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Journal articles on the topic 'Religious anthropology'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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1

Gutwirth, Jacques. "Anthropologie urbaine religieuse : une introduction / Religious Urban Anthropology : Introduction." Archives de sciences sociales des religions 73, no. 1 (1991): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/assr.1991.1572.

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2

Ramirez, Philippe. "Pour une anthropologie religieuse du maoïsme népalais / For a Religious Anthropology of Maoism in Nepal." Archives de sciences sociales des religions 99, no. 1 (1997): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/assr.1997.1132.

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3

Rich, Grant Jewell. ":The Anthropology of Religious Conversion." Anthropology of Consciousness 17, no. 1 (March 2006): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ac.2006.17.1.86.

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4

Favret-Saada, Jeanne. "An anthropology of religious polemics." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6, no. 1 (June 2016): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau6.1.003.

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5

Kahn, Joel S. "Thinking About Religious Texts Anthropologically." Heritage of Nusantara: International Journal of Religious Literature and Heritage 4, no. 2 (January 18, 2016): 155–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/hn.v4i2.82.

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This paper addresses the conference themes by asking what contribution anthropology can make to the study of religious literature and heritage. In particular I will discuss ways in which anthropologists engage with religious texts. The paper begins with an assessment of what is probably the dominant approach to religious texts in mainstream anthropology and sociology, namely avoiding them and focussing instead on the religious ‘practices’ of ‘ordinary believers’. Arguing that this tendency to neglect the study of texts is ill-advised, the paper looks at the reasons why anthropologists need to engage with contemporary religious texts, particularly in their studies of/in the modern Muslim world. Drawing on the insights of anthropologist of religion Joel Robbins into what he called the “awkward relationship” between anthropology and theology, the paper proposes three possible ways in which anthropology might engage with religious literature. Based on a reading of three rather different modern texts on or about Islam, the strengths and weaknesses of each of the three modes of anthropological engagement is assessed and a case is made for Robbins’s third approach on the grounds that it offers a way out of the impasse in which mainstream anthropology of religion finds itself, caught as it is between the ‘emic’ and the ‘etic’, i.e. between ontologically different worlds.

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6

Bubnov, Evgeniy. "The Religious and Quasi-Religious Genealogy of the Theology of Nazism." Dialogue and Universalism 31, no. 1 (2021): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du20213115.

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The article is dedicated to the understanding of the Nazi anthropology as an element of the quasi-religious concept. Adolf Hitler’s racial theory unequivocally rejected the human status of persons not belonging to the Caucasian race, labeling them as Untermensch (“under-man”). Such an attitude was due to several prerequisites. However, the core reason is manifested not in the rational sphere. In the twentieth century, concepts of quasi-religions and political religions became widespread due to the reign of two totalitarian ideologies in Eurasia—Nazism and Communism. Numerous scholars emphasized the fact that these ideologies performed religious functions thus occupying an intellectual space at the interface between the religious and the secular. Quasi-religion adherents may be equally fanatic as religious radicals. Questions about whether this similarity is mere coincidence or whether quasi-religions are derivatives from traditional religions and the meaning of this problem today deserve close attention.

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7

Scott, Michael W. "The anthropology of ontology (religious science?)." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 19, no. 4 (November 4, 2013): 859–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9655.12067.

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8

Cohen, Charles L. "Biblical anthropology and puritan religious experience." Topoi 7, no. 3 (December 1988): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02028419.

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9

Buckley, Jorunn Jacobsen, and Thomas Buckley. "Response: Anthropology, History of Religions, and a Cognitive Approach to Religious Phenomena." Journal of the American Academy of Religion LXIII, no. 2 (1995): 343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lxiii.2.343.

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10

Keane, Webb. "Religious Practice and the Claims of Anthropology." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.v33i1.116394.

