general and Mbale in particular has people of diverse culture, religion and ethnic background as well as diverse socio economic activities with various practices. This multi-cultural environment creates differences in perception of information and practices. Most cultures encourage socialisation through social functions like attending weddings, funerals, work places and gatherings and Muslims who have to go for congregation prayers in the mosques 5 times a day among others. This puts such communities at risk of spreading the disease very fast and slow in adapting to control measures Aim: In this study, we aimed at assessing knowledge and practices of the community towards COVID 19 in Mbale municipality. Methods and Materials: A cross section study was used; Data was obtained using a Questionnaires to a sample of 355 respondents and an observation tool was also used to observe behaviour patterns and practices of 776 participants towards the control measures of COVID-19. Results: There was a total of 355 respondents with 208 /355 (58.59%) male and 147/355 (41.4%) female. 149/355(42%) possessed good knowledge, 131/355(36.9%) had moderate knowledge and 75/355(21%) had a little knowledge on COVID-19. Participants who were single and aged between 21-30 years were found to be more knowledgeable than other groups (P value=.001 and P value=.003 respectively).The source of COVID 19 information was mainly from television and radios 124/248 (50%) and social media 34/248 (21.8%) and the least source of information being 14/248(5.6%) and 9/248(3.6%) from health workers and Religious leaders respectively. 496/776 (64%) of the respondents observed, washed their hands and only124/776 (16%) of the respondents wore face masks. 98/776 (12.6%) were seen shaking hands and 15/776(2%) were seen hugging. Conclusion: Use of appropriate and well-designed Health education materials on radios, televisions and social media platforms like Facebook and twitter among others can be effective means of communication since they can reach the highest number of people. Ministry of Health should design ways for systematically integrating both political and religious leaders in Health Education Campaigns. Government should provide facemasks and enforce their use. A study to assess the ability of both political and religious leaders in health promotion campaigns should be carried out.

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17

Griffiths, Tudor. "Bishop Alfred Tucker and the Establishment of a British Protectorate in Uganda 1890-94." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 1 (2001): 92–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00040.

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AbstractThe article considers the involvement of Bishop Alfred Tucker and other missionaries of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in the establishment of a British Protectorate in Buganda between 1890 and 1894. These missionaries were drawn, often not unwillingly, into political affairs, both within Uganda and internationally. The contribution made by Tucker was frequently ill-informed and sometimes tendentious. Nevertheless, he sought to uphold the long-standing CMS regulation that missionaries should abstain from any political involvement. The theoretical distinction between the sacred and secular was alien to the intellectual heritage of Uganda, and in practice it was contradicted by the activities of CMS missionaries, who justified their involvement in terms of considering Uganda to be a 'special case'.

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18

Hanson, Holly, and Aili Mari Tripp. "Women and Politics in Uganda." African Economic History, no. 30 (2002): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601607.

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19

Dauda, Carol, and Aili Mari Tripp. "Women and Politics in Uganda." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 35, no. 2 (2001): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486146.

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20

Ottemoeller, Dan, and Aili Mari Tripp. "Women and Politics in Uganda." African Studies Review 44, no. 1 (April 2001): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525427.

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21

Summers, Carol, and Aili Mari Tripp. "Women and Politics in Uganda." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220660.

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22

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Uganda." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 24, no. 7 (July 2, 2018): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2018.24.7.362.

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23

Mills, David. "Women and Politics in Uganda." American Ethnologist 29, no. 2 (May 2002): 437–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2002.29.2.437.

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24

Vokes, R. "The politics of oil in Uganda." African Affairs 111, no. 443 (March 9, 2012): 303–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ads017.

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25

Tangri, Roger, and Andrew M. Mwenda. "Elite Corruption and Politics in Uganda." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 46, no. 2 (April 2008): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040802005336.

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26

Bruner, Jason. "Religion, Medicine, and Global Health in Uganda." Fieldwork in Religion 12, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.34199.

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In this article, I use three scenes from an afternoon of ethnographic fieldwork at Mulago Hospital in Kampala, Uganda as the occasion to consider the various ways in which religion, medicine and global health are imagined, reified and dissolved as contemporary categories. I use historical and contemporary literature to illuminate how these interactions are contextualized products of broader historical processes. I conclude by arguing that research on global health needs to take “religion” seriously as a venue in which people create and enact modes of life that they find meaningful and life sustaining, particularly those creations and practices that are unable to be quantified in global health metrics and research.

