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1
Schwalm, Leslie A. "Surviving Wartime Emancipation: African Americans and the Cost of Civil War." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 39, no. 1 (2011): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2011.00544.x.
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Ask any Civil War historian about the cost of the Civil War and they will recite a host of well-known assessments, from military casualties and government expenditures to various measures of direct and indirect costs. But those numbers are not likely to include an appraisal of the humanitarian crisis and suffering caused by the wartime destruction of slavery. Peace-time emancipation in other regions (the northern U.S., for example) and in other societies (like the British West Indies) certainly presented dangers and difficulties for the formerly enslaved, but wartime emancipation chained the new opportunities and possibilities for freedom to war’s violence, civil chaos, destruction and deprivation. The resulting health crisis, including illness, injury, and trauma, had immediate and lasting consequences for black civilians and soldiers. Although historians are more accustomed to thinking of enslaved people as the beneficiaries of this war, rather than its victims, we cannot assess the cost of this war until we answer two important questions: first, what price did enslaved people have to pay because their freedom was achieved through warfare rather than a peacetime process; and secondly, in this war in which so many Americans paid such a high cost, to what extent did racism inflate the cost paid by people of African descent? In answering these questions, we reconsider this specific war, but we must also tie the U.S. Civil War to a larger scholarship on how wars impact civilians, create refugee populations, and accelerate harsh treatment of people regarded as racial, religious, or ethnic outsiders. We are reminded that war is not an equal-opportunity killer.
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Strom, Sharon Hartman. "Spiritualist Angels, Masonic Stars, and the Douglass Temple of Universal Brotherhood." California History 95, no. 2 (2018): 2–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2018.95.2.2.
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Between 1900 and 1930, Los Angeles attracted thousands of white and black migrants from the Midwest and the South. Many had attachments to Protestant churches. But they also arrived with commitments to Freemasonry, Spiritualism, and social reform causes. This paper argues that these religionists in Los Angeles covered a broad spectrum of faiths, including Free Thought, innovative versions of Protestantism, and Freemasonry, and that traditional accounts of religion in the city have ignored these aspects of religious life and civic engagement. As World War I ushered in conservatism in every aspect of public life, the Los Angeles Times, the City Council, and the Protestant churches combined in an effort to squash these challenges to orthodoxy. In profiling two prominent Spiritualists, African American George W. Shields and white midwesterner Cynthia Lisetta Vose, this article illustrates the wide ranging civil and religious engagement of two committed Spiritualists. By the end of the 1920s, the fragmentation of Los Angeles neighborhoods and the growing racism of the city had nearly destroyed what had been a vigorous religion and a thriving commitment to progressive reform. Segregated white women's clubs and Freemasonry organizations turned the worship of California into a replacement for older forms of religious practice and civic engagement.
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Tuma, Ali Al. "The Participation of Moorish Troops in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39): Military Value, Motivations, and Religious Aspects." War & Society 30, no. 2 (August 2011): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/204243411x13026863176501.
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Spector, Ronald H. "Phat Diem: Nationalism, Religion, and Identity in the Franco-Viet Minh War." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (July 2013): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00369.
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The wars of postcolonial Asia, although often viewed by U.S. officials as struggles between Communist and non-Communist forces or between colonial powers and independence movements, were in fact far more complex and ambiguous in nature. The conflicts displayed some of the characteristics of civil war, brigandage, and ethnic, regional, and religious warfare. This article exams the experience of Phat Diem, a predominantly Catholic enclave in northern Vietnam, during the First IndochinaWar, to highlight the dynamics of these cross-currents of regionalism, nationalism, and religion. Ultimately Phat Diem's attempts to steer a middle course between Communism and French colonialism ended disastrously, but its story highlights several important but little recognized aspects of the war in Indochina and the nature of Asia's wars in the first decade after the end of World War II.
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Thanon, Omar Hashim. "The foundations of peaceful coexistence after the war ... Mosul is a model." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 16 (July 2, 2019): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.146.
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Since peaceful coexistence reflects in its various aspects the concept of harmony between the members of the same society with their different national, religious and sectarian affiliations, as well as their attitudes and ideas, what brings together these are the common bonds such as land, interests and common destiny. But this coexistence is exposing for crises and instability and the theft of rights and other that destroy the communities with their different religious, national, sectarian, ethnic aspects, especially if these led to a crisis of fighting or war, which produces only destruction and mass displacement, ttherefore, the process of bridging the gap between the different parts of society in the post-war phase through a set of requirements that serve as the basis for the promotion of peaceful coexistence within the same country to consolidate civil and community peace in order to create a general framework and a coherent basis to reconstruct the community again.
Hence the premise of the research by asking about the extent of the possibility and ability of the community of religious and ethnic diversity, which has been exposed to these crises, which aimed at this diversity, basically to be able to rise and re-integrate within the same country and thus achieve civil and community peace, and Mosul is an example for that, the negative effects of the war and the accomplices of many criminal acts have given rise to hatred and fear for all, leading to the loss of livelihoods, which in the long term may have devastating social and psychological consequences.
To clarify all of this, the title of the first topic was a review of the concept and origin of peaceful coexistence. While the second topic dealt with the requirements of peaceful coexistence and social integration in Mosul, the last topic has identified the most important challenges facing the processes of coexistence and integration in Mosul. All this in order to paint a better future for the conductor at all levels in the near term at the very least to achieve the values of this peaceful coexistence, especially in the post-war period.
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Green, C. M. C. ""The Necessary Murder": Myth, Ritual, and Civil War in Lucan, Book 3." Classical Antiquity 13, no. 2 (October 1, 1994): 203–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011014.
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It is the argument of this paper that many aspects of Lucan's characterization in the Bellum Civile of Caesar and Pompey, and of the conflict itself, reflect a ritual combat for kingship such as the combat and murder codified in the myth of Romulus and Remus. It was a well-established convention by Ennius's time, further developed in the late Republic, that the conflict between the founding brothers over control of Rome was the ultimate cause for the Civil Wars. The religious (and possibly the historical) basis of this myth can be found in the rites of the priest of Diana at Aricia, the rex nemorensis, which were still extant in Lucan's time. The evidence for Lucan's use of this paradigm is reviewed, and Book 3 of the Bellum Civile is then reassessed in the terms that it suggests. The themes of sacred place (especially the sacred grove), scared combat, and the necessary murder are most clearly presented in Book 3. It is further argued that seeming inconsistencies in the nature of the gods in Lucan's epic can be at least partially resolved if we understand that the gods must remain aloof and outside the action while the ritual takes place, even though they themselves have instituted the ritual of kingship murder, and will, when it is completed, receive the murderer as their ritually validated priest-king. In the conclusion, ways are suggested in which this paradigm, if accepted, begins to clarify various puzzling choices Lucan has made elsewhere in the epic regarding his narrative of events, his development of character, and the recurrent images of lightning, tree, and blood-sacrifice owed to the gods.