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It is an enormous honor to be here to celebrate the memory of Edvard Westermarck. A Swedish-speaking Finn, a Scandinavian emissary to London, a Northerner intimate with Morocco, a founding figure across the emergent disciplinary boundaries between sociology and anthropology, Westermarck was a cosmopolitan in the best sense of the word. From his position betwixt and between, he was well placed to identify the two central challenges of relativity that have long marked the human sciences in general, and anthropology in particular. One is ontological, the other moral. From the start, given their vast ambition to understand humans in the broadest social context, anthropologists have frequently had to grapple with reality claims and ethical norms far from their own. To his enduring credit, Westermarck had the courage to face the problem directly, and early on staked out one of the more radical and still unsettled positions on the relativistic implications of anthropology. In a world of ever faster and more widely circulating people, images, and ideas, the challenges posed by other reality claims and other moral values have only become more pressing.

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11

Of the Journal, Editorial board. "Summary." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 22 (May 21, 2002): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.22.1346.

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In the 22nd issue of the Bulletin “Ukrainian Religious Studies” in the rubric “Philosophy and Anthropology of Religion” there are in particular the following papers: “Problem of classification of religions in Religious Studies” by V.Soloviyev, “The myth and mythology” by V.Harin, “Metaphysical measurements of transition process from myth to folk-tale” by V.Yatchenko, “Anthropological aspects modern Protestant preaching (content-analysis consequent)” by A.Zhalovaha.

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12

Djuric-Milovanovic, Aleksandra. "“Hidden religious landscapes”: Religious minorities and religious renewal movements in the borderlands of the Serbian and Romanian Banat." Balcanica, no. 52 (2021): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2152193d.

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The paper explores the ways religious grassroots actors in the borderlands contribute to the new understanding of cross border regions and religious groups in the space between the Serbian and Romanian Banat from the perspective of the anthropology of borders. The border region included in this paper was the place of interreligious and interethnic encounter, where religions and languages mixed and there was a continuous interaction between Orthodox Christians, Catholics and Protestants. By studying the region that had strong cultural, historical and religious connections, the aim is to provide new insights on the borders and religious groups that are understudied. This article explores the ?liminal? character of religious identities, development of renewal movements and crossing symbolic boundaries with the examples of the ?home-grown? religious movement of the Lord?s Army (Rom. Oastea Domnului) emerged in the first decades of the 20th century.

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13

Kirby, Jon P. "Anthropology of Knowledge and the Christian Dialogue with African Traditional Religions." Missiology: An International Review 20, no. 3 (July 1992): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969202000301.

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Local theologies in Africa have taken their cue from the dialogue with African traditional religions (ATRs). But this important dialogue is new, and it has much to learn from one already long established—that between Islam and ATRs. In this article the author explores the way in which Islam has used divination and other traditional African religious institutions to transform the way in which traditional problems are perceived, interpreted, and solved, thus allowing a resultant cultural and religious transformation to proceed naturally from its own indigenous roots.

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14

Kormina, Jeanne, Ekaterina Khonineva, and Sergei Shtyrkov. "MARTHA’S LADLE: AN ANTHROPOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS INFRASTRUCTURE." Antropologicheskij forum 18, no. 55 (December 2022): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2022-18-55-9-27.

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The infrastructural turn in the social sciences comes from a tendency to change the anthropocentric epistemology in social research. This new approach corresponds to the classic program of social anthropology as it makes the known unknown and provides one more perspective which helps reveal the invisible politics, inequalities, and social tensions. Yet, when it comes to the social research in the field of religion, the interest to how infrastructures work has not resulted in new academic discourses and research practices so far. This article outlines some directions and topics in the anthropology of religion which stem from the infrastructural turn. First, it highlights the work of the social imagination of believers when they deal with thick or thin (poor) infrastructural systems. Secondly, it discusses the moments of infrastructural breakdown which provoke believers to generate semiotic ideologies in order to represent their experience of communication with non-human agents, both mundane and divine. The infrastructural approach to understanding religious life does not pretend to become a new research methodology or social theory. Rather, it suggests that thinking infrastructurally on typical topics for anthropology of religion, such as pilgrimage, charity, memory or historical imagination, helps us to better understand the logic which shapes the everyday life of a religious person and community. Furthermore, it helps us remember that religious and secular domains of life are usually not separated in ethnographic reality.