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27

Dhizaala, James Tonny. "Presidential Politics in Uganda: Driving Democracy Underground." Australasian Review of African Studies 41, no. 1 (June 2020): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22160/22035184/aras-2020-41-1/70-85.

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28

Peterson, Derek R. "The Politics of Transcendence in Colonial Uganda." Past & Present 230, no. 1 (February 2016): 197–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtv059.

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29

Josephine, Bweyale, and Tugume Lubowa Hassan. "Teaching Religion OR about Religion: The Paradox of Religious Education in Secondary Schools in Uganda." East African Journal of Traditions, Culture and Religion 3, no. 2 (August 3, 2021): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajtcr.3.2.374.

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The article reviews the teaching of Religious Education in schools in Uganda. Uganda is a religiously pluralistic country with Christianity and Islam the most popular. Ugandans are theists, their worldview is religious and they are passionate about their faiths. Therefore, Religious Education is a fundamental subject since the early years of education as it marked the beginning of formal education in Uganda. However, whilst Uganda has a diversity of religions such as Christianity with its different sects, Islam and its sects, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Sikhism, the education system considers only Islam and Christianity. Therefore, the article discusses whether the teaching of Religious Education where only Christianity and Islam are considered is justified to be referred to as Religious Education. The article concludes that there is a mismatch between the NCDC (2008) stated goals, objectives and content of Religious Education. The objectives and goals portray a false image that RE is intended to expose learners and to achieve educational purposes. Yet, the content, approaches and teaching methods are quite contradictory. The implementation of RE in Uganda is purely confessional; it does not aim at educational goals but at deepening learners' faith distinctively. Instead of teaching about religion, learners are taught religion. The article is based on documentary analysis of the Religious Education curriculum, syllabi and teachers' and learners' handbook documents. In addition, the article analysed literature about the teaching of Religious Education including the aims and goals of Religious Education, the pedagogical approaches, methods and techniques in Religious Education in modern pluralistic communities. In identifying the appropriate literature, suitable databases were identified and used Boolean operators and proper search terms, phrases and conjunctions were used. To further ensure the credibility of the reviewed publications for analysis, only peer-reviewed journal articles with ISBN numbers and Digital Object Identifiers (DOI) were used

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30

Nayenga, Peter F. B., and Amii Omara-Otunnu. "Politics and the Military in Uganda, 1890-1985." International Journal of African Historical Studies 21, no. 4 (1988): 732. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219770.

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31

BLUM, R. "Uganda AIDS prevention: A,B,C and politics." Journal of Adolescent Health 34, no. 5 (May 2004): 428–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1054-139x(03)00543-3.

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32

Carney, J. J. "The Politics of Ecumenism in Uganda, 1962–1986." Church History 86, no. 3 (September 2017): 765–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717001287.

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In standard postcolonial political polemics in Uganda, colonial Anglican and Catholic churches have been castigated for fomenting and exacerbating Uganda's political divisions. These polemics overlook the growing ecumenical ties between Catholic and Anglican leaders that began in the 1950s and continued well into the 1980s. In particular, the shared experience of political oppression forged solidarity between erstwhile Catholic and Anglican rivals, especially during the Idi Amin dictatorship of 1971–1979 and the brutal civil war of 1979–1986. Drawing on an array of archival, oral, and secondary sources, this article offers a synthesis of Ugandan Christian leaders’ political engagement during the quarter-century following independence in 1962. I argue that church leaders in the 1960s embraced a politically quiescent, “social development” approach best embodied in the ecumenical Uganda Joint Christian Council. In the early 1970s, Anglican and Catholic leaders slowly withdrew from active collaboration with Amin's regime, embracing an approach I term “prudent recalcitrance,” entailing shifting stances of official silence, private lobbying, and carefully crafted written critiques. Finally, during the political unrest and civil war of the early 1980s, church leaders adopted a posture of “prophetic presence,” standing for and with the people in opposition to Milton Obote's increasingly violent state.

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33

Martiniello, Giuliano. "Agrarian politics and land struggles in Northern Uganda." Community Development Journal 52, no. 3 (July 2017): 405–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/bsx027.

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34

Summers, Carol. "Adolescence versus Politics: Metaphors in Late Colonial Uganda." Journal of the History of Ideas 78, no. 1 (2017): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhi.2017.0005.

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김장생. "Research on Relationship between Religion and Social Capital in Uganda - In the case of Kakiri, Central Uganda." THEOLOGICAL THOUGHT ll, no. 175 (December 2016): 169–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.35858/sinhak.2016..175.005.

