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Journal articles on the topic 'Religiously motivated violence'
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Brathwaite, Robert, and Baekkwan Park. "Measurement and Conceptual Approaches to Religious Violence: The Use of Natural Language Processing to Generate Religious Violence Event-Data." Politics and Religion 12, no. 1 (2018): 81–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000317.
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AbstractHow do we measure religious violence? This study is focused on utilizing new methodological approaches and data sources to measure religiously motivated violence. Previous attempts to measure religious violence concentrated on coding U.S. State Department International Religious Freedom reports or utilizing existing datasets on armed conflict/civil wars. These previous attempts provided state-level data of the levels of religiously motivated violence, but due to data limitations cannot provide more fine-grained measures of specific acts of violence tied to religious motivation. In particular, accounting for varying levels of intensity especially in regards to non-lethal acts of religiously motivated violence is missing. This study builds upon previous attempts focusing on the creation of more fine-grained measures and accounting for its variation at the sub-national level utilizing natural language processing. The data generated are used to examine incidences of reported religious violence in India from 2000 to 2015.
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Abdelhakam, Nabih Maged. "Religiously Motivated Political and Religious Nationalism of Israel-Palestine conflict." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 3, no. 2 (2020): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v3i2.35.
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Religion and politics exist on a continuum with varying costs. The dominance of one over the other has consequences for the safety of people, whichever domain has the power. If religion is empowered absolutely, it is abused in the legitimization it gives to violence. If politics is empowered absolutely, the sacred space of human history is denied the ability to flourish and sustain human communities. Yet the tension between the two facets of human society is not one where either will fully can walk away from the temptation of power, whether the opportunity to control is absolute or not.
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Olorunnisola, Titus S. "Rhapsody of Religious Violence in Nigeria: Dynamics, Case Studies, and Government Responses." International Journal of Social Science Research 8, no. 1 (2020): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v8i1.15394.
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This article examines the commonalities in the case studies of religious cum political violence in three states of northern Nigeria. The dynamics of religious violence in Nigeria attest to the existing social theories of conflict. The article concluded that there exist certain frenzy elements that have aided the occurrences and the spread of the wave of violence bearing upon multiple factors. The article suggested that a holistic approach which draws insights from the series of the existing cases of violence would be instrumental in propounding a lasting solution to the recurrent incidence of religiously motivated violence in Nigeria.
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Kloppe-Santamaría, Gema. "The Lynching of the Impious." Americas 77, no. 1 (2020): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.73.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the impact that religion had on the act of lynching and its legitimation in postrevolutionary Mexico. Basing its argument on the examination of several cases of lynching that took place after the religiously motivated Cristero War had ended, the article argues that the profanation of religious objects and precincts revered by Catholics, the propagation of conservative and reactionary ideologies among Catholic believers, and parish priests’ implicit or explicit endorsement of belligerent forms of Catholic activism all contributed to the perpetuation of lynching from the 1930s through the 1950s. Taking together, these three factors point at the relationship between violence and the material, symbolic, and political dimensions of Catholics’ religious experience in postrevolutionary Mexico. The fact that lynching continued well into the 1940s and 1950s, when Mexican authorities and the Catholic hierarchy reached a closer, even collaborative relationship, shows the modus vivendi between state and Church did not bring an end to religious violence in Mexico. This continuity in lynching also illuminates the centrality that popular – as opposed to official or institutional - strands of Catholicism had in construing the use of violence as a legitimate means to defend religious beliefs and symbols, and protect the social and political orders associated with Catholic religion at the local level. Victims of religiously motivated lynchings included blasphemous and anticlerical individuals, people that endorsed socialist and communist ideas, as well as people that professed Protestant beliefs and practices.
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Ellis, Lee. "Religious variations in fundamentalism in Malaysia and the United States: Possible relevance to religiously motivated violence." Personality and Individual Differences 107 (March 2017): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2016.11.012.
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Alvis, Jason W. "Ricoeur on Violence and Religion." Studia Phaenomenologica 19 (2019): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/studphaen20191911.
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This essay demonstrates Ricoeur’s explication of the various roles religion can play especially in regards to acts of collective violence, and also how his conceptions take us beyond the traditional dichotomies of religion as necessarily violent, or necessarily peaceful. It focuses on three essays where his most formidable reflections on religion and violence can be found: “Religion and Symbolic Violence” (1999), “Power and Violence” (first published 1989), and “State and Violence” (first published 1955). First, the essay hermeneutically describes the intricate relationship between violence and religion within these three essays, pointing to (i) three perils of religion especially regarding communities, (ii) the figure of the magistrate within some religiously motivated political revolutions, and (iii) the danger of ecclesiastical orders demonstrating not only authority but also forms of domination. The essay then phenomenologically ties these three threads together, demonstrating a way of understanding both the promises and perils of religion as it relates to violence, both in the work of Ricoeur and beyond it.
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NELLIS, GARETH, and NILOUFER SIDDIQUI. "Secular Party Rule and Religious Violence in Pakistan." American Political Science Review 112, no. 1 (2017): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000491.
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Does secular party incumbency affect religious violence? Existing theory is ambiguous. On the one hand, religiously motivated militants might target areas that vote secularists into office. On the other hand, secular party politicians, reliant on the support of violence-hit communities, may face powerful electoral incentives to quell attacks. Candidates bent on preventing bloodshed might also sort into such parties. To adjudicate these claims, we combine constituency-level election returns with event data on Islamist and sectarian violence in Pakistan (1988–2011). For identification, we compare districts where secular parties narrowly won or lost elections. We find that secularist rule causes a sizable reduction in local religious conflict. Additional analyses suggest that the result stems from electoral pressures to cater to core party supporters and not from politician selection. The effect is concentrated in regions with denser police presence, highlighting the importance of state capacity for suppressing religious disorder.
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Hanif, Saiqa, Sultan Mubariz Khan, and Shafqat Rasool. "Growth of Religious Extremism in Pakistan: Implications for State and Society (1980-2020)." Global Political Review V, no. III (2020): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).12.
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This paper investigates the major trends and developments that are considered responsible for the rise of religious militancy in Pakistan. It also analyzes the impacts of this phenomenon. The research focuses on investigating the causes of its expansion and intensity in the recent past and how it has affected the society and state because religious extremism and religiously motivated violence has emerged as a serious challenge for the security and stability of Pakistan. The study is descriptive, and the mode of inquiry is qualitative though supplemented by quantitative data in the form of tables and graphs. Major findings suggest that wave after wave of violent religious extremism has grave domestic implications. The domestic implications range from social problems to economic and political issues. It is observed that growth in religious extremism and subsequent militancy at the domestic level cannot be de-hyphenated from the foreign relations of Pakistan, especially with its immediate neighbors like India, Afghanistan and Iran, as well as major powers like China and the U.S.
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Dalsheim, Joyce. "On Demonized Muslims and Vilified Jews: Between Theory and Politics." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 3 (2010): 581–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000319.
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In this article I engage the work of three scholars, each of whom speaks to reactions to Muslims or interventions in their lives in the United States and Europe. Each is critical of these reactions and interventions, and traces them to inconsistencies in liberal thought and practice. My purpose is to interrogate their theorizing by applying it to the interface of liberalism with another religious Other, one that tends to generate far less sympathy in the predominantly secular and liberal academy: religiously motivated Jewish settlers in Israeli-occupied territories. The first scholar is Saba Mahmood, who recently argued against U.S. involvement in trying to alter the theology and practices of Muslims in the Middle East. The second is Judith Butler, who in a 2008 article addressed Muslims in the Netherlands, the problems of citizenship, and the right to religious freedom. Finally, Talal Asad has spoken to issues of violence, arguing that suicide bombing is really not so different from state violences perpetrated by the United States and Israel. Each of their arguments contains critiques of secular liberalism and the contradictory ethics and inconsistencies within liberal thought and practice, and each carries different but related implications. My intent is to begin to explore the possibilities of applying the analyses of these writers to the case of conflict between religiously motivated settlers in Israeli-occupied territories and left-wing, secular, and liberal Israeli Jews. Although this case mirrors broader representations of “Islam and the West,” it is rarely considered in comparison when such representations are deconstructed. The questions raised through this uncomfortable comparison will, I hope, contribute to broader conversations about the challenges and complexities of living together with differences that may be threatening if not altogether incommensurable.