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Long, Ahmad Sunawari, Khaidzir Hj Ismail, Kamarudin Salleh, Saadiah Kumin, Halizah Omar, and Ahamed Sarjoon Razick. "An Analysis of the Post-War Community Relations between Buddhists and Muslims in Sri Lanka: A Muslim’s Perspective." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 6 (July 31, 2016): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n6p42.
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Sri Lanka is a multi-ethnic, multi-religious country comprising four of the world’s major religions: Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam and Christianity. Buddhists are the predominant ethnic group, constituting 70.19% of the total population, while Muslims make up the second largest minority in the country. There are many records in the history to prove well the cordial relationship between Buddhists and Muslims in Sri Lanka. However, in the past couple of years, particularly during the aftermath of the civil war, tension may be observed in the relationship between these two religious groups. This is due to a campaign undertaken by a several Buddhist nationalist groups whose intensions are to create a division among these respective societies. These groups have been carrying protests against Muslim social, cultural and religious aspects, including issuing Halal certification, slaughtering of cattle, conducting prayer services, etc. Moreover, they have disseminated misinterpretations about Muslims and Islam with derogatory speeches among the Buddhist public, for the purpose of accomplishing above division. Given the above backdrop, this paper attempts to determine the post-war relationship between Muslims and Buddhists in the country, including major interrupting factors, through analyzing Muslims’ point of views. According to the results, there is no remarkable fluctuation in the relationships between Muslims and Buddhists, and Muslims have posited that there are several social, cultural and religious practices them that act as significant barriers to maintaining a better community relationship with Buddhists, such as slaughtering of cattle for meals. Therefore, almost all of the Muslims have been demanding proper guidelines regarding the slaughtering of cattle, the Niqabs (face cover of Muslim women), and other factors related to interrupting a better interaction with the Buddhists for better cordiality, within the context of Sri Lanka.
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Reda, Amir Abdul. "Framing Political Islam." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v33i4.236.
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What aspects of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood’s (a.k.a. the Ikhwan) cultural/ideological framing contributed to its failure to gather opponents of the Assad regime around its leadership during the 2011uprising? What does this reveal about why some Islamist political parties failed in situations of high political contention, such as the Syrian civil war? I argue that despite considerable evolution in the Syrian Brotherhood’s cultural/ideological framing since its first uprising (1977-82), it failed to target three crucial aspects of the 2011 uprising: the military struggle, the masses, and the religious minorities. My research outlines how the movement’s ideological shift toward non-violence and post-1982 reorientation toward democratic elections (ironically) prevented its members from playing a leadership role in what was mainly an armed struggle. At the same time, my research outlines how this evolution and its related changes attracted neither the masses, which remained oriented toward the traditional economic elites, nor the Sunni-oriented religious minorities. I argue that these three crucial aspects undermined the Ikhwan’s efforts and illustrate how poor cultural/ideological framing can doom even those Islamist political parties with the strongest resource mobilization capacities and previously unmatched situationsof political opportunity structures.
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Schansberg, D. Eric. "Family, Religion and the American Republic." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 30, no. 1 (2018): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2018301/26.
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Indications are that the success of the American experiment is fading. Perceived declines in family and religion are of particular concern as key aspects of civil society. But family and religion are difficult to measure, and it is challenging to have clarity about our own times and the past. The 1950s are commonly seen as the end of a long run of success for religion and family in America. Yet marriage and family have consistently gone through cycles of growth and decline. Thus, post-World War II religion was more “civil religion” than Christianity. To gain perspective on the past and envision the future, this essay revisits two classic books: Carle Zimmerman’s 1947 study of the family and Will Herberg’s 1955 study of religion. Zimmerman describes a decline in family structure that seems to fit the last 50 years. But other literature indicates that we may be at the trough of a cycle in family structure. How much does family structure matter to society, and what is the future of the family in America? Herberg describes religion as largely a way of “belonging”--more cultural than religious. How do cultural and “religious” dimensions contribute to the health of a society? Without vibrant religious faith and strong families, can we keep the republic?
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Abbott, William M. "Ruling Eldership in Civil War England, the Scottish Kirk, and Early New England: A Comparative Study of Secular and Spiritual Aspects." Church History 75, no. 1 (March 2006): 38–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700088326.
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Within early modern Christianity the idea of church government always entailed a basic contradiction. How could a spiritual body, devoted to Christ's teachings of love and forgiveness, exercise coercive authority? Given the widely accepted need of any sixteenth- or seventeenth-century government to enforce religiously based codes of behavior, churches and church officials were inevitably involved with the secular authorities in detecting and judging offenders. Inasmuch as such judgment had to include the threat of punishment, church officials of any kind were open to the charge of violating their Christian mission, which by nature was to be persuasive and educative rather than punitive, and also their Christian character, which, even among more radical Protestant sects, was to be more otherworldly than that of the laity.
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Buc, Philippe. "Civil war and religion in medieval Japan and medieval Europe: War for the Gods, emotions at death and treason." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 2 (April 2020): 261–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464620912616.
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To compare and contrast medieval Japan and medieval Western Europe allows one to discover three things. First, analogous to Catholic holy war, in Japan becomes visible a potential for war (albeit seldom actualised) for the sake, quite surprisingly, of Buddhism. Second, the different role played by emotions during war: in Europe, when vicious (and motivated by emotions such as greed, ambition or lust), they endanger the victors; thus the concern for right emotions foster, to a point, proper behavior during war; in Japan, however, the focus is on the emotions of the defeated, which may hamper a good reincarnation and produce vengeful spirits harmful to the victors and to the community at large. Finally, while Japanese warriors could and often did switch sides, the archipelago did not know for centuries anything approaching the European concept of treason, ideally punished with the highest cruelty, hated and feared to the point of generating collective paranoia and conspiracy theories. Western treason was (and is still) a secularised offspring of the Christian belief in the internal enemy of the Church, the false brethren. Arguably, the texture of the religions present in the two ensembles gave their specific form to these three aspects of warfare.