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36

Tindigarukayo, Jimmy K. "Uganda, 1979–85: Leadership in Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 4 (December 1988): 607–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015408.

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After a period of preoccupation with the study of the military in post-colonial states, some scholars have begun to turn their attention to the analysis of politics in post-military states in the Third World.1 This shift, however, has had a considerable impact on perceptions of the traditional rigid dichotomy between military and civilian régimes. In particular, there is increasing scepticism about the ability of the latter to restore political order, to establish the supremacy of civil institutions over the armed forces, and to acquire popular legitimacy. There seems little doubt that the pre-eminence of the soldiers, and their ability to dictate the degree of participation in politics, has continued to persist in a number of African countries, thereby producing systems of government that are a mixture rather than a clear manifestation of either a military or a civilian régime.

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37

Manyak and Katono. "Impact of Multiparty Politics on Local Government in Uganda." African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 1, no. 1 (2011): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.1.1.8.

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38

Bennett, Alison. "Diplomatic Gifts: Rethinking Colonial Politics in Uganda through Objects." History in Africa 45 (April 19, 2018): 193–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2018.5.

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Abstract:This article examines the material underpinnings of the political diplomacy pursued by Ugandan leaders towards European colonial figures in the late nineteenth century. Imperial historians have traditionally understood the institutional processes of treaty-making, diplomacy and state administration as part of the workings of the European “Official Mind.” As such, analyses have been overwhelmingly based upon written colonial sources such as governmental papers. This article provides an alternative perspective on institutional life in Uganda by demonstrating that material objects also served as sites of political praxis for both the governed and those governing when exchanged in the form of a gift. The products of these exchanges can be found in museums across Uganda, Kenya, and Britain. Their biographies shed important new light on the interactions between the material and political worlds as well as between local leaders and the imperial state, yet they have received little critical attention from historians. This article seeks to reinstate their role into the political process, and in doing so, reconfigures our understanding of these different imperial institutions.

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39

Murison, Jude. "Judicial politics: election petitions and electoral fraud in Uganda." Journal of Eastern African Studies 7, no. 3 (August 2013): 492–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2013.811026.

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40

Lambright, Gina M. S. "Opposition Politics and Urban Service Delivery in Kampala, Uganda." Development Policy Review 32, s1 (June 6, 2014): s39—s60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dpr.12068.

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41

Weisser, Florian. "Efficacious trees and the politics of forestation in Uganda." Area 47, no. 3 (June 9, 2015): 319–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/area.12203.

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42

Weisser, Florian. "Efficacious trees and the politics of forestation in Uganda." Area 47, no. 4 (November 6, 2015): 488. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/area.12239.

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43

Mwenda, A. M. "Patronage politics, donor reforms, and regime consolidation in Uganda." African Affairs 104, no. 416 (July 1, 2005): 449–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi030.

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44

Reno, William. "The politics of war and debt relief in Uganda." Conflict, Security & Development 1, no. 02 (April 2001): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800100590606.

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45

Pankhurst, D. "Women and Politics in Africa: The Case of Uganda." Parliamentary Affairs 55, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/parlij/55.1.119.

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46

Kjær, Anne Mette. "Electricity in Africa: the politics of transformation in Uganda." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 56, no. 4 (September 23, 2018): 559–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2018.1516525.

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47

Jackson, Paul. "‘Negotiating with Ghosts’: Religion, Conflict and Peace in Northern Uganda." Round Table 98, no. 402 (June 2009): 319–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530902895402.

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48

Quinn, Joanna R. "BEYOND TRUTH COMMISSIONS: INDIGENOUS RECONCILIATION IN UGANDA." Review of Faith & International Affairs 4, no. 1 (March 2006): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2006.9523235.

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Aka, Philip C. "Expanding Boundaries of Human Rights in (East) Africa." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 1 (May 23, 2016): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341350.

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Abstract:

To what extent has politics in Uganda changed since the era of egregious human rights abuses under General Idi Amin? Using the new book on law and politics in Uganda under Museveni referenced below as focal point, this essay answers that question in a discussion that also sketches three themes, testimony to the plasticity of the human rights doctrine, including the expanding boundaries of human rights in (East) Africa.

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Rubongoya, Joshua B. "Book Review: What is Africa’s Problem?, No-Party Democracy in Uganda: Myths and Realities, Women and Politics in Uganda." Journal of Asian and African Studies 38, no. 1 (February 2003): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190960303800111.

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