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Yusuf, Mohamad. "POTRET HARMONI KEHIDUPAN BERAGAMA: Studi Komperatif Relasi Islam-Buddha di Desa Tlogowungu, Kaloran, Temanggung dan Desa Blingoh, Donorojo, Jepara." ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 17, no. 2 (2016): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/esensia.v17i2.1287.
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The inter-religious harmony is not a rare thing in Indonesian society, there are a lot of practice at the grassroots level, which show that the Indonesian people are able to build religious harmony. However, due to the rise of religiously motivated violent incidents, both the case of intra-religion and inter-religious, and global-scale violence, the peaceful images of Islam are slowly replaced by the religious issues that are less encouraging. Based on that irony, this study tries to show a portrait of interfaith harmony between Islam and Buddhism in two different places; Tlogowungu, Temanggung and Blingoh, Jepara. Although both remain predominantly Muslim region, but the region becomes the centre of Buddhist people which is growing rapidly. This study shows that religious harmony between Muslims and Buddhists has a long historical roots. In addition to each doctrinal aspects of religion, the driving force of harmony also came from the role of local wisdom that exist in each region. Muslims and Buddhists are also equally establish relations of coexistence between religions patterned or mutually support the existence of each religion and cooperative patterns or work together in real.
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Savage, Sara, and Jose Liht. "Mapping Fundamentalisms: The Psychology of Religion as a Sub-Discipline in the Understanding of Religiously Motivated Violence." Archive for the Psychology of Religion 30, no. 1 (2008): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157361208x316971.
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Pauwels, Lieven J. R., and Robert Svensson. "How Robust Is the Moderating Effect of Extremist Beliefs on the Relationship Between Self-Control and Violent Extremism?" Crime & Delinquency 63, no. 8 (2017): 1000–1016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128716687757.
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The present research note studies the interaction between the ability to exercise self-control and extremist moral beliefs with regard to the explanation of violent extremism. Although some evidence exists for the interaction between moral beliefs and self-control in the explanation of adolescent offending, no previous study has studied this interaction effect in a survey of young adults and with regard to politically or religiously motivated violence. This study therefore extends the existing literature by testing a key proposition of Situational Action Theory. We use a large-scale web survey of young adults in Belgium. The results support the hypothesis that the effect of the ability to exercise self-control is conditional upon one’s extremist beliefs. The results are stable across extremism-specific measures of extremist beliefs.
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Paryż, Marek. "Portrayals of Degenerate Religious Leaders in Contemporary Film Westerns." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 68, no. 1 (2020): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2020-0005.
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AbstractThis article discusses three contemporary film Westerns – Sweetwater (2013, dir. Logan Miller), The Duel (2016, dir. Kieran Darcy-Smith), and Brimstone (2016, dir. Martin Koolhoven) – with respect to their depiction of certain extreme forms of religiosity as a manifestation of the degeneration of the settler colonial social order. The plots of these three films revolve around the conflict between the hero/heroine and his/her antagonist who happens to be a charismatic, manipulating, and psychopathic religious leader. Sweetwater, The Duel, and Brimstone imply that, in settler colonial societies, religion becomes an expression of self-containment and hinders modernizing processes. It sustains the illusion of permanence and of the collective immunity to external influences. And when the order it protects comes under threat, religiously motivated violence proves to be the primary means of defense.
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Harden, Glenn M. "Dying for Faith: Religiously Motivated Violence in the Contemporary World - Edited by Madawi Al-Rasheed and Marat Shterin." Reviews in Religion & Theology 17, no. 3 (2010): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9418.2010.00554.x.
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Hannak, Kristine, and Andrew Weeks. "Sebastian Franck, Johann Arndt, and the Varieties of Religious Dissent." Daphnis 48, no. 1-2 (2020): 319–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04801005.
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Sebastian Franck and Johann Arndt must be included among those dissenters inspired by the Lutheran Reformation who pursued reforming objectives that went beyond theology and devotion. Franck and Arndt are contrasting figures who reveal the breadth of the movement. The former was a radical and rebel whose studies included history and humanism; the latter turned to Paracelsus and strove to work within Lutheran institutions and retain the pastoral authority which Franck cast aside. Both rejected theological dispute and religiously motivated violence; and both were decisively attracted to the same mystical texts. Both exercised remarkable influence in their day and belatedly in different later periods.
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Lum, Grande. "The Community Relations Service's Work in Preventing and Responding to Unfounded Racially and Religiously Motivated Violence after 9/11." Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 5, no. 2 (2018): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v5.i2.2.
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On the morning of September 11, 2001, New York City-based Community Relations Service (“CRS”) Regional Director Reinaldo Rivera was at a New Jersey summit on racial profiling. At 8:46 a.m., an American Airlines 767 crashed into the North Tower of New York City’s World Trade Center. Because Rivera was with the New Jersey state attorney general, he quickly learned of the attack. Rivera immediately called his staff members, who at that moment were traveling to Long Island, New York, for an unrelated case. Getting into Manhattan had already become difficult, so Rivera instructed his conciliators to remain on standby. At 9:03 a.m., another 767, United Airlines Flight 175, flew into the World Trade Center’s South Tower. September 11 initiated a new, fraught-filled era for the United States. For CRS, an agency within the United States Department of Justice, it was the beginning of a long-term immersion into conflict issues that involved discrimination and violence against those whose appearance led them to be targets of anti-terrorist hysteria or mis- placed backlash. Appropriately, in the days following 9/11, the federal government, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”), concentrated on ferreting out the culprits of the heinous acts. However, the FBI discovered that Middle Eastern terrorists were responsible for the tragedies, and communities around the nation saw a surge of violence against people who appeared to be of Middle Eastern descent, requiring a response to protect those who were unfairly targeted. These outbreaks began as soon as September 12. Police in Illinois stopped 300 people from marching on a Chicago-area mosque. In Gary, Indiana, a masked gunman shot twenty-one times at a Yemeni- American gas station attendant. In Texas, a mosque was hit by six bullets. On September 15, a man who had been reported by an Applebee’s waiter as saying that he wanted to “shoot some rag heads” shot a Chevron gas station owner Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh-American. The man, Frank Roque, shot through his car window, and five bullets hit Sodhi, killing him instantly. Roque drove to a home he previously owned and had sold to an Afghan-American couple and fired on it. He then shot a Lebanese-American man. According to a police report, Roque said in reference to the 9/11 tragedy, “I [cannot] take this anymore. They killed my brothers and sisters.” Former Transportation Secretary Norman Mineta said, reflecting ten years later on the hate crimes that followed the attack on the World Trade Center, “The tragedy of September 11th should be remembered in the sense of making sure that we [do not] let our emotions run away in terms of trying to show our commitment and conviction about patriotism [and] loyalty.” The events created a new chapter in American race relations, one in which racial tensions and fear were higher than ever for Arabs, Muslims, South Asians, Sikhs, and others who could be targeted in anti-Islamic hysteria because of their physical appearance or dress. In 2011, a CBS–New York Times poll found that 78% agreed that Muslims, Arab-Americans, and immigrants from the Middle East are singled out unfairly by people in this country. Shortly after the September 11 attacks, this number stood at 90%. The same poll also found that one in three Americans think Muslim-Americans are more sympathetic to terrorists than other Americans. To address these misconceptions in the years following 9/11, CRS has done a significant amount of outreach, dispute resolution, and training to mitigate unfounded backlash against Arabs, Muslims, and Sikhs. Under CRS Director Freeman, the agency produced Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings and two training videos: On Common Ground, which provides background on Sikhism and concerns about safety held by Sikhs in America; and The First Three to Five