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Abu Fares, Ashraf, and Indrani Borgohain. "Representations of Death in Rawi Hage’s Beirut Hellfire Society." International Journal of English Language Studies 2, no. 4 (October 30, 2020): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijels.2020.2.4.5.
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The aim of this paper is to explore the representations of death in Beirut Hellfire Society, a novel written by the Lebanese author, Rawi Hage, and published in 2018. The novel indulges in immoral and varied casts like the de-romanticizing subjects in Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian which help illustrate the realities of life during wartime. All the characters portrayed in Beirut Hellfire Society are colorful and complicated vignettes. They span the four seasons following the death of Pavlov’s father, who is killed in a bomb explosion when he is in the middle of digging a grave. In this novel, Hage portrays the dilemma that people faced during the Lebanese civil war and the meaninglessness of death. He deliberately presents a striking description of death that overflows in the city of Beirut throughout the civil war and links it to a myriad of aspects associated to it; mourning, burials, funeral dancing, lunacy, a sense of humor and jokes regarding death, and above all, cremation, to personify the abundant death and destruction that pervaded Beirut on that period of Lebanon’s history with its utmost horrible and devastating face. Pavlov, a twenty years old undertaker, and his father are extraordinary characters and members of the “Hellfire Society,” a secretive organization of infidels, hedonists, idolaters, in which the members cremate people at their own request. Hellfire Society is a mysterious, rebellious and anti-religious sect that arranges secret burial for those who have been denied it because the deceased was a homosexual, an atheist, and an outcast or abandoned by their family, church and state. With death front and centre, Rawi Hage’s Beirut Hellfire Society is a treatise on living with war. In short, it is a novel that practically defines iconoclasm and registers the horrible, prevalent, and immeasurable shocking death that ensues as a real consequence of war and its atrocities.
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Nellen, Henk. "Minimal Religion, Deism and Socinianism: On Grotius’s Motives for Writing De Veritate." Grotiana 33, no. 1 (2012): 25–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-03300006.
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This article goes into the intentions and motives behind De veritate (1627), famous apologetic work by the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). De veritate will be compared with two other seminal works written by Grotius, De iure belli ac pacis (1625) and the Annotationes in Novum Testamentum (1641-1650). The focus will be on one particular aspect that comes to the fore in all three works: the way Grotius reduced the Christian faith to a minimal religion by singling out the essential tenets this faith had in common with other religions. The core of Grotius’s argumentation consists in the idea that believers and, in particular, civil authorities have to distinguish between a few essential religious tenets that could be made rationally acceptable, and a set of supernatural dogmas, derived from divine revelation, that did not pass a certain, albeit very high degree of probability. As far as the second category was concerned, civil tolerance was called for. As becomes clear from contemporary correspondences, Grotius did not develop these rather controversial ideas in an intellectual vacuum. During his exile in Paris, he fostered contacts with members of the circle that formed around the French monk Marin Mersenne (1588-1648). This circle functioned as a kind of hothouse for the development of a minimal Christian creed. Members of this group saw promotion of a minimal creed as a solution to current religious controversies and the ensuing political turmoil and (civil) war, which were abhorred for their detrimental effects on the advancement of learning in the first place. On the other hand, it is also apparent that overt adherence to such an ideal was considered to be dangerous, because it would at least evoke the embarrassing and even repressive attention of the authorities in Church and government. An additional problem was that by defending such a religious stance, members of Mersenne’s circle laid themselves open to accusations of endorsing ‘rational beliefs’ like Socinianism, generally considered to be the worst heresy among all Christian denominations.
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Redkinа, Olga, and Tatjana Nazarova. "Formation of Culture of Pacificism in the Russian Society: Transformation of Ideas of Mennonites." Logos et Praxis, no. 3 (December 2019): 162–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lp.jvolsu.2019.3.18.
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The article considers the gradual transformation of certain aspects of the pacifist doctrine of the Mennonites under the influence of new farming conditions in the sparsely populated and inaccessible regions of the Russian Empire. Understanding of our duties to the state, which sheltered the persecuted community at the end of the 18th century, guaranteed freedom of conscience (including the preservation of pacifism, among other things), this gave rise to a new attitude towards the Russian army, a desire to contribute to protecting the interests of the Fatherland in an acceptable form. The influence of Orthodox views on just wars, on the essence of serving the Fatherland on the patriotic views of the Mennonites of the Black Sea region seems probable. Remaining lawabiding citizens, during all wars the Mennonites found opportunities to provide comprehensive support to the Russian army without violating their religious beliefs – money donations, maintaining field hospitals, caring for wounded soldiers, providing transportation, food, and fodder. Reluctance to leave Russia in the 1870s after the introduction of universal military service, it stimulated the Mennonites to seek a compromise with the Russian state, and led to the emergence of an alternative service for them in the forest teams. The widespread possession of cold steel and firearms, which was seized from them in 1914–1915, speaks about the transformation of certain aspects of the pacifist beliefs of the Mennonites living in Novorossia. The extreme conditions of the First World War and the Civil War gave an impetus to a more active revision of the pacifist beliefs by the Mennonites, to an individual decision on the form of service in the army or abandonment of it. The possession of weapons, the presence of significant arsenals in the communities will lead to the creation of self-defense units during the Сivil war in Ukraine and the Crimea, to the combat participation of individual Mennonites on the side of the White and Red Armies. The majority of Mennonites will use the right not to serve in the army for religious reasons, enshrined in a decree of the SNK of the RSFSR in 1919.
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STEWART, LAURA A. M. "ENGLISH FUNDING OF THE SCOTTISH ARMIES IN ENGLAND AND IRELAND, 1640–1648." Historical Journal 52, no. 3 (August 4, 2009): 573–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09007468.