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15

Razdyakonov, Vladislav S. "NEW RELIGIOUS ANTHROPOLOGY AND TRANSFORMATION OF SCIENCE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY." Studia Religiosa Rossica: Russian Journal of Religion, no. 4 (2020): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-4158-2020-4-18-39.

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New religious anthropology is defined as an aggregate of doctrines and practices that postulated the existence of a particular arrangement of the human being, distinctive from what was recognized as consistent with the scientific approach of the latter half of the 19th century, as well as the human capacity to acquire superhuman powers. The article is focused on the impact of scientific concepts and ideas on the doctrines of new religious anthropology. It reveals that the key role in the formation of new religious anthropology was played by the processes that determined the development of science, such as institutionalization, specialization and mediatization of scientific knowledge. The article suggests a heuristic typology of new religious anthropology, distinguishing Christian, Scientific, Orientalist and Occult types. New religious anthropology is viewed as a means of overcoming the conflict between the science and the religion that was typical for the discourse of the latter half of the 19th century.

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16

Tuckett, Jonathan. "The Talos Principle: Philosophical and Religious Anthropology." Implicit Religion 20, no. 3 (February 26, 2018): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/imre.35899.

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17

Harrison, Victoria S. "Representing the Divine: Feminism and Religious Anthropology." Feminist Theology 16, no. 1 (September 2007): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735007082522.

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18

Hiebert, Paul G. "Book Review: The Anthropology of Religious Conversion." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30, no. 2 (April 2006): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693930603000224.

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19

Segal, Robert A. "Victorian Anthropology." Journal of the American Academy of Religion LVIII, no. 3 (1990): 469–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lviii.3.469.

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20

Rohmawati, Rohmawati. "ANTROPOLOGI KEKERASAN AGAMA : Studi Pemikiran Jack David Eller." Sabda : Jurnal Kajian Kebudayaan 13, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/sabda.13.2.179-190.

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This article aims to study the anthropology of religious violence in Jack David Eller's perspective. The conclusions are: (1) violence, anthropologically, is not an objective quality of a concept and a judgment, depending on the person who sees it. Some violence is considered good and ordered as rights and obligations; (2) the factors supporting violence are: constituents of cultural violence, integration into groups, identities, institutions, interests, and ideologies; (3) religious violence is practiced in all religions because there are some aspects of violence in religious doctrine; (4) religious violence has various forms: sacrifice, martyrdom, persecution, holy war, ethno-religious conflict, abuse, crime and murder.

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21

Swearer, Donald K. "Focus on Ethnography, Anthropology, and Comparative Religious Ethics: Focus Editor's Comments on “Ethnography, Anthropology, and Comparative Religious Ethics” Essays." Journal of Religious Ethics 38, no. 3 (August 18, 2010): 393–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9795.2010.00434.x.

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22

Lindhardt, Martin. "Narrating Religious Realities:." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 34, no. 3 (January 1, 2009): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.116542.

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In this paper I explore the complex and constitutive role of narrative practice in Chilean Pentecostalism. I argue that it is in large part through different kinds of storytelling that Pentecostal self identities are produced, nourished and modified. Particular attention is focused on testimonies of salvation, and life stories as narrative practices through which converts engage in ongoing construction of biographic identities and provide themselves with symbolic schemes for present and future action. I further argue that Pentecostal story telling should be seen as a specific kind of social interaction, creating and unfolding eligious realities to be inhabited by narrator and listener alike. I pursue this argument by examining different linguistic as well as non-linguistic strategies through which the listener is invited to project him or herself into the world of the story. Keywords: Pentecostalism, Chile, conversion, narratives, identity

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23

Khonineva, Ekaterina. ""“Vocation in the Flesh”: Gender and Embodiment in the Religious Anthropology of Modern Catholicism"." State Religion and Church 6, no. 2 (2019): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2311-3448-2019-6-2-29-49.