Seconds, which provides background on Muslims and information on their interactions with law enforcement. In 2009, President Obamas signed the Matthew Shepard-James Byrd Junior Hate Crimes Prevention Act. The Act explicitly gave CRS jurisdiction to respond to and prevent hate crimes. For the first time, CRS jurisdiction expanded beyond race. Specifically, CRS was now authorized to work on issues of religion, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disability in addition to race, color, and national origin. When I became CRS Director in 2012, following the continued incidents of unfounded violence and prejudice against those perceived as sharing heritage with Middle Eastern terrorists, I directed the agency to update the trainings and launched an initiative for regional offices to conduct these Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings. In the years following 9/11, controversy has continued over racial profiling of Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. Owing to the nature of the attack, one particular area of ongoing concern is access to airplane flights. Director of Transportation Mineta recalled how the racial profiling he witnessed echoed his own experience as a Japanese-American citizen: [T]here were a lot of people saying, “[We are] not [going to] let Middle Easterners or Muslims on the planes.” And I thought about my own experience [during World War II] because people [could not] make the distinction between the people who were flying the airplanes that attacked Pearl Harbor and the people who were living in Washington, Oregon, and California, who looked like the people flying the airplanes. In response to this problem, CRS trained thousands of law enforcement and Transit Security Association employees on cultural professionalism in working with Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. The work of addressing the profiling and mistreatment of Arab-Americans, Muslims, and Sikhs also spiked after the 2013 bombing of the Boston Marathon. CRS conciliators again reached out to leaders throughout the country at mosques and gurdwaras to confront safety and security issues regarding houses of worship and concerns about backlash violence based on faith, nationality, and race. Since 9/11, CRS’s work on racial profiling continues to respond to increasing conflicts and tensions both within the United States and around the globe. In the wake of the 9/11 tragedy, CRS adjusted its priorities and reallocated resources in the wake of the September 11 tragedy to address the needs of targeted communities and further intercultural understanding. CRS did so by increasing the religious awareness training provided to law enforcement and other agencies, and it committed more resources to working with Muslim and Sikh faith and advocacy organizations and people. This work was not originally envisioned when the 1964 Civil Rights Act created CRS. How- ever, this new focus reflects how the model of the African-American civil rights movement has inspired other efforts to attain equality and justice for minority groups in the United States. Just as the tragedy in Selma helped lead to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, the Oak Creek tragedy helped lead the FBI to update its hate crime categories. Former FBI Director James Comey articulated this idea best in his speech to the Anti-Defamation League, stating “do a better job of tracking and reporting hate crime to fully understand what is happening in our communities and how to stop it.” The Community Relations Service has evolved over time since its 1964 origins, and a substantial component has been the work in response to post 9/11 unfounded racial and religious violence.
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Blakemore, Scott. "Faith-based Diplomacy and Interfaith Dialogue." Brill Research Perspectives in Diplomacy and Foreign Policy 3, no. 2 (2019): 1–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056006-12340010.
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AbstractScholars are seeking to identify how to integrate faith into diplomacy constructively. Proponents of faith-based diplomacy recognise that incorporating faith into peacemaking activities assists in alleviating identity-based conflict and religiously motivated violence in the contemporary international system. A promising strategy within the scope of faith-based diplomacy is interfaith dialogue. The study and practice of interfaith dialogue have been reinvigorated since the advent of 9/11, and yet the link between interfaith dialogue and diplomacy remains underdeveloped. The cases of Indonesia and the United States show that states can effectively use interfaith dialogue to achieve policy objectives, and yet some policies are detrimental to achieving goals. Faith-based diplomacy and interfaith dialogue can be innovative diplomatic perspectives useful in addressing contemporary global issues.
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Sitkevich, Daniil. "«Parallel Society» against «Values of the Republic»: Discussing France’s New Strategy of Combatting Islamist Radicalism." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 39, no. 1 (2021): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2021-39-1-175-190.
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This article describes the new draft law on combating Islamist radicalism that has been negotiated in France over the past few months. The author compares three documents in which the parliamentary commission of the French Senate, the President, and the deputies of the National Assembly of France, respectively, presented their views on the problem. As the analysis shows, all three documents consider as a threat not only religiously motivated violence but also the very spread of radical ideology, which leads to the separation of certain Muslim communities from the rest of society and the promotion of social norms that contradict the “values of the Republic”. Both the deputies and President Macron proposed a package of measures, including increasing control over private schools and home education; strengthening the power of secret services and the prefects of departments (administrative regions); and banning foreign funding of religious organizations. The “republican values” that the bill aims to protect become mandatory for both government employees and for non‑profit organizations applying for state subsidies. The paper then discusses the heated public debate over the new legislation.
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Aliff, S. M. "Post-War Conflict in Sri Lanka: Violence against Sri Lankan Muslims and Buddhist Hegemony." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 59 (September 2015): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.59.109.
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Following the end of the thirty years old civil war in Sri Lanka, there were expectations that the post‐war period would usher in peace, development and reconciliation. The last four years have witnessed several positive developments including resettlement of people and rehabilitation of infrastructure. Nonetheless there are range of problems and policy gaps that have hindered the transition from war to sustainable peace. A key post-war challenge is that of violence against religious sites and members of religious communities. More recently, from last year, there has been an unprecedented level of violent attacks, demonstrations and hate speech targeting Sri Lanka’s Muslim population. It noted a ‘sharp uptick’ in religiously-motivated violence and said the authorities are ‘passively and sometimes actively’ condoning extremist Buddhist groups, Mainly perpetrated by Buddhist-fascist fundamentalist groups, such as the ‘Bodu Bala Sena’ or ‘Buddhist power force’ and the Hela Urmaya or Sinhala Heritage Party are the main groups behind these targeting of Muslims.The events have left the country’s second largest minority community - the Muslims feeling afraid and vulnerable which forcing a concerted campaign against them. In addition to attacks on places of religious worship there are calls to boycott Muslim shops and establishments, all of which is increasing tensions, particularly in areas where Muslims and Sinhalese live close to each other. These were virtually programmed by some prominent and influential personalities in governing circles, besides others who had a vested interest in seeing Sri Lanka imploding amid heightening ‘communal tensions.’On this context, this study focuses on the recent incident of violence against Muslims in Sri Lanka. The primary objective of this study is to examine the motive for violence against Muslims as well as impact of the violence. The fundamental questions of this research are the following: why does post-war violence and hate propaganda arise against Muslim in Sri Lanka? In which ways the violence against minorities, particularly Muslims impact on reconciliation process? And why does Buddhist nationalist hegemony arise soon after civil war in Sri Lanka? This study is based on an interpretive approach. The data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. In addition to primary sources, qualitative interviews were conducted with selected specialist on this particular research area. I conclude that after end of war against LTTE by government of Sri Lanka, religious tension has been increased in the recent past and the government’s reluctance even to take firm action against to perpetrators which would be helpful in restoring the rule of law and security of Sri Lankan minorities has been a big hurdle in the post-conflict situation and government are perceived to serve only the Buddhist side and to marginalize those holding legitimate grievances.
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Olivier, Bert. "Women and Mediation in Religious Conflicts." Phronimon 18 (October 4, 2017): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/2317.