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ABSTRACTThe rebellion against Charles I's authority that began in Edinburgh in 1637 involved the Scots in successive invasions of England and armed intervention in Ireland. Historians have almost universally taken a negative view of Scottish involvement in these wars, because it has been assumed that the Scottish political leadership sacrificed all other considerations in order to pursue an unrealistic religious crusade. This article suggests that aspects of the Anglo-Scottish relationship need to be reappraised. Using estimates of English payments to the Scots during the 1640s, it will be argued that the Scottish leadership made pragmatic political decisions based on a practical appreciation of the country's military and fiscal capacity. Substantial payouts from the English parliament enabled the Scottish parliamentary regime to engage in military and diplomatic activities that the country could not otherwise have afforded. The 1643 treaty that brought the Scots into the English Civil War on the side of parliament contrasts favourably with the 1647 Engagement in support of the king. It will be shown that, although the English parliament did not honour all of its obligations to the Scots, it does not automatically follow that the alliance was a failure in financial terms.
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UCHENDU, EGODI. "BEING IGBO AND MUSLIM: THE IGBO OF SOUTH-EASTERN NIGERIA AND CONVERSIONS TO ISLAM, 1930s TO RECENT TIMES." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (March 2010): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709990764.
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ABSTRACTAmid assumptions of a hegemonic Igbo Christian identity, conversions to Islam began in the late 1930s in the Igbo territory of south-east Nigeria – the only region in the country that was not touched by the nineteenth-century Islamic jihad and subsequent efforts to extend the borders of Islam in Nigeria. Four decades after the emergence of Islam in the Igbo homeland, and with the mixed blessings of a civil war, Igboland began to manifest clear evidence of indigenous Muslim presence. A key aspect of this article is how one can be both Igbo and Muslim. It considers the complex interplay of religious and ethnic identities of Igbo Muslims (including the mapping of religious values onto ethnic ones) until the 1990s, when Igbo Muslims began to disentangle ethnicity from religion, a development that owes much to the progress of Islamic education in Igboland and the emergence of Igbo Muslim scholars and clerics. Igbo reactions to conversions to Islam and the perceived threat of these conversions to Igbo Christian identity also receive some attention in this article.
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Strand, Håvard, and Henrik Urdal. "Hear nothing, see nothing, say nothing: Can states reduce the risk of armed conflict by banning census data on ethnic groups?" International Area Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 2014): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865914537055.
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Can states reduce the risk of violent political conflict by simply refusing to collect or publish data on their ethnic makeup and change? This study addresses a neglected aspect of the ethnic conflict literature and provides the first systematic empirical study of the significance of recording ethnic affiliation in censuses for the risk of armed conflict. A general empirical regularity noted in the ethnic heterogeneity and civil war literature is that ethnicity is associated with a somewhat higher risk of conflict in bipolar societies. However, few quantitative studies focus on how changes in the relative strength of groups may affect the risk of civil war. Some recent literature indicates that differential growth may destabilize heterogeneous democracies internally. In democratic societies, political power is distributed according to popular support in elections. A changing balance between groups may thus alter the distribution of power in regimes where ethnic, linguistic or religious divisions to a certain extent determine voting behavior, and this may potentially lead to political instability and ultimately civil conflict. We argue that the relationship between differential growth and instability and violence may be even more important in semidemocracies with electoral systems, but with weak and inconsistent political institutions. We start from the premise that, for differential growth to become a potential driver of instability and violent conflict, information about such change has to be recorded with a national census and actually published. In a cross-national time-series study we investigate whether countries publishing identity data from censuses are at a greater risk of experiencing low-intensity armed conflict. We find that the effect of publishing data on group size is indeed mediated through political institutions. In countries with stable institutions, publication of population identity data is associated with a lower risk of conflict, whereas unstable institutional arrangements are associated with an increase conflict risk when publishing such data.
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Sarabiev, A. V. "Lebanon: An Ordinary “Consociational Democracy” in the Regional Context." MGIMO Review of International Relations 12, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-4-67-89-112.
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Lebanon has a number of features that determine its special position in the region and its importance in the system of relations between the Middle East states. An important role in this is played by the ideological and strategic aspects of world politics in the region in which Lebanon is organically inscribed in both the historical and geopolitical plans. The stability of a country that has passed through a long civil war makes it stand out from a number of states in the region. The author's hypothesis is that the reason for the extraordinary stability — of Lebanese society, the system of state power, political elites, economic ties and foreign policy contacts, despite all the negative regional factors — can be rooted in the consociational principle of making key decisions based, paradoxically, on the notorious political confessionalism. The peculiarities of the Lebanese political model (although they are subject to well-deserved criticism) distinguish it from the multitude of “customary” democracies, bringing together with examples of the unique democratic systems of Europe and other continents. The motley confessional composition of society, along with the historically determined foreign policy guidelines of individual communities, suggested a special informal decision-making mechanism throughout the country — not on the basis of majority power, but on a contractual, compromise principle. Leading theorists of consociationalism often had in mind the Lebanese pattern of democracy in their political studies, and many of their developments are still well applicable for analyzing the functioning of the main state institutions of Lebanon. A theoretical study, along with an analysis of the current regional situation, convince the author of the correctness of the hypothesis put forward. Both in Lebanese history and now, it is the inveterate forms of external influences that forced Lebanese society to balance on the verge of aggravated intercommunal clashes. The combination of external factors served as the beginning and further warmed up the civil war. Heightened relations with Syria by 2005, the Israeli attack in 2006, the gravest threat from jihadi-caliphatists – all these factors have negatively affected intra-civil and inter-group relations. Stereotypical forms of use of religious communities (Shiites, Sunnis, Christians of different denominations, etc.) from the outside and even direct pressure from abroad continue to confront them, imposing ideas on social relations and political participation that are alien to Lebanese. Diversification of political and business contacts of Russia with representatives of different Lebanese communities can serve as a good example of Lebanon’s perception of all the features of its political system as a full subject of international relations.
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Joffre-Eichhorn, Hjalmar Jorge. "The Memory Box-Initiative: Nonextractivist Research Methodologies and the Struggle for an Architecture of Remembrance in Kabul, Afghanistan." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 20, no. 4 (July 25, 2019): 358–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708619863008.