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24

Larmer, Robert A. "Christian Anthropology." Philosophia Christi 2, no. 2 (2000): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/pc20002232.

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25

Kornilov, Yu A. "РЕЛИГИОЗНО-ФИЛОСОФСКАЯ АНТРОПОЛОГИЯ МОСКОВСКОЙ ШКОЛЫ ДУХОВНО-АКАДЕМИЧЕСКОГО ТЕИЗМА." HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE FAR EAST 2, no. 18 (2021): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2021-18-2-152-156.

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On the basis of manuscripts of thesis and Candidate's dissertation of Moscow theological schools, the peculiarity of the reaction of their representatives when constructing their own models of religious and philosophical anthropology is presented. The essence of the view of Moscow philosophers-theists on the change in the role and place of man in nature and society is revealed. The physical and mental capabilities and abilities of a person are analyzed, while maintaining the basic principles of biblical and Christian anthropology

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26

Eremicheva, G. V. "Religious Searching and New Religious Organizations." Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia 47, no. 4 (April 2009): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/aae1061-1959470401.

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27

Lane, Dermot A. "Anthropology and Eschatology." Irish Theological Quarterly 61, no. 1 (March 1995): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114009506100102.

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28

Hauer, Chris. "Anthropology in Historiography." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 12, no. 39 (October 1987): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030908928701203904.

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29

Астапов, С. Н. "Criticism of “Barthianism” in Boris Vysheslavtsev’s Religious Anthropology." Nasledie Vekov, no. 2(30) (June 30, 2022): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36343/sb.2022.30.2.001.

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В статье проанализирован сотериологический аспект религиозной антропологии Б. П. Вышеславцева, одного из представителей философии «русского зарубежья». Наиболее ярко этот аспект выступает в его критике диалектической теологии К. Барта, которой посвящены две статьи русского философа: «Образ Божий в грехопадении» и «Образ Божий в существе человека». Реконструирована логическая структура критики бартианства, оценена аргументация Б. П. Вышеславцева. Отдельно исследована антиномическая диалектика русского философа, ярко представленная в изученных статьях. Установлено, что критика бартианства Б. П. Вышеславцевым представляет собой пример межконфессиональной дискуссии между православной и протестантской позициями о тотальности греха. Автор заключает, что, несмотря на аргументацию, основанную на учении отцов Церкви, антропология Б. П. Вышеславцева выходит за догматические границы ортодоксального богословия. The article examines the soteriological aspect of the religious anthropology of Boris Vysheslavtsev, who was one of the most prominent representatives of religious and philosophical thought expelled from Soviet Russia in 1922. Vysheslavtsev most clearly expressed this aspect in his two articles, “The Image of God in the Fall” and “The Image of God in the Being of Man”, that criticized Karl Barth’s dialectical theology. The study was based on analytical, synthetic, historical philosophical, biographical, and hermeneutic methods. The author reconstructs the logical structure of Vysheslavtsev’s criticism of Barthianism and evaluates his argumentation. The author emphasizes that Vysheslavtsev considers Barthian theology a non-dialectical doctrine, since he sees the assertion of the thesis of the created nature and sinfulness of man and the negation of the antithesis in the theology. Vysheslavtsev positively assesses Barth’s pathos about the “chasm of the sin” and credits his theology with the fact that it fundamentally clarifies the meaning of the sin for anthropology. However, according to Vysheslavtsev, it is only the thesis of the “antinomy of the sin” opposed by an equally strong antithesis: “the image and likeness of God can never disappear, even in the greatest sin”. Vysheslavtsev gives two arguments for the antithesis: (1) even the most impenitent sinner retains the qualities of God-likeness (personality, freedom and reason); (2) a person retains the image of the lost God-likeness in the form of a clear awareness of one’s sinfulness, or unconscious guilt, or the satanic “spirit of contradiction” that preserves the image of righteousness, which is what this spirit contradicts. The author notes that Barth’s theology has served a worthy reason for Vysheslavtsev to express again his antinomic teaching about man, to solve purely theological problems in this case. Despite the fact that Vysheslavtsev bases his several arguments on the Church Fathers doctrine, his philosophical thought crosses the dogmatic boundaries of the Orthodox theology. However, this does not prevent Vysheslavtsev’s criticism of Barthianism as a confessional thought from the positions of another, the Orthodox, doctrine. The author concludes that this criticism is a very good example of an interconfessional dialogue on key theological issues without any accusations of heresy; more precisely, it is an example of a position in the dialogue when the subject of criticism is ideas, not doctrinal principles, religious feelings or symbols – although ideas logically stem from the foundations of the religious doctrine.