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The present article is an investigation into the possibility, raised by the research of both Shlain and Gilligan, in different contexts, that women have a distinctive capacity to ameliorate the kind of religiously motivated violence witnessed globally in the present era. To be able to make sense of the need for such intervention by women, the present global situation is first reconstructed with reference to recent, allegedly religion-motivated, so-called “terrorist†attacks, such as those in Paris, France. These attacks are placed in an interpretive framework provided by Huntington, on the one hand, and Hardt and Negri, on the other. More specifically, Huntington’s thesis is that we live in a time when global conflict will no longer occur on the same grounds as in earlier eras (e.g. ideological grounds like those of fascism or communism versus liberal democracy), but on cultural grounds instead, where religion will be the most important such cultural component motivating conflict. Hardt and Negri answer the question concerning the renewed prominence of religious fundamentalism by showing that this does not mark a return to a premodern condition, but is rather a postmodern phenomenon where cultures such as Islam reject the emergence of the new sovereign, supranational power, which they call “Empireâ€. It is against this backdrop that Shlain and Gilligan’s arguments concerning the specific predispositions of women towards mediation and intervention in situations of religious conflict must be seen. Shlain’s argument is that, since the earliest hunter-gatherer times women have concentrated on tasks that engage right-brain capacities such as nurturing and caring, while men focused on left-brain tasks that involve objectivity, logical thinking and dispassionate decision-making. While both genders have the same capacity to perform these different tasks, the one set became conventionally associated with women and the other with men, which has resulted in a predisposition on the part of women to perform these tasks. Gilligan provides confirmation of this claim from a different angle, namely the evaluation of children’s moral development. Her analysis of the respective reasoning of a boy and a girl who had to respond to a moral dilemma, shows that, contrary to the view that the boy displayed greater moral maturity than the girl by focusing on the question of justice, the girl displayed different priorities in her reasoning, namely her concern with human relationships. This is what led Gilligan to posit an “ethic of care†which is characteristically feminine. Considering the above it is therefore argued that women clearly possess a capacity for caring, empathy and nurturing that would be invaluable in situations of religiously motivated conflict, in which they should be encouraged to mediate.
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Roswitha Badry. "The Dilemma of “Blasphemy Laws” in Pakistan – Symptomatic of Unsolved Problems in the Post-Colonial Period?" Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (2019): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.06.
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By all accounts, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan has the strictest “blasphemy laws” among countries with a majority Muslim population. The controversial amendments to the provisions of the Pakistan Penal Code on “offences relating to religion” go back to General Zia ul-Haq’s top-down policies of Islamization. Despite their flaws, doubtful legitimacy, and negative repercussions, the “blasphemy laws” have neither been reformed nor abolished under subsequent governments. This contribution will shed light on the complex political, economic, and social factors that have led to both the emergence of the laws and to the continuous escalation of the situation in terms of increased sectarian and religiously- motivated violence that the ongoing debate about the “blasphemy laws” has engendered. It may be asked, to what extent the controversy on the laws can be taken as indicative of problems with which the country was confronted since its formation, and to what extent shifts and transformations in the socio-political structure of Pakistan, the inability or unwillingness of the authorities to deal with the challenges in a systematic way, and also external factors have exacerbated these deep-rooted problems.
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Niemi, Pia-Maria, Arto Kallioniemi, and Ratna Ghosh. "Religion as a Human Right and a Security Threat—Investigating Young Adults’ Experiences of Religion in Finland." Religions 10, no. 1 (2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10010055.
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The emergence of religiously motivated terrorist attacks and the increasing xenophobia expressed in Europe concern religions in many ways. Questions related to religion also lie at the core of educational aims and practices used to create national cohesion and understanding about different types of values and worldviews. However, despite the topicality of the issue, we have little knowledge about the ways in which young adults experience religions in a secular state. In order to contribute to the discussion regarding the relationships between religion, nationality, security, and education, this study focuses on investigating how politically active young adults experience the role of religions in Finnish society. The qualitative data of this study were collected from young adults (18–30-year-olds) through an online questionnaire distributed through political youth organisations. The content analysis of the responses (altogether 250 respondents) identified five main orientations towards religions. The findings highlight the importance of providing young people with education about different faiths and worldviews for reducing prejudices, especially those related to Islam. The findings also highlight the need to address in education and society the possible but not as self-evident relationship between violence and religion, and to do this more explicitly than is currently done.
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Faiz, Fahruddin. "KEKERASAN INTELEKTUAL DALAM ISLAM (TELAAH TERHADAP PERISTIWA MIHNAH MU’TAZILAH)." ESENSIA: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin 13, no. 1 (2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/esensia.v13i1.719.
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Religious violence is a term that covers phenomena where religion, in its diversity, is either the subject or object of violent behaviour. Religious violence is, specifically, violence that is motivated by or in reaction to religious precepts, texts, or doctrines. Islam has been associated with violence in a variety of contexts, including Jihads (holy wars), violent acts by Muslims against perceived enemies of Islam, violence against women ostensibly supported by Islam's tenets, references to violence in the Qur'an, and acts of terrorism motivated and/or justified by Islam. Muslims, including clerics and leaders have used Islamic ideas, concepts, texts, and themes to justify violence. One among popular religious violence in Islamic History is mihnah (inquisition). To socialize Mu’tazilah teaching, Al-Ma’mun and his successors managed Mihnah or inquisition, that is the dispersion of this belief and teachings forcefully and even violently. As the ruler, Al Ma’mun thought that it was his duty to maintain the purity of the religion and the truth enforcement in the state community. As described in this article, Mihna is a kind of intellectual violence conducted by Mu’tazilah and Al-Ma’mun as a kind of coalition between religion and politics.
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Tuhri, Mufdil. "Religious Violence Through Lens of Cavanaugh’s Theory: The Case of Burning Vihara in Tanjungbalai." Intizar 26, no. 1 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/intizar.v26i1.5787.
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The incident of burning houses of Buddhist worship and destruction of ethnic Chinese dwellings in Tanjungbalai occurred on 29-30 July 2016. Local communities, regional leaders, security forces and some religious leaders considered this incident to be motivated by religious issues and ignored several other factors such as ethnicity, social political economy and so on, while many observers-academic, researchers, policy-makers, journalists, NGO workers, political commentatirs, among others- argues that religious violence analysis really motivated by material-based political interests, socio-economic reason, and others factor of secular ones and dismissed the religious framing of the violence. This research is based on Cavanaugh's theory that there is no purely religious or other ideological factor that is seen as dominant for the occurrence of violence. This article argues that religion plays a role in conflict dynamics in Tanjungbalai as an instrumental reason, but at the same time, attacks on Buddhist temples in Tanjungbalai are complex issues that do not purport to reveal the true state of affairs. What is apparent in riot in Tanjungbalai is competition from religion and secular factor including competition over public space, socioeconomic status, religious zoning are suggested as reasons why violent tension may exist in Tanjungbalai.
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Ahmed, Shakeel, Imran A. Sajid, and Syed Irfan Ashraf. "Role of Religious Leaders in Mobilizing Communities to Counter Violent Extremism." Review of Human Rights 7, no. 1 (2021): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v7i1.174.
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Swat and Dir valleys in Pakistan have seen the brunt of post 9/11 violent extremism in the recent past. Because this extremism was generated and exploited by a few religiously motivated violent organizations, a popular perception emerged that all religious leaders of the society were involved in terrorism. Therefore, this research focuses on the role played by those religious leaders who involved themselves in mobilizing local communities against violent extremism. Employing a mixed-method research approach and sequential analysis strategy our data shows that most of the common local religious leaders played positive role in building community resilience to countering violent extremism during the early phase of the War on Terrorism in these two valleys.
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Meinema, Erik. "‘Idle minds’ and ‘empty stomachs’: youth, violence and religious diversity in coastal Kenya." Africa 90, no. 5 (2020): 890–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000637.