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Over the past 10 years, the Afghanistan Human Rights and Democracy Organization (AHRDO), a Kabul-based civil society organization and arts-activism platform, together with various self-organized, local war victims associations, has fought an uphill battle to challenge Afghanistan’s entrenched culture of impunity and make a contribution to a more just, democratic and peaceful country from the bottom-up. The current article critically describes, theorizes, and poeticizes one particular aspect of this decade-long struggle, the so-called Memory Box-Initiative, inspired by Augusto Boal’s Aesthetics of the Oppressed. Challenging the fact that in many urban centers of Afghanistan, and in particular in the capital Kabul, a great number of public monuments and buildings are dedicated to war criminals, a veritable architecture of impunity, the aim of the initiative is the creation of a counter-hegemonic, victims-centered architecture of remembrance, taking place in a context of a highly contested Transitional Justice process. The main sections of the article address the following three issues: (a) the attempt by Afghanistan’s political, religious, and military elites to undermine the efforts of the country’s war victims to challenge the current culture of impunity by promoting a cityscape in the image of what they consider to be war heroes; (b) the response by the Afghan community of war victims in the form of the Memory Boxes and subsequent advocacy efforts in the public sphere; and (c) the embedding of the Memory Boxes within the larger framework of what is currently being theorized as “nonextractivist methodologies” as part of what is known as the Epistemologies of the South, as proposed by Boaventura de Sousa Santos. The article will conclude with a call for increased epistemological and methodological insubordination and the need for further research and, above all, experimentation in combining the Memory Boxes and the Epistemologies of the South in the global struggle for social and cognitive justice.
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Knysh, Alexander. "The Sāda in History: A critical essay on Ḥaḍramī historiography." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 9, no. 2 (July 1999): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300168531.
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In attempting to write a religious and political history of Ḥaḍramawt in the Middle Ages one inevitably encounters a number of methodological and historiographical problems some of which will be addressed in the present article. The first arises from the overall scarcity of historical documentation on the period in question. More importantly, the sources that are available are riddled with underlying agendas and biases, which often hinge on considerations of genealogy and clannish honour. These genealogical or clannish agendas and biases are evident in the sources dealing with practically every aspect of Ḥaḍrami history. However, they are especially conspicuous in the historical texts which describe the spread of the Shāfi'ī school of law in Ḥaḍramawt, the cult of local saints and the origins of local religious and educational institutions. In my recent study of Ḥaḍramī shrines and seasonal pilgrimages, I have brought out the genealogical underpinnings of the theological polemic around the cult of local holy men and women - a polemic that grew especially intense in the first decades of our century and flared up with a vengeance during the recent civil war between the Northern and Southern parts of unified Yemen. In this paper I will demonstrate how these hidden agendas have manifested themselves in the historical accounts of Ḥaḍramī Islam with special reference to the rise of the Shāfi'ī madhhab and the dissemination of Ṣūfism.
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Robert, Jörg. "Poetic Physics (Poetische Naturwissenschaft)." Daphnis 46, no. 1-2 (March 15, 2018): 188–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601013.
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This article deals with Martin Opitz’s didactic poem Vesuvius (1633) and tries to elucidate its fundamental poetical and epistemological issues. In his Buch von der Deutschen Poeterey (1624), Opitz establishes a set of rules for the genre of carmen heroicum that comprises both didactic poetry and narrative epics. Especially didactic resp. scientific poetry plays a decisive role in Opitz’s overall concept of poetry as it denies being fiction (‘Erdichtung’) and claims strict factuality. Thus it is not surprising that Vesuvius becomes the opening piece of the posthumous collection of Opitz’s Teutsche Poemata (1644). Vesuvius reveals itself not only as an imitation / translation of De Aetna (a didactic poem included in the Appendix Vergiliana), but also as an attempt to connect literary tradition, natural philosophy and religious knowledge: The purely scientific parts of the poem (on earthquakes and volcanism) are functioning to reveal the natural order of creation (the aspect of theodicy avant la lettre). The Vesuv-catastrophe is interpreted as God’s clear hint for mankind towards the ending of moral deprivation and civil war. The poet’s role as poeta vates resp. poeta theologus is thus to be the mediator / translator / interpreter between god and mankind, a mediation which actually takes the form of philological interpretation and commentary. The text of the 1633 print reflects this constellation by interweaving text and paratext (commentary) to a unique ensemble. With its particular textual arrangement and discoursive complexity, Vesuvius is symptomatic for premodern negotiations between natural sciences, religious knowledge, and literature.
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Kravchenko, Iryna. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARCHITECTURE OF NON-FORMAL EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN 1917-1940 ON THE TERRITORY OF UKRAINE." Current problems of architecture and urban planning, no. 60 (April 26, 2021): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2077-3455.2021.60.105-116.
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The study of the periodization of the development of architecture of non-formal education institutions (hereinafter NFEI) combines the following aspects: pedagogical aspect (is the decisive one, according to the author), social, political, scientific and technical aspects that are inherent in the era. The author investigates the developmental periods of architecture of non-formal education institutions. The time limits studied in the article from 1917 to 1940 belong to the second stage of development of NFEIs and their architecture - the period of development and formation. Many scholars and educators note that in Ukraine the existence of non-formal education covers the following areas: extracurricular education; postgraduate education and adult education; civil education; school and student self-government; educational initiatives aimed at developing additional skills and abilities; universities of the third age that provide educational services to the elderly. Given the modern interpretation and combination into a single concept - "lifelong learning" - all forms of education, this article examines the formation of the architecture of additional education institutions for all ages, i.e. analyzes the conditions that led to the creation of appropriate architectural forms, and the main, according to the author, examples and characteristics. This stage of development of NFEIs and their architectural and typological links is the period after the First World War and the beginning of the Soviet Union era. The nature of functioning remains mainly compensatory and educational. During this period, a unique world-renowned system of extracurricular activities is developed. Educational institutions and institutions of additional education in public houses and public schools continue to function. Various professional associations were born in the Soviet Union, and clubs, houses, and palaces of culture began to be built for them. In addition, during this period in Ukraine, religious institutions are gradually losing their influence, and educational functions are transferred to other institutions: libraries, houses and palaces of culture and so on. The beginning of the youth movement, stations of young nature lovers are created. The organization of seasonal (summer) children's camps takes new pedagogical and ideological forms. At this stage, specialized institutions started to form that carried out extracurricular educational work in one specific direction: stations for young naturalists, young technicians, children's railways, children's theaters and cinemas, libraries, sports and music schools - specialized non-formal education institutions. Institutions of a wide profile continued to function and had an appropriate number of offices and workshops - clubs of various types.
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Hieke, Anton. "Aus Nordcarolina: The Jewish American South in German Jewish Periodicals of the Nineteenth Century." European Journal of Jewish Studies 5, no. 2 (2011): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247111x607195.