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Oostveen, Daan. "Religious Belonging in the East Asian Context: An Exploration of Rhizomatic Belonging." Religions 10, no. 3 (March 12, 2019): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10030182.

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This article explores the hermeneutical challenges to understand religious belonging and religious identity in the East Asian context. In East Asia, religious identities have not always been as exclusively delineated, as is the case in Western models of religious diversity, for example in the so-called World Religions paradigm. Various theoretical frameworks are discussed in religious studies, sociology and anthropology of religion in China and East Asia, to acquire a better understanding of religious belonging. It is observed that two hermeneutical frameworks are used by scholars to discuss religious diversity: a hermeneutics of multiple religions and a hermeneutics of religiosity. The former analyses “religious belonging” as a “belonging to religious traditions”. In the latter, “religious belonging” is understood as transcending particular religious traditions. It is argued that we need to take another look at the philosophical concept of “multiplicity” to understand religious diversity and religious belonging. We can use the Deleuzian concepts of “rhizome” and “assemblage” to describe religious belongings in East Asia specifically and also religion in general. A rhizomatic thinking about religion enables us to reimagine the concept of religious belonging as rhizomatic belonging, and also, as is argued by Haiyan Lee and Mayfair Yang, make it possible to subvert power structures inherent to religion.

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31

Kilde, Jeanne Halgren. "Approaching Religious Space: An Overview of Theories, Methods, and Challenges in Religious Studies." Religion & Theology 20, no. 3-4 (April 2, 2014): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-12341258.

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Abstract The study of religious space, both physical and imagined, has advanced significantly in the past two decades, drawing upon theoretical perspectives and analytical methods from several fields, from anthropology and historical studies, to geography and architecture, to social and literary critical theory. Marking a path through this varied landscape of approaches, this essay presents a four-part taxonomy into which most can be classified. The categories discussed are (1) Structuralist-hermeneutical approaches, (2) Socio-historical approaches, (3) Critical-spatial theory and approaches, and (4) Critical-spatial approaches from within the study of religions. This taxonomy is intended to aid scholars in clarifying their approaches to religious spaces, both physical and imagined, and thus advance the study of this constitutive component of religion.

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Greenfield, Sidney M. "The Religious Imagination in New Guine:The Religious Imagination in New Guinea." Anthropology of Consciousness 2, no. 1-2 (March 1991): 35–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ac.1991.2.1-2.35.

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Lee, Sungho. "Aelred of Rievaulx’s Relational Anthropology in Socio-Historical and Religious Context." Expository Times 130, no. 9 (February 21, 2019): 385–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524619831509.

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The Cistercian monk, Aelred of Rievaulx, is unique in his emphasis on relationship with others. While Aelred’s socio-historical context—that of a twelfth-century Renaissance, Cistercian community, with its increased emphasis on friendship—contributed to his relational anthropology, I argue that Aelred possessed his own relational vision, and out of passionate love was active in pursuing unity between his secular and religious communities, and also with other persons in his communities. This relational vision and action, which is highly consonant with contemporary anthropology, is embedded in the theological anthropology of his writings, where he confirms that the essence of the human being is relational.

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34

Merkur, Dan. "Psychoanalytic methods in the history of religion: A personal statement1." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 8, no. 4 (1996): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006896x00224.