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AbstractThis article analyses how concerns about youth and violence intersect with the politics of managing religious coexistence in the coastal Kenyan town of Malindi. During extensive ethnographic research, I noticed that Muslim, Christian and ‘Traditionalist’ leaders, politicians and NGO officials often fear that the ‘idleness’ of young people leaves them susceptible to various immoralities, including political violence and ‘violent extremism’, that threaten peaceful ethnic and religious coexistence. The article explores how these concerns motivate leaders’ attempts to incorporate youth in development and peace projects, and how youth respond to these interventions. These projects are funded by Western donors, who often see ‘radical’ religiosity, especially among Muslim youth, as a security threat. Yet, leaders in Malindi accommodate donor policies to the (coastal) Kenyan context, and tend to understand immoralities and violence as resulting from a lack of religiosity among youth. The article argues that perceptions of ‘idle youth’ as potentially violent threats to peaceful religious coexistence and morality allow leaders to develop a ‘moral religiosity’ that is shared across religious divides. However, the ways in which youth strategically resist or comply with interventions to pacify them demonstrate that they do not necessarily agree with dominant moral and political constellations.
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Ezigbo, Victor I. "Violent Christians, the Nigerian Public Square, and the Utility of Jesus’ Forgiveness Sayings for Tackling Religious Violence." International Journal of Public Theology 12, no. 2 (2018): 236–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341537.
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Abstract This article explores the questions: Is Jesus’ teaching on forgiveness compatible with Nigerian Christians’ strategies of preemptive violence or counter-violent responses in light of harms done to them by people of other faiths? Are there some Christological reasons that might motivate Nigerian Christians to refrain from using violence as the only effective means available to them to protect Christian communities against attacks from people of other faiths? To answer these questions, I will focus on three main issues. Firstly, I will discuss the theological rhetoric of some pastors that are shaping Christian discourse on Christian-Muslim and Christian-traditional religion relations. Secondly, I will discuss the idea of ‘disciple’ and ‘non-disciple’ dialectics in Jesus’ thought vis-à-vis how his followers are to live in relation to his non-followers. Finally, I will also discuss Jesus’ teaching on forgiveness, highlighting some of its theological implications for tackling religious violence that are rooted in some Nigerian Christians’ anxieties about other religious faiths.
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Gregg, Heather S. "Religious Resources and Terrorism." Numen 65, no. 2-3 (2018): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341494.
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Abstract This article draws upon resource mobilization theory (rmt) to propose five ways in which religious resources can contribute to groups that use violence to challenge the social or political status quo: by shaping the group’s ideology; through religious authority; as a code of conduct that binds members of the group together; by providing social and material resources; and as a form of identity. In these cases, religion is one of several key factors that motivates groups that use violence, including terrorism. Considering different ways in which religion can contribute to terrorism, as opposed to an all-or-nothing debate, allows for a more nuanced discussion of religion’s roles in perpetrating violence and possible paths to mitigating its influence.
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Acevedo, Gabriel A., and Ali R. Chaudhary. "Religion, Cultural Clash, and Muslim American Attitudes About Politically Motivated Violence." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 54, no. 2 (2015): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12185.
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Feinberg, Ayal K. "Homeland Violence and Diaspora Insecurity: An Analysis of Israel and American Jewry." Politics and Religion 13, no. 1 (2019): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048319000099.
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AbstractJews and Jewish institutions have suffered the majority of reported religion-motivated hate crimes in the United States for nearly two decades. According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), in 2014 the 609 reported anti-Semitic incidents made up 59% of all religious bias hate crimes alone. Rates of reported anti-Semitic hate crimes vary considerably over the course of a year. Yet, little scholarly attention has been given to what factors cause reported anti-Semitic hate crimes to fluctuate so substantially in the United States. This paper hypothesizes that violent Israeli military engagements are critical in explaining weekly surges of reported anti-Semitic hate crimes. Utilizing FBI hate crime data from 2001 to 2014 and fixed effects negative binomial regression models, consistent findings underscore that violent Israeli military engagements significantly increase the likelihood of a state reporting anti-Semitic hate crime. Most dramatically, their occurrence increases the likelihood of reported hate crime intimidating individuals or characterized as violent by nearly 35%. This paper underscores that homeland perpetrated violence can directly impact the security of diaspora communities.
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Pedersen, Willy, Viggo Vestel, and Anders Bakken. "At risk for radicalization and jihadism? A population-based study of Norwegian adolescents." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 1 (2017): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717716721.
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Little is known about attitudes among ordinary adolescents in favour of the use of political violence and radicalization. We draw on a survey from a population sample of adolescents ( n = 8627) in the Norwegian capital, Oslo. We first compared adolescents with Muslim, Christian and no religious affiliation with regard to attitudes in favour of the use of violence for political purposes and support of those who go to Syria to take part in active combat. Muslim youth reported higher levels of support for the use of violence to obtain societal change than did other adolescents. The same pattern was revealed with regard to support for the fighters in Syria. After control for other variables, Muslim affiliation had no impact on attitudes in favour of politically motivated violence, though it remained significant for support for the fighters in Syria. However, here as well we found associations with poor school grades, conduct problems and exposure to violence, possibly indicating an emerging adolescent ‘outsider’ position. Political activity on social media also played a role. Such attitudes rarely develop into politically motivated violence and jihadism. However, for a small minority, they may represent the first step in that direction.
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Holt, Thomas J., Joshua D. Freilich, and Steven M. Chermak. "Exploring the Subculture of Ideologically Motivated Cyber-Attackers." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 33, no. 3 (2017): 212–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986217699100.
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Research on physical, that is, violent, terror attacks and extremism has increased dramatically over the last decade. The growth of the Internet and computer technology has also led to concern over the use of cyberattacks by ideologically motivated offenders to cause harm and further their political and social agendas. There is, however, a lack of empirical research on cyber-attackers limiting our knowledge of the factors that affect their behavior. This study addresses this empirical gap through a qualitative analysis of 10 interviews conducted with ideologically motivated Turkish computer hackers. The findings demonstrated that Turkish hackers motivated by an ideological agenda reflected the larger values of the hacker subculture, though the targets for their attacks were shaped directly by religious or political beliefs. We conclude by discussing in depth our findings and implications for counterterror and cybersecurity policy and practice.
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Hamilton, Neal F., and Alan M. Rubin. "The Influence of Religiosity on Television Viewing." Journalism Quarterly 69, no. 3 (1992): 667–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909206900315.
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As a social-psychological attribute affecting attitudes and behavior, religiosity should influence television use. We expected religious conservatives and non-conservatives to differ in viewing motives, watching programs containing sex and violence, and TV attitudes. We administered questionnaires to 346 religious conservatives, moderates and liberals. Analyses of covariance and partial correlations suggested that, as compared with non-conservatives, conservatives were less motivated to watch television because of sexual appeal of characters, watched fewer programs with sexual content and felt television was less important in their lives.
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Bowman Grieve, Lorraine, Marek Palasinski, and Neil Shortland. "Psychology perspectives on community vengeance as a terrorist motivator: a review." Safer Communities 18, no. 3/4 (2019): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sc-08-2018-0023.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the concept of vengeance as a terrorist motivator.Design/methodology/approachThe paper takes a community psychological perspective to examine vengeance in a number of forms. First covering “blood vengeance”, it then examines vigilantism and death squads as functional examples of vengeful entities, as well as the morality of vengeance and the impact of propaganda on vengeance as a terrorist motivator. Finally, both group processes and individual factors relating to the promotion and use of vengeance in terrorism are covered.FindingsVengeance can be conceptualised in a number of ways: as a predisposing factor to individual involvement, a factor that contributes to keeping the movement “bound” together (but which can also negatively affect the group’s strategic logic), a factor in the escalation of violent activity through vigilantism, retribution and retaliation which can result in a perpetuation of a cycle of violence, and as a moral mandate that is ideologically rationalised and justified, with perceptions of righteousness and obligation inherent to it.Research limitations/implicationsThe presented research is limited by the scarcely available data.Practical implicationsEfforts should be made to defuse vengeful motivations by tapping into collective identities of communities and incorporating multicultural values.Social implicationsPolicy makers should be wary of scoring populist scores by ridiculing out-group/religious elements as that creates potential for vengeful terror attacks.Originality/valueThe paper offers insights by renewing the neglected perspective of vengeance in terrorism research.