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Abstract For many German Jewish papers of the nineteenth century, the United States of America was held up as an ideal. This holds true especially for the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, then Germany’s most influential Jewish publication. In America, Jews had already achieved what their co-religionists in Germany strove for until complete legal emancipation with the formation of the German Empire in 1871: the transition from ‘Jews in Germany’ via ‘German Jews’ to ‘Germans of the Jewish faith.’ Thus, the experiences of Jews from Germany in America represented the post-emancipation hopes for those who had remained behind.2 When examined for the representation of Jewry living in the American Southern states,3 it becomes apparent that German Jewish papers in their coverage of America largely refrained from a regionalization. Most articles and accounts concerning Jewish life in the South do not show any significant distinctiveness in the perception of the region and its Jews. The incidents presented or the comments sent to the papers might in fact have occurred in respectively dealt with any region of the United States at the time, barring anything that remotely dealt with slavery or secession prior to 1865. When the Jewish South was explicitly dealt with in the papers, however, it either functioned as an ‘über-America’ of the negative stereotypes in respect to low Jewish piety, or took the place of an alternative America of injustice and slavery—the ‘anti-America.’ Jewish Southerners who actively supported the region during the Civil War, or who had internalized the South’s moral values as supporters of the Confederacy and/or slavery were condemned in the strongest words for endangering the existence of ‘America the Ideal.’ As the concept of the United States and its Jewish life is represented in a largely unrealistic manner that almost exclusively focused on the positive aspects of Jewish life in America, the concept of the Jewish South was equally far from being accurate.
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Orlova, Keemya V. "Сотрудничество Калмыкии и Монголии в 20-х годах XX в." Oriental Studies 13, no. 3 (December 24, 2020): 546–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-49-3-546-559.
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Introduction. The issue of Kalmykia-Mongolia cooperation in the 1920s still remains understudied both in Kalmyk and Mongolian historiography. Ever since the Kalmyks migrated to Russia-controlled territories, relations with Mongolia became irregular enough and were largely reduced to pilgrimage contacts en route to Tibet. But the 1920s witnessed an intensification therein. The period proved extremely harsh and definitely dramatic to both the nations: Kalmyk Steppe became an operational theater of the Russian Civil War, and Outer Mongolia sank into the ‘pot’ of social transformations and struggle for independence. And it is in those tough times that Kalmyks arrived in Mongolia as military instructors to arrange the formation and training of troop units for the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army. On the other hand, Mongolia delivered humanitarian aid to Kalmykia during the famine. Moreover, the Mongolian Government initiated a resettlement of starving Kalmyks to the country, with significant allowances to be funded. The military and humanitarian aspects have been examined by a number of Kalmyk and Mongolian researchers. Goals. The paper aims to provide additional data on the mentioned and other realms of cooperation during the period under consideration. Materials. The study analyzes new sources, archival materials, and scholarly works, including documents stored at the Central Archive of Russia’s Federal Security Service and ones introduced in Russia-Mongolia Military Cooperation. Results. The attachment of Kalmyks officers to Mongolian military units attests to that the Soviet Government recognized the exnomads should aptly adapt themselves to familiar conditions and cultural environment. Their primary objective was to help commanders of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army create efficient military forces. And Mongolia did its best to support Kalmykia during the famine of 1921. In January of 1923, the Government of Mongolia initiated a resettlement of starving Kalmyks. Chronicles of relations show the key landmarks for the Soviet Government therein were ethnogenetic ties between the populations, linguistic and cultural affinities. Religious identity also proved an important unifying element.
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Kim, Dongsuk, and Hyun Jin Choi. "Autocracy, Religious Restriction, and Religious Civil War." Politics and Religion 10, no. 2 (December 20, 2016): 311–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000778.
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AbstractThis article illuminates the relationship between level of religious restriction and the onset of religious civil war in the context of autocracy. That is, we investigate how autocrats' religious restriction accounts for religious civil war. We hypothesize that in autocracies, moderate religious restriction is likely to engender religious civil war (Hypothesis 1), policy change from religious laissez-faire to moderate restriction raises the probability of religious civil war (Hypothesis 2), and the transition from tight restriction to moderate restriction is likely to trigger religious civil war (Hypothesis 3). To test our hypotheses, we conduct statistical analyses as well as case studies. The results confirm Hypotheses 1 and 2, but not Hypothesis 3. This suggests that (1) within autocracies, different levels of religious restriction exert different effects on religious civil war and (2) moderate religious restriction is dangerous enough to spark religious civil war and religious laissez-faire helps to generate religious peace.
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Kim, Dongsuk, and Hyun Jin Choi. "Autocracy, Religious Restriction, and Religious Civil War—ADDENDUM." Politics and Religion 10, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 487. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000268.
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Shutarov, Vasko. "CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AND PEACE." KNOWLEDGE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL 31, no. 6 (June 5, 2019): 1951–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij31061951s.
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For more than a century, the cultural diplomacy has been an integral part of the contemporary diplomatic practices, indispensable module for recognition, approximation and cooperation of near and distant cultures. The unobtrusively attractive power of culture and cultural diplomacy is called “soft power” in the foreign political relations. The soft power allows to create lasting relationships of trust, affection, friendship and partnership in a wider political and social context. Culture, cultural policies and cultural diplomacy of the 21st century acquire the status of a strategic political determinant, both in internal political aspect and within the frames of foreign policies. Culture is a component of building relations of trust and approximation, but also a ground for misunderstandings and conflicts that may occur between different cultures and religions. The cultural diplomacy can be an еxtremely useful instrument for prevention of conflicts and crises, especially where the political and economic conflicts are followed by religious and cultural confrontations and crises. The role in the rehabilitation and the return to normal life in the regions of wars and armed conflicts is indisputable. Peace as the highest and most valuable benefit of civilization has never been lasting and for ever-gaining global reality. For certain regions and districts the absence of peace has become their most deficient factor for decades. If the cultural diplomacy has the power to prevent and rehabilitate the serious disturbances of peace and peaceful international coexistence of peoples, states and religions, it certainly can be one of the most important components and instruments in building аssumptions for lasting and sustainable peace on the contemporary international scene. The global peace, the minimization of the numerous open regional war hotspots, the whole world economic and social development in conditions of necessary consensus of the opposed interests, must in itself contain components of culture and cultural diplomacy. The culture informs, creates, connects, converges, and in conditions of irreconcilable social exclusivities and xenophobia can be an irreplaceable tool in the processes of social cohesion. Numerous educational forms, musical, fine arts, literary contents, TV and radio, films, theatres and ballet, archeology and cultural heritage, language as an indispensable instrument for understanding, up to the newest forms of digital cultural action through the largest global medium, internet, are inevitable and vitally important factor for solution of post-conflict and post-crisis situations This study, by referring to specific examples on building assumptions for lasting and sustainable peace, takes into consideration numerous activities of cultural diplomacies of states, international organizations, non-governmental and civil societies.