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AbstractFor the Scandinavian tradition of the history of religions, in which I was trained, not the numinous, but the experience of the numinous is the sui generis subject matter of the discipline; and historians routinely emphasize the experiential aspects of religions. The better to understand religious experience, I work interdisciplinarily with psychoanalysis. Freud's treatment of group processes as though they were individual psyches and his pathologizing of religious symbolism are badly dated. Current work in both clinical psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic anthropology is more sophisticated. My major innovations are two. (1) Where historians of religions aspire for religious devotees to recognize themselves in their portraits of the religions, I seek for devotees additionally to gain insight into the unconscious dimensions of their religions. Religions are not reducible to their symbolism, but unconscious motives influence the imagery that religions use to symbolize their metaphysical concerns. (2) I also use psychoanalytic findings and methods to contribute to historiography, in some cases as aids to textual exegesis, but more extensively in studies of shamans, prophets, apocalyptists, and mystics, where psychoanalytic observations on the techniques for inducing and controlling alternate states furnishes historical information that enriches the research findings.

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Alava, Henni, Morgan Clarke, and Alessandro Gusman. "Introduction to the special issue." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 46, no. 3 (November 21, 2022): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.124754.

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Rules are a crucial part of much religious thought and practice. Their importance or insignificance, their strictness or laxness, and their rigidity or flexibility in the face of change are constant themes of debate, both within and outside religious communities. Yet they have arguably not been given the attention they deserve within recent anthropology. Since the rise of practice theory, rules have more often been considered something to look past in the search for agency. Where the new anthropology of ethics has addressed religious orthopraxy, it has largely been through the lens of the cultivation of virtuous self, or the ways in which moral rules may become especially salient in extraordinary circumstances, such as moments of radical cultural transformation. But religious rules are not just a function of ethical crisis or virtuoso projects of the self. They are also a taken-for-granted part of everyday life for millions of people worldwide. In this introduction and the case studies that follow, we thus aim to move beyond current perspectives, reflecting on both the nature of religious rules themselves and the ways in which they are negotiated in believers’ everyday lives. Keywords: Rules; anthropology; religion; ethics

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36

Russell, Edward. "Reconsidering Relational Anthropology: A Critical Assessment of John Zizioulas's Theological Anthropology." International Journal of Systematic Theology 5, no. 2 (June 11, 2003): 168–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1463-1652.00102.

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37

Coward, Harold. "Taking its interdisciplinary heritage seriously: The future of Religious Studies in Canada." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 35, no. 3-4 (September 2006): 403–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980603500303.

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This article will argue that Religious Studies is not a narrowly defined discipline with a single methodology but is an area or field of study that is interdisciplinary in nature. From the beginning, Religious Studies as a scholarly field has engaged a variety of disciplinary approaches including: literary analysis of scriptural texts, history of religions, comparative religion, philosophy of religions, psychology of religions, sociology of religions and anthropology of religions. This has been its strength in the past, providing ways to reach out to other disciplines in the Humanities and Social Sciences. Taking its interdisciplinary heritage seriously today gives Religious Studies a strong basis from which to move forward into the future. It enables Religious Studies departments to build bridges to cognate departments resulting in joint appointments and enriched programs for students. It widens Religious Studies' base of support and regard within the academic community. It fosters research projects with interdisciplinary team approaches to contemporary problems in areas such as biomedical ethics, environmental ethics, religion and peace-building, pluralism and public policy—global issues that transcend the ability of any one discipline to provide answers. This approach ensures that the knowledge developed by Religious Studies "has a place at the table" alongside the other disciplines and is engaged in the solving of major problems and the formation of policy recommendations.

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Barrow, Ellen. "Anthropology Plus." Charleston Advisor 23, no. 4 (April 1, 2022): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.23.4.5.