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Ginges, Jeremy, Hammad Sheikh, Scott Atran, and Nichole Argo. "Thinking from God’s perspective decreases biased valuation of the life of a nonbeliever." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 2 (2015): 316–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1512120113.
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Religious belief is often thought to motivate violence because it is said to promote norms that encourage tribalism and the devaluing of the lives of nonbelievers. If true, this should be visible in the multigenerational violent conflict between Palestinians and Israelis which is marked by a religious divide. We conducted experiments with a representative sample of Muslim Palestinian youth (n = 555), examining whether thinking from the perspective of Allah (God), who is the ultimate arbitrator of religious belief, changes the relative value of Jewish Israelis’ lives (compared with Palestinian lives). Participants were presented with variants of the classic “trolley dilemma,” in the form of stories where a man can be killed to save the lives of five children who were either Jewish Israeli or Palestinian. They responded from their own perspective and from the perspective of Allah. We find that whereas a large proportion of participants were more likely to endorse saving Palestinian children than saving Jewish Israeli children, this proportion decreased when thinking from the perspective of Allah. This finding raises the possibility that beliefs about God can mitigate bias against other groups and reduce barriers to peace.
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Shaaba, Muhammad Mann. "Absolutism in Religion and Global Peace: Boko-Haram Factor in Nigeria and Its Educational Imperatives." World Journal of Education 7, no. 2 (2017): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wje.v7n2p11.
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Nigeria, hitherto regarded as a relatively peaceful country at least in terms of terrorism, became a globally notablecountry with high incidence of religious violence and outright terrorism. This paper discussed Boko-haram as theNigerian terrorist group that started from a small local group in Borno State of the country and grew into aninternational terrorist body that was found to be among the deadliest in the world. The group’s exclusively claim toabsolute truth about Islam made it to strongly believe in its ideas. It also motivated the members to sacrifice theirlives for violent propagation of Islam and hatred for western education. In order to prevent future terrorism,education was not only seen as imperative, but as the most enduring solution. Such education, according to the papershould involve classroom teaching that is organized on the basis of Harmony Education which emphasize theprinciples of understanding and appreciating whatever is presented to a learner before accepting or rejecting itrationally in a way that tolerates people with different views.
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Purwanto, Edi. "Peran Ekonomi, Politik, dan Sosial dalam Kekerasan atas Nama Agama." DUNAMIS: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Kristiani 4, no. 1 (2019): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30648/dun.v4i1.204.
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Abstract. This article with written with the aim to study the debate about the relationship between religion and violence, and to answer the following questions: Was religion the cause of violence or wars in the name of religion? Was religion responsible on various violence through giving legitimacy and facilitating violence? What were the economic, social and political motives, which were actually behind of violence in the name of religion? This study was conducted through a literature review by synthesized several different views from a number of experts in matters of religious relations and violence. The result was a conceptual framework that violence in the name of religion was motivated by motives of powerful groups to maintain power with violence, motives of oppressed groups to gain freedom by violence, motives of politicians gain political gain by the occurrence of violence, and the motives of religious leaders to gain political advantage by legitimizing violence.Abstrak. Artikel ini ditulis dengan tujuan untuk mengkaji perdebatan tentang hubungan agama dan kekerasan, serta untuk menjawab beberapa pertanyaan berikut ini: Apakah agama adalah penyebab tindakan kekerasan atau perang atas nama agama? Apakah agama bertanggung jawab atas berbagai tindakan kekerasan melalui pemberian legitimasi dan memfasilitasi terjadinya kekerasan? Apakah motif-motif ekonomi, sosial dan politik, yang sesungguhnya berada di balik berbagai tindakan kekerasan yang mengatas-namakan agama? Kajian ini dilakukan melalui tinjauan pustaka dengan mensintesakan beberapa pandangan yang berbeda dari sejumlah ahli dalam hal hubungan agama dan kekerasan. Hasilnya berupa pemikiran konseptual bahwa kekerasan atas nama agama dilatarbelakangi oleh motif kelompok berkuasa untuk mempertahankan kekuasan dengan kekerasan, motif kelompok tertindas untuk memperoleh kebebasan/kemerdekaan dengan jalan kekerasan, motif politisi mendulang keuntungan politis dengan melakukan pembiaran terjadinya kekerasan, dan motif pemimpin agama mendulang keuntungan politis dengan memberikan legitimasi kekerasan.
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Hartman, Alexandra C., and Benjamin S. Morse. "Violence, Empathy and Altruism: Evidence from the Ivorian Refugee Crisis in Liberia." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (2018): 731–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000655.
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In regions plagued by reoccurring periods of war, violence and displacement, how does past exposure to violence affect altruism toward members of different ethnic or religious groups? Drawing on theories of empathy-driven altruism in psychology, this article proposes that violence can increase individuals’ capacity to empathize with others, and that empathy born of violence can in turn motivate helping behavior across group boundaries. This hypothesis is tested using data on the hosting behavior of roughly 1,500 Liberians during the 2010–11 Ivorian refugee crisis in eastern Liberia, a region with a long history of cross-border, inter-ethnic violence. Consistent with its theoretical predictions, the study finds that those who experienced violence during the Liberian civil war host greater numbers of refugees, exhibit stronger preferences for distressed refugees and less bias against outgroup refugees, and host a higher proportion of non-coethnic, non-coreligious and distressed refugees. These findings suggest that violence does not necessarily lead to greater antagonism toward outgroups, as is often assumed, and that in some circumstances it can actually promote inter-group co-operation.
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Gregg, Heather S. "Understanding the “Trinamic”." Journal of Religion and Violence 7, no. 1 (2019): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv201941762.
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Violent non-state actors are of particular security concern today and will continue to be for the foreseeable future. This article uses a net assessment approach to analyze the threat posed by religiously motivated, violent non-state actors and how governments can better understand these threats, their popular support, and how to minimize their effects. It proposes that the goal of governments should be to “win” critical populations away from non-state actors that require their support to survive. Using ISIS as an example, the article demonstrates that a purely enemy-centric approach to countering violent non-state actors that use religion is likely to alienate critical populations whose support is necessary to defeating these threats.
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Celis, Leila. "The Legacy of Liberation Theology in Colombia." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 3 (2016): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16639270.
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Liberation theology was very important in Latin America between 1970 and 1980. While it is less significant today, it has not disappeared. If we look at Colombia, we can see the pastoral and political commitment of the religious and the laity in various regions as they accompany marginalized communities, victims of government and parastatal violence, in conformity with their preferential option for the poor. Motivated by the crucified Christ, the heirs of liberation theology have developed a theology of life or of human rights. As human rights advocates, they identify among the causes of violence the policies of capitalist development, denounced as imperialist and responsible for the poverty of the majority of the population. This development has its origin in the parallel dynamics of social and international relations and the associated adaptation of the social movement.La teología de la liberación tuvo mucha importancia en América Latina entre los años 1970 y 1980. Bien que hoy ella sea menos relevante, no ha desaparecido. Si tomamos el caso de Colombia podemos ver el compromiso pastoral y político de laicos y religiosos presentes en diferentes regiones del país, quienes consecuentes ante su opción preferencial por los pobres están acompañando comunidades marginalizadas, víctimas de la violencia estatal y paraestatal. Inspirados en Jesús crucificado, los herederos de la teología de la liberación han hilado una teología de los derechos humanos o de la vida. Como defensores de derechos humanos, ellos identifican dentro de las causas de la violencia las políticas de desarrollo capitalista, denunciadas como imperialistas y como responsables de la miseria de las grandes mayorías. Esta trasformación se origina en la dinámica paralela de las relaciones sociales e internacionales y la adaptación consecuente del movimiento social.
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Putra, Idhamsyah Eka, Wolfgang Wagner, Peter Holtz, and Any Rufaedah. "Accounting for a riot: Religious identity, denying one's prejudice, and the tool of blasphemy." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 9, no. 1 (2021): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.5565.
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This paper presents an analysis of interviews of participants in a political manifestation in Indonesia about the reasons for the rally and the resulting riot. The rally was held in the middle of the Jakarta gubernatorial election, against a non-Muslim incumbent who was accused of having insulted the Quran. We argue that there is a deep relationship between social identities and religion, which has implications for societal togetherness and political freedom. Using a snowball technique, we interviewed 16 Muslims who had participated in this rally. The findings suggest that 1) even though the rally was held in the middle of an election, the demonstrators denied that the rally was politically motivated; 2) Those demonstrators who thought that intruders had infiltrated the rally, maintained that the intruders are to be held responsible for any violence, but not the ‘actual’ participants. 3) Interviewees claimed that their actions were not motivated by anti-Chinese prejudice, although traces of racist thinking can be found in their statements. The findings are discussed before the background of social representations, social identity, theories of collective action, and the black sheep effect.
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May, Anthony. "An ‘Anti-Sectarian’ Act? Examining the Importance of National Identity to the ‘Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) Act’." Sociological Research Online 20, no. 2 (2015): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3649.
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The 2010-11 football season in Scotland was affected by many incidents of violence and threatening behaviour. Fans of the two Glasgow clubs, Celtic and Rangers, were involved in the majority of these incidents. Players and officials of Celtic were targeted by Loyalist terrorists and sent bullets through the post. The Scottish government felt that many of the incidents were motivated by religious, ethnic, and national hatred, and introduced an Act of Parliament in order to tackle the problems that had arisen. The ‘Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) Act’ came into law on 1 March 2012, representing a governmental judgement that Scottish football is negatively affected by inter-communal tension. The Act criminalises violent incidents and threatening behaviour related to the expression of religious hatred towards football fans, players, and officials. It also explicitly targets expressions of hatred on ethnic and national grounds. This is significant because in the contemporary era, much of what is termed ‘sectarianism’ in Scotland is directly related to national identity, particularly British and Irish identities. The modern iconography of Celtic and Rangers has comparatively little to do with religion, and relates to differing visions of Scotland, the United Kingdom, and the island of Ireland. Incidents that are termed ‘sectarian’ are often best examined through the prism of nationalism, for in contemporary Scotland it is national identity that is most significant to those who perpetrate the actions that the Act seeks to tackle.
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Whitsel, Brad. "The Turner Diaries and Cosmotheism: William Pierce's Theology." Nova Religio 1, no. 2 (1998): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.1998.1.2.183.
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ABSTRACT: The 19 April 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City brought media attention to bear on a violent, futuristic novel that had been widely circulated in the radical right political subculture for nearly two decades prior to the disaster. Although the media would not explore the connection between William Pierce's novel, The Turner Diaries, and the bombing until weeks after it occurred, the book had incited violence before and was used earlier as a blueprint for launching a revolution against the federal government. In recent days, The Turner Diaries has received growing attention as a racist, anti-government tract. However, what remains unexplored about the book is its millenarian message and the apocalyptic theology that motivates its reclusive author. Pierce, who is the director of National Alliance, a neo-Nazi group headquartered in West Virginia, embraces a worldview shaped by a philosophy he refers to as ““Cosmotheism.”” This syncretic belief combines scientific evolutionary theory with racial mysticism in its construction of reality. Cosmotheism, like all millennial beliefs of a catastrophic nature, mandates the destruction of the present order of earthly existence before a new era of redemption and bliss for the community of the chosen can unfold.
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Liebmann, Louise Lund. "Interfaith Dialogue in Christian Norway: Enactment of Inclusive Religiosity as Civilized Behavior." Journal of Religion in Europe 10, no. 3 (2017): 301–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-01003003.
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Despite sparse scholarly attention from non-activists, Scandinavian interfaith fora are gaining momentum as a response to societal transformations of increased migration, world conflicts, and politically motivated violence. Combining theories of interaction, ritual performance, and civilizing processes, the article conducts a case study of public interfaith meetings held by a local interfaith forum in Kristiansand in Norway. Analyzing the meetings as organized cultural encounters, the study explores the transformative aspects of the events and it points to how the enactment of civilized forms of cross-cultural religiosity created within and by these public interfaith meetings is interlinked with formations of citizenship.
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Clark, Kelly James. "Imaginings." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 9, no. 3 (2017): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v9i3.1993.
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In Branden Thornhill-Miller and Peter Millican’s challenging and provocative essay, we hear a considerably longer, more scholarly and less melodic rendition of John Lennon’s catchy tune—without religion, or at least without first-order supernaturalisms (the kinds of religion we find in the world), there’d be significantly less intra-group violence. First-order supernaturalist beliefs, as defined by Thornhill-Miller and Peter Millican (hereafter M&M), are “beliefs that claim unique authority for some particular religious tradition in preference to all others” (3). According to M&M, first-order supernaturalist beliefs are exclusivist, dogmatic, empirically unsupported, and irrational. Moreover, again according to M&M, we have perfectly natural explanations of the causes that underlie such beliefs (they seem to conceive of such natural explanations as debunking explanations). They then make a case for second-order supernaturalism, “which maintains that the universe in general, and the religious sensitivities of humanity in particular, have been formed by supernatural powers working through natural processes” (3). Second-order supernaturalism is a kind of theism, more closely akin to deism than, say, Christianity or Buddhism. It is, as such, universal (according to contemporary psychology of religion), empirically supported (according to philosophy in the form of the Fine-Tuning Argument), and beneficial (and so justified pragmatically). With respect to its pragmatic value, second-order supernaturalism, according to M&M, gets the good(s) of religion (cooperation, trust, etc) without its bad(s) (conflict and violence). Second-order supernaturalism is thus rational (and possibly true) and inconducive to violence. In this paper, I will examine just one small but important part of M&M’s argument: the claim that (first-order) religion is a primary motivator of violence and that its elimination would eliminate or curtail a great deal of violence in the world. Imagine, they say, no religion, too.Janusz Salamon offers a friendly extension or clarification of M&M’s second-order theism, one that I think, with emendations, has promise. He argues that the core of first-order religions, the belief that Ultimate Reality is the Ultimate Good (agatheism), is rational (agreeing that their particular claims are not) and, if widely conceded and endorsed by adherents of first-order religions, would reduce conflict in the world.While I favor the virtue of intellectual humility endorsed in both papers, I will argue contra M&M that (a) belief in first-order religion is not a primary motivator of conflict and violence (and so eliminating first-order religion won’t reduce violence). Second, partly contra Salamon, who I think is half right (but not half wrong), I will argue that (b) the religious resources for compassion can and should come from within both the particular (often exclusivist) and the universal (agatheistic) aspects of religious beliefs. Finally, I will argue that (c) both are guilty, as I am, of the philosopher’s obsession with belief.
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Boaz, Danielle N. "“Spiritual Warfare” or “Crimes against Humanity”? Evangelized Drug Traffickers and Violence against Afro-Brazilian Religions in Rio de Janeiro." Religions 11, no. 12 (2020): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11120640.
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Since at least 2005, drug traffickers in the cities and favelas of the state of Rio de Janeiro have been carrying out systematic and violent assaults on Afro-Brazilian religious communities. Motivated by their conversion to sects of Evangelical Christianity that regard Afro-Brazilian religions as devil worship, the traffickers have forcibly expelled devotees of these faiths from their homes and temples, destroyed shrines and places of worship, and threatened to kill priests if they continue to practice their religion. Scholars have often described this religious landscape as a “conflict” and a “spiritual war.” However, I argue that Evangelized drug traffickers and Afro-Brazilian religions are not engaged in a two-sided struggle; rather, the former is unilaterally committing gross violations of the latter’s human rights, which contravene international norms prohibiting crimes against humanity and genocide.