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Uitermarkt, Cynthia. "The Church's Civil War." Liturgy 24, no. 4 (July 2009): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04580630903022147.
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Hunt, David. "Diplomatic aspects of the Nigerian civil war." Diplomacy & Statecraft 3, no. 1 (March 1992): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299208405841.
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Stefanidis, Ioannis D. "Antidote to Civil War?" Studia Historyczne 61, no. 2 (242) (December 31, 2018): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.61.2018.02.05.
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This paper seeks to reopen the question of legitimacy, and in particular democratic legitimacy, as an important factor affecting the course of European ‘small states’ involved in World War II. It draws attention to previously neglected or understudied but crucial aspects of wartime legitimacy, eminently the role of recognition by foreign powers, the rhetoric of the ‘Big Three’ Allies regarding post-war Europe, and the relevance of democratic legitimacy as a powerful antidote to civil conflict during the period of transition into peacetime.
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Saul, Norman E. "The Global Aspects of the American Civil War." Diplomatic History 36, no. 5 (September 25, 2012): 915–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2012.01070.x.
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Wallace, James C. "A Religious War? The Cold War and Religion." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (July 2013): 162–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00374.
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Until recently, scholars of the Cold War had devoted little attention to the role of religion in the East-West standoff—its impact on events, institutions, and strategies. In recent years, however, this lacuna has begun to be filled by a burgeoning literature on different aspects of religion and the Cold War. The outpouring of scholarship has given a much more nuanced picture of how religion influenced U.S. foreign policy after 1945 both domestically and internationally. This article evaluates four recent books about the topic, distilling from them some of the key questions to be answered about the religious dimension of the Cold War.
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Svec, William R., and Jose M. Sanchez. "The Spanish Civil War as a Religious Tragedy." History Teacher 21, no. 3 (May 1988): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493021.
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Callahan, William J., and Jose M. Sanchez. "The Spanish Civil War as a Religious Tragedy." American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1989): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862160.
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Devotta, Neil. "RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE IN POST-CIVIL WAR SRI LANKA." Asian Affairs 49, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 278–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2018.1467660.
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Bormann, Nils-Christian, Lars-Erik Cederman, and Manuel Vogt. "Language, Religion, and Ethnic Civil War." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 4 (July 10, 2016): 744–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715600755.
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Are certain ethnic cleavages more conflict-prone than others? While only few scholars focus on the contents of ethnicity, most of those who do argue that political violence is more likely to occur along religious divisions than linguistic ones. We challenge this claim by analyzing the path from linguistic differences to ethnic civil war along three theoretical steps: (1) the perception of grievances by group members, (2) rebel mobilization, and (3) government accommodation of rebel demands. Our argument is tested with a new data set of ethnic cleavages that records multiple linguistic and religious segments for ethnic groups from 1946 to 2009. Adopting a relational perspective, we assess ethnic differences between potential challengers and the politically dominant group in each country. Our findings indicate that intrastate conflict is more likely within linguistic dyads than among religious ones. Moreover, we find no support for the thesis that Muslim groups are particularly conflict-prone.
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Salt, S. P. "The Origins of Sir Edward Dering's Attack on the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, c. 1625–1640." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (March 1987): 21–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021907.
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Kevin Sharpe has recently offered a new interpretation of English politics and government in the 1630s in which he seeks to assess the events of the decade as they might have seemed to contemporaries, rather than to use them as a vehicle to explain the events of the Long Parliament and the subsequent outbreak of civil war. Without questioning the validity of such an exercise, it may none the less be observed that the picture of the 1630s which results does raise the question of how the mood of the Long Parliament in its early stages is to be explained. Sharpe characterizes the 1630s as a period of ‘calm and peace’ in which, though tensions and grievances existed, in particular as a consequence of Charles's religious policies, they ‘neither stymied government nor threatened revolt’. If politics and government operated so smoothly during the 1630s, why were such extensive and radical demands for reform in church and state put forward when the Long Parliament met in November 1640? Was the critical attitude of so many members of the political nation in that November merely the product of short-term factors, such as Charles's use of force to impose a new prayer book in Scotland, or even of political opportunism, or was it a reflexion of grievances which had earlier lain beneath the political surface? This paper seeks to investigate the question of how far the attitude of 1640 was rooted in the experiences of the previous decade in one particular aspect: the career of Sir Edward Dering, with special reference to his position with regard to religion and the church. Dering's career is an appropriate object for a study of this kind because it is illuminated by an unusual variety of sources; this makes it possible to compare Dering's political actions with his ideological position as implied by documents which remained private. Apart from the well-known published Long Parliament speeches and a substantial collection of family papers (embracing both correspondence and documents arising from the offices which Dering held) and apart from the evidence of Dering's antiquarian and historical interests, there survive two published works of polemical theology (together with partial drafts for others), and a number of personal memorandum books.
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Toft, Monica Duffy. "Getting Religion Right in Civil Wars." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 9 (March 23, 2021): 1607–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002721997895.
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Surveying civil war in the world today is striking in terms of how often religious cleavages and grievances have become central to armed conflict. How are the causes and outcomes of religious civil wars different than other civil wars, if at all? Is Islam implicated for the contemporary surge in religious civil war? The first section reviews the literature and addresses the importance of religion for civil war. I then introduce a dataset and describe key trends in religious civil war in the third section, while in the fourth section I present tests of whether Muslim or Arab Muslim societies in particular are more prone to religious strife. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the main findings.
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York, Michael. "Civil Religion Aspects of Neo-Paganism." Pomegranate 6, no. 2 (November 2004): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/pome.6.2.253.53127.
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Crenshaw, Martha. "Why America? The Globalization of Civil War." Current History 100, no. 650 (December 1, 2001): 425–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.650.425.