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Anthropology Plus is a database that contains a compilation of two indexes: Anthropological Index Online (published by the Royal Institute of Great Britain and Ireland) and Anthropological Literature (published by the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard). Anthropology Plus offers indexing of core and less well-known journals from the eighteenth century to the present. This resource provides extensive indexing of thousands of sources including journal articles, commentaries, reports, obituaries, and edited works. As of 2022, this database contains 1.1 million records. Anthropology Plus updates all records monthly and comprises more than 50 languages including Asian, English, German, and Slavic languages. Subjects covered in this database are: Anthropology, Art History, Archaeology, Ethnology, Folklore, Linguistics, Material Culture, Primatology, and Religious Studies.

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Jaoul, Nicolas. "Citizenship in religious clothing?" Focaal 2016, no. 76 (December 1, 2016): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2016.760104.

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B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) advocated the religious conversion of Dalits to Navayana Buddhism as the pillar of the future struggle against caste. This article examines the implications of this turn to religion for the Dalit movement. As shown by its convergence with Marx’s critique of bourgeois citizenship, Navayana exceeds the framework of political liberalism. It is argued, though, that Navayana is neither an orientalized version of liberal politics, nor is it fully contained by Marxism. The ethnography highlights the revival of Navayana in the 1990s in a context of disillusion with institutional politics. With the rise to political power of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in this period, Uttar Pradesh emerged as the new center of Dalit politics. However, the BSP government also disappointed many former activists, who then turned to the Navayana movement. What spaces and possibilities did Navayana open up to further the task of Dalit emancipation that political power failed to achieve? The ethnography highlights the Navayana movement’s practical difficulties and dilemmas, caused by its being advocated and practiced by secular minded activists hostile to popular religiosity.

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Anoshka, Siarhei A. "A Joke, Mockery, or Something More? The Church of the Flying Spaghetti Monster – an Invented Religion or a New Movement?" Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 81 (April 2021): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/fejf2021.81.anoshka.

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This article attempts to analyse a contemporary phenomenon from the sphere of alternative religiosity in the form of joke religions. The main subject of the analysis is a new religious movement called the Church of the Flying Spaghetti Monster (CFSM), founded in the USA in 2005. By referring to the theory of carnival fun, joining the sacrum and profanum, and passing through the various doctrinal threads of this religious movement, the author attempts to answer the question of whether the CFSM can be considered a genuine religion or only a joke. The article begins with a short reflection on the possibility of joking about religion and faith, and the response to religious humour by people of faith, which may range from anger to disgust and sometimes even to aggression. Then, after a short history of this new (pseudo-)religious movement, a perspective is developed. It emerges that the whole structure of the so-called doctrine of this (quasi-)religion refers to other known religions and beliefs, including other new religious movements.

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Filary, Magdalena. "Artur Rega: „Omul în lumea simbolurilor. Antropologia filozofică a lui Mircea Eliade” / Artur Rega: "Man in the World of Symbols. Philosophical Anthropology of Mircea Eliade"." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 1, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 179–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v1i1.17370.

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The Polish exegesis of Mircea Eliade's work has grown after 1989 through monographs and studies devoted entirely to hermeneutics that the historian and phenomenologist of religions imposes on the sciences dealing with the study of sacredness, of religious phenomena and related symbolism. The book Man in the Symbol World. Philosophical Anthropology of Mircea Eliade by Artur Rega is among them.

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Prandi, Reginaldo. "Religions and Cultures: Religious Dynamics in Latin America." Social Compass 55, no. 3 (September 2008): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768608093689.

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Ouweneel, Willem J. "Supratemporality in the Transcendental Anthropology of Herman Dooyeweerd." Philosophia Reformata 58, no. 2 (December 17, 1993): 210–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90000066.

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At the time when Scheler, Plessner, and Gehlen are credited with having founded anthropology as a separate branch of philosophy, Herman Dooyeweerd deserves the merit of having created a total view (Gesamtanschauung) of the human person on the basis not of a humanistic but a Christian cosmology.2 He was deeply conscious of the fact that philosophy as such is not capable of fathoming the essence of humankind. Philosophy, in his opinion, is bound to the temporal horizon, while the human ego transcends this horizon. The philosopher acquires a view of this ego only in its relation to God. Since this relation is religious in nature, the knowledge of self is also religious in nature. This true self-knowledge is effected by the revelation of God’s Word in the heart, the religious centre of human existence, through the power of the Holy Spirit. Dooyeweerd’s anthropology is therefore a transcendental anthropology, founded as it is on this transcendental critique of theoretical thought. In this transcendental critique the point of synthesis of theoretical thought is not found in some transcendental logical ego, in the sense of Immanuel Kant, but in the transcendent-religious ego of the human person.

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Muthoni, Prisca. "Religious Adult Educator." Journal of Negro Education 56, no. 3 (1987): 450. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2295238.

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Wilkinson, John. "Book Reviews : Medical Anthropology." Expository Times 112, no. 1 (October 2000): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460011200128.

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Benjamin, Don C. "An Anthropology of Prophecy." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 21, no. 4 (November 1991): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014610799102100402.

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Douglas, Mary, and Edmund Perry. "Anthropology and Comparative Religion." Theology Today 41, no. 4 (January 1985): 410–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057368504100406.

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Neusner, Jacob. "The Contribution of Anthropology." Theology Today 41, no. 4 (January 1985): 428–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057368504100407.

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Dallmayr, Fred R. "Politics of the Kingdom: Pannenberg's Anthropology." Review of Politics 49, no. 1 (1987): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500044314.

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Religion is again a lively topic not only in practical-political life but also in social and political thought. The latter development is by far more surprising and intriguing than the practical-political relevance. For some time, political theory had ostensibly settled accounts with, or resolved the status of, religious belief: basically churches and religious movements were classified as one type of interest groups (or “input variables”) within a comprehensive liberal-democratic model — a model secular in character but not intolerant, within limits, of religious convictions. On the part of organized (especially Protestant) churches, the settlement was widely accepted as a means for securing both internal church autonomy and some influence in the political arena; the “social gospel” movement in particular saw faith chiefly as a leverage for advancing welfare and progress within secular society. To be sure, the optimism of the liberal settlement was severely challenged, and partly disrupted, by catastrophic events in our century as well as by radical theological criticism — a criticism highlighted in Richard Niebuhr's well-known phrase: “A God without wrath brought men without sin into a kingdom without judgment through the ministrations of a Christ without a cross.” Yet, when carried to an extreme, theological criticism had the paradoxical effect of reinforcing the secular-liberal paradigm. Once religion was radically segregated from politics or the “city of God” from the “earthly city,” the latter was left entirely to its own devices; purged of all religious and millenarian considerations social and political theory could return to business as usual.

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Teppo, Annika. "“My House is Protected by a Dragon”." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.v34i1.116493.

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Until the end of apartheid, White South Africans were solely presented as Christians, with other religious practices all but forbidden to them. Since the negotiated revolution of 1994, the new liberal constitution has guaranteed religious freedom to all, with the global New Religious Movements gaining popularity. Tens of thousands of White South Africans have seized the opportunity to explore charismatic churches, New Age-practices as well as traditional African religions, while the popularity of traditional Christianity has dropped. The informants of this research are White South Africans from Cape Town, neopagans who practice Wiccan witchcraft and sangomas who practice traditional African religion. In South Africa, Whites are seldom regarded as practitioners of witchcraft or magic. Yet there are thousands of Whites who believe in and practice both, and create their own sacred spaces within the urban spaces which were previously subjected to rules and regulations of racialised social engineering. This article examines how witchcraft, magic and new global religions meet in the conjunctions of global and local, where new concerns arise and where new heterotopias and spatial practices are established as answers to White neopagans’ anxieties about spiritual insecurity and racial boundaries. The places where these sacred urban spaces are created are at homes, in public spaces, and on the Internet. Keywords: African religion, Cape Town, magic, sacred spaces, post-apartheid urban space, White South Africans, Wicca, witchcraft

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