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Sochaczewski, Janina. "The Church as “Good Enough” Parent: The Psychodynamics of the Polish Solidarity Movement." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 47, no. 4 (2017): 522–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429817729989.
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This article explores the role of the Roman Catholic Church in the Polish Solidarity movement ( Solidarność) in the early 1980s. While Solidarity has primarily been examined as a politically and economically motivated movement, a study of its religious dimensions lends insight into the psychosocial factors underlying the quest for a return to Poland’s “true identity.” This study employs the theoretical concepts of Donald Winnicott in order to demonstrate how figures and symbols of religious authority may play the role of the “good enough” parent at the collective level, and how religious institutions may provide a “holding environment” that allows for the de-atomization of society, permitting community members to co-create and explore non-violent alternatives of resistance.
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Mahmud, Md Tareq. "A Conflict Profile On The Rohingya Conflict in Myanmar." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 14 (August 30, 2019): 3313–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v14i0.8407.
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‘Rohingya’- world’s most persecuted minority group came to the attention of the international media again in the mid of 2017 due to the brutality they were experiencing in their homeland by the state authority of Myanmar. Now they are being labeled as the ‘perpetual other’ of Myanmar and as the ‘Bengali intruders’ by the society regardless of being the inhabitants in the Rakhine state for centuries (The Diplomat 2017). As a result of this Bangladesh experienced the largest surge of displaced people into its border after its independence. They are ‘culturally discriminated, economically exploited and politically sidelined’ and are being discerned by the Arakan people as a threat to their national identity and an additional competitor for the natural resources (Wolf 2015). It is widely believed that the reason of the violent crackdown of the military against the ‘Rohingya’ community in the Arakan state is either religiously or ethnically motivated. But this is only a splinter part of the entire truth. These violent atrocities against the Rohingya community is more politically and economically motivated than religiously and ethnically. This paper will focus on the causes of the present crisis which started to unveil since 2017 and how these are linked with the interest of the different stakeholders like: the Military junta of Myanmar, Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), ASEAN, Bangladesh, Indian government, China, the UN, etc. To understand the causes and the effects of the conflict this paper will use the tool of ‘conflict tree’ and the ‘conflict onion’ will be used as a tool to understand the positions, needs and interests of different actors.
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Muhajarah, Kurnia. "AKIBAT HUKUM PERCERAIAN BAGI ANAK DAN ISTRI YANG DISEBABKAN OLEH KEKERASAN DALAM RUMAH TANGGA: Studi Kasus di Pengadilan Tinggi Agama Semarang." Sawwa: Jurnal Studi Gender 12, no. 3 (2018): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/sa.v12i3.2092.
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<p class="IIABSTRAK333">This research is motivated by a thought that domestic violence is every act against a person, especially a woman, resulting in physical, sexual, psychological, and / or neglect of the suffering or suffering of the household. Seeing the fact, should not be much more domestic violence, but the reality of proving domestic violence is increasing. The purpose of the study: first, to know and analyze the violence in the household that the reason for the occurrence of divorce. Second, to know and analyze the authority of the Religious Courts in handling divorce cases caused by domestic violence. Thirdly, to know and analyze the legal consequences of the decision of the Religious Courts in divorce cases caused by domestic violence. Researchers use normative juridical approach method. The research specification used qualitative analytical descriptive research. Sources of data in this study are some judges of the Religious Courts. As the primary data are Law Number 1 Year 1974 About Marriage, KHI and interview guidelines in a structured manner. Against secondary data, the data collection method is done by library research. The results show that domestic violence is the reason for divorce. The reasons for divorce caused by cruelty or severe maltreatment have been set forth in the following provisions: a) provided for in Article 39 paragraph (2) of the explanation of Law Number 1 Year 1974 concerning Marriage; b) is regulated in Article 19 point (d) of Government Regulation Number 9 Year 1975 concerning the implementation of Law Number 1 Year 1974 concerning Marriage; c) is regulated in Article 116 point (d) KHI (Compilation of Islamic Law). These reasons are included in the category of domestic violence. In other words, domestic violence is part of cruelty or severe abuse. The authority of the Religious Courts to handle divorce cases caused by domestic violence has been regulated in the Compilation of Islamic Law (KHI). The legal consequences of the decision of the Religious Courts in divorce cases caused by domestic violence are stipulated in Article 156 of KHI.</p><p class="IIABSTRAK333">_________________________________________________________</p>Penelitian ini didorong oleh pemikiran bahwa kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah setiap tindakan terhadap seseorang, terutama wanita, yang mengakibatkan fisik, seksual, psikologis, dan/atau pengabaian penderitaan atau penderitaan rumah tangga. Melihat kenyataan, seharusnya tidak lebih banyak kekerasan dalam rumah tangga, namun kenyataan membuktikan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga semakin meningkat. Tujuan penelitian ini: pertama, untuk mengetahui dan menganalisa kekerasan di rumah tangga yang menjadi alasan terjadinya perceraian. Kedua, untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis kewenangan Pengadilan Agama dalam menangani kasus perceraian akibat kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Ketiga, untuk mengetahui dan menganalisa konsekuensi hukum dari keputusan Pengadilan Agama dalam kasus perceraian yang disebabkan oleh kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Penelitian menggunakan metode pendekatan yuridis normatif. Spesifikasi penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif analitik kualitatif. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah beberapa hakim Pengadilan Agama. Sebagai data utama adalah Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan, KHI dan pedoman wawancara secara terstruktur. Terhadap data sekunder, metode pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan penelitian kepustakaan. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah alasan perceraian. Alasan perceraian yang disebabkan oleh kekejaman atau penganiayaan berat telah diatur dalam ketentuan berikut: a) yang diatur dalam Pasal 39 ayat (2) penjelasan Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan; b) diatur dalam Pasal 19 huruf (d) Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 9 Tahun 1975 tentang Pelaksanaan Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang Perkawinan; c) diatur dalam Pasal 116 huruf d (d) KHI (Kompilasi Hukum Islam). Alasan ini termasuk dalam kategori kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Dengan kata lain, kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah bagian dari kekejaman atau penganiayaan berat. Kewenangan Pengadilan Agama untuk menangani kasus perceraian akibat kekerasan dalam rumah tangga telah diatur dalam Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI). Konsekuensi hukum dari keputusan Pengadilan Agama dalam kasus perceraian yang disebabkan oleh kekerasan dalam rumah tangga diatur dalam Pasal 156 KHI.
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Aslam, Tehmina, Syed Mubashar Ali Shah Rizvi, and Muhammad Asad Aslam. "Counter-Terrorism: Push and Pull Factors Impacting Male Youth Involved in Violent Extremism in Punjab, Pakistan." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 1 (2020): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.1.26.
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The study examines contribution of societal dogmas and extremist religious ideologies pushing the youth to religious extremism. It asses contribution of people’s persuasion and the state’s coercive measures ranging from law enforcement to physical actions to pull the youth return to peace. The study is qualitative for which interviews are conducted with former militants, their relatives, and friends in Sargodha and Jhang, Pakistan. Four main findings are: First, societal dogmas to devote one’s life for a religious cause motivated the youth to resort to extremism. Second, extremist religious ideologies centred upon jihadism to sacrifice one’s life for a religious cause pushed the youth to terrorism. Third, people’s persuasion especially persuasion by families acted as a major pull factor to bringing the youth back to normal life. Fourth, the state’s coercive hand in enforcement of law and order, security operations, jails and other police actions dissuaded the youth to tread further the path of terrorism. Nonetheless, the pull factors such as societal dogmas and religious ideologies played their role in motivating the youth to terrorism. The pull factors such as people’s persuasion and the state’s coercion outclassed them to assert peace thus preventing them from falling into the abyss of terrorism.