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Terrorism should be seen as a strategic reaction to American power in the context of a globalized civil war. Extremist religious beliefs play a role in motivating terrorism, but they also display an instrumental logic.
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Stoddard, Brad. "Review: A Secret Society History of the Civil War." Nova Religio 16, no. 4 (February 2013): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2013.16.4.149.
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Savun, Burcu, and Daniel C. Tirone. "Exogenous Shocks, Foreign Aid, and Civil War." International Organization 66, no. 3 (July 2012): 363–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000136.
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AbstractThe recent civil war literature suggests that negative economic shocks in low-income countries increase the risk of civil war. Foreign aid can be an effective conflict-prevention tool in times of severe economic conditions. Aid cushions government spending from the downward pressures of economic shocks, providing recipient governments with resources they can use to make rebellion a less attractive option for aggrieved domestic groups. Using Official Development Assistance (ODA) data covering 1990 through 2004, we find that foreign aid appears to be a useful tool for preventing civil wars in the wake of negative economic shocks, and as such aid should be assessed by donors with these conflict-suppressing aspects in mind.
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Gazzini, T. "SOME INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927-1949)." Journal of Conflict and Security Law 1, no. 2 (December 1, 1996): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/1.2.141.
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Chung, Youngkwon. "Puritans, Godly Diversity, and Religious Liberty in Civil War England." Parergon 33, no. 1 (2016): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2016.0008.
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Koss, Andrew N. "War within, War without: Russian Refugee Rabbis during World War I." AJS Review 34, no. 2 (November 2010): 231–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009410000334.
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After the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Rabbi Ya‘akov Landa was one of some 250,000 Russian Jews who had fled, or been forcibly expelled, from their homes in Russia's western provinces to settle in the country's interior. After Landa's exile, he spent several months traveling amid refugee communities in Voronezh, Tambov, Penza, Saratov, and Samara provinces. At the conclusion of his journey, he composed a detailed report about the state of religious observance among the refugees, which he sent to Rabbi Shalom Dov-Ber Schneerson of Lubavitch. Landa's observations during these months shocked his core sensibilities as a rabbi and an observant Jew. He noted that refugees were disregarding such fundamental aspects of Jewish practice as Sabbath observance and were living without the basic institutions that had traditionally defined religious and communal life.
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Toft, Monica Duffy. "Getting Religion? The Puzzling Case of Islam and Civil War." International Security 31, no. 4 (April 2007): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.31.4.97.
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From 1940 to 2000, Islam was involved in a disproportionately high number of civil wars compared with other religions, such as Christianity or Hinduism. To help explain the overrepresentation of Islam in these wars, this article introduces a theory of “religious outbidding.” The theory holds that embattled political elites will tender religious bids when they calculate that increasing their religious legitimacy will strengthen their chances of survival. In combination with three overlapping factors—the historical absence of an internecine religious civil war similar to the Thirty Years’ War in Europe, proximity of Islam's holiest sites to Israel and large petroleum reserves, and jihad (i.e., defense of Islam as a religious obligation), religious outbidding accounts for Islam's higher representation in religious civil wars. The article includes a statistical analysis of the role of religion in civil wars and tests the logic of the argument of religious outbidding in the case of Sudan's two civil wars.
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Selway, Joel Sawat. "Cross-Cuttingness, Cleavage Structures and Civil War Onset." British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (September 28, 2010): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123410000311.
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This article seeks to further our understanding of how social structure affects the onset of civil war. Existing studies to date have been inconclusive, focusing only on single-cleavage characteristics of social structure, such as ethnic or religious fractionalization. This study argues that models that do not take into account the relationship between cleavages (or cleavage structure) are biased and thus reach faulty conclusions. With the focus on the cleavages of ethnicity and religion, the effects of two characteristics of cleavage structure on civil war onset (cross-cuttingness and cross-fragmentation) are defined and tested. A new index of ethno-religious cross-cuttingness (ERC), derived from national public opinion surveys, reveals that ERC is a significant determinant of civil war onset when interacted with ethnic fractionalization.
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Skovgaard‐Petersen, Jakob. "Religious heads or civil servants? Druze and Sunni religious leadership in post‐war Lebanon." Mediterranean Politics 1, no. 3 (December 1996): 337–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629399608414592.
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Nuhung, Mukhtar, and Abdul Rahim. "The Concept of Peace in the Al-Qur'an Pespective." International Journal on Advanced Science, Education, and Religion 1, no. 3 (November 29, 2018): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33648/ijoaser.v1i3.18.
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Conflicts, disputes, and acts of terrorism have become a daily scene, both in the nature of individuals, communities, tribes, religions, and even between nations. Al-Quran as a way of live always leads Muslims to live safely and peace away from the conflict. Thus, the main problem arising from this research is how the concept of peace in the Qur'an. This discussion aims to know how the nature of peace, how the form of peace, and how the goals and benefits of peace according to the Qur'an. It is intended to provide a comprehensive understanding of the concept of peace that exists in the Quran.
The research is a library research which is qualitative. Data and information obtained through several literatures were analyzed using content analysis. The approach used was the "science of interpretation" with the method maud} u> i> / thematic. In interpreting the data, some interpretation techniques were used: textual interpretation, linguistic, socio-historical, systemic, and logical interpretation,
The results show that there were verses in the Qur'an that explains about peace meaning human being free from conflict and war, free from civil instability and free from disturbance of riot, violence and so on. The concept of the Quran on peace is the order of peace (is} la> h}), and the command to reconcile conflicting people or groups. The object of peace is humanity as a whole. Peace aims to stop conflict between human beings. Both reconcile directly between the conflict, as well as peace through the mediator. The benefits of peace are; ensuring the stability of security and economy, the creation of a sense of peace of mind in marriage, community and nation,
The implications of the study emphasize that the study of verses on the concept of peace in the Qur'an includes the needs of human life in national and state society, so it needs to be developed primarily in the current era of globalization, because the analysis of the verses of peace can provide motivation, inspiration and innovative spirit to elaborate the values of togetherness in living life in various aspects which in turn mankind can improve the quality of life in qur'ani. This study is not only limited to knowing and understanding but by applying it in everyday life by minimizing the occurrence of conflict, violence, discrimination, injustice so as to realize safe and peaceful people who love togetherness in knitting life in this world that is safe, happy and prosperous .
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Fletcher, A. J. "New Light on Religion and the English Civil War." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 1 (January 1987): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900022